An execution preempted: A lethal Otsu incident, Russian empire centered TL

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One interesting consequence of this will be that Britain will be scrambling to reestablish its influence at the Qing court- they were shocked OTL at China's reorientation away from London after the Triple Intervention, but it wasn't a huge strategic issue due to the new possibilities offered by Japan.
Here, with Japan weakened and the Qing still on their feet (barely)?
They're going to be doing whatever it takes to try and get China banking through the City of London again.
 
I would say the fortress had probably been modernized but there don't seem to be any signs of new construction and what construction I could see frankly looks rather obsolescent.

Who are the people posing in the end and what or who are they supposed to represent? Is it a manger re-enactment scene?

That seems to be a theatrical visualisation of the message of the video:
Russia (as woman) triumphed over her opponents (Turkish PoWs with banners on the floor) and liberates Armenia and other nations in the future (the Armenian children) from Turkish and other enemies' yoke.
The Imperial Russian propaganda in the Armenian War would be very similar if such camera equipment were available.

One interesting consequence of this will be that Britain will be scrambling to reestablish its influence at the Qing court- they were shocked OTL at China's reorientation away from London after the Triple Intervention, but it wasn't a huge strategic issue due to the new possibilities offered by Japan.
Here, with Japan weakened and the Qing still on their feet (barely)?
They're going to be doing whatever it takes to try and get China banking through the City of London again.

On the one hand, this gives Qing Empire more leverage.
On the other hand, it could split China once again apart.
 

yboxman

Banned
#28 Zemlya

Bereslavka, Kherson Guberniya, February 18th 1895

Olek’s body moved slowly, with the deliberation of a man knowing that little food beyond chor-nee klebphand perhaps some shchi and potato soup would be available to refuel his body at the end of the day’s labor. Calculating the energy input required to chopping wood for the new stove and comparing it to the energy saved by increasing the temperature within the family’s Izba beyond the shivering level was, of course, beyond the ken of the near illiterate Musik. But generations of accumulated wisdom led him to force his two sons out of the semi-hibernation which so many peasants entered into in winter and lead them in a dawn march them towards the woods still owned by Adam Rodwizi, the noble whose father once held his family in bondage.

“We should have done this in the fall,” complained Flame haired, fiercely freckled Mykhailo, the eldest son of his first wife, his teeth chattering. Olek casually and playfully cuffs him.

The lad was smart and had spent much of the winter puzzling out letters he had brought back from the parish school, instead of shivering cuddling into the communal huddle in the corner of the family Izba. Too smart for his own good perhaps- he was forever questioning his father’s wisdom. However, Olek was not displeased. He had worked hard to improve the lot of his family and to give them more opportunities than he himself has had. He was not sure what use letters would be for a Musik still bound to his Mir and to the payment of the redemption fees but dimly suspected that some advantage could be found in his son’s literacy. But there was other, more immediately useful wisdom, to be learned outside the pages of the priest’s books.

“In October Adam’s watchmen and his dogs would be out- and we would need to pay for the privilege of chopping our own wood. However, they are not fools enough to be freezing their dicks off now, are they? Besides, we would not have had the time to put in the potato crop on the land we rented if we had spent the time chopping wood. Next year maybe we can pay another family to chop the wood for us and rent even more land.”
Dark haired Ivan, Marina’s younger and quieter son, raised his voice timidly.

“Won’t the Rodwizi’s be angry if we are caught chopping their wood?”

Olek frowns, clucking Ivan’s chins and looking into his dark mournful eyes.

“It’s not their wood. Until your grandfather's time these woods and the pastures as well, belonged to all of us. However, yes, they will be angry… which is why we will not be caught, will we? No more chatter- and if you hear dogs run into the creek and flee until you can climb a tree. We can always come back and collect the wood later.”

His sons are silent and they rapidly lean into the work of collecting as much wood as they can before the morning’s sun warms the frozen earth sufficiently to bring out Adam’s foresters.

Olek strives to banish doubts regarding the risks he is undertaking and leans into the task. Ivan’s questions disquiet him sufficiently to signal an end to the illicit wood gathering after no more than two hours of labor. No forester stops them on the way back to the family Izba and Olek breathes a sigh of relief.
Another gamble has paid off. But is not all life a risk with only death certain?

Mykhailo grumbles when they return home. “The Tsar should not allow the Rodwizis to claim the woods. We are his people and they are no more than foreign heretics.”

This time the cuff is not nearly as playful.

“Where has you heard such words? Do you want us to lose all that I have worked for?”

Mykhailo sets his jaw stubbornly and clenches his fists silently. Olek suddenly realizes his gangling sixteen-year-old son is as tall as he is.

“God is in heaven and the Tsar is far away… and besides, the Katsaps have been here for far less time than the Rodwizis. And they care more for their wealth and station than they do for our supposed brotherhood. Your grandfather died rising against them (1). Three generations of hard work- lost. Keep your nose down and look after your own. That is the path we must take.”

Olek’s remonstrations are cut short by the clattering of the hooves on the road leading to the Mir’s central square. Olek curses and does what he can to hide the wood at the brush at the side of the road. Horses mean government or gentry and perhaps uncomfortable questions. But the horseman shows no interest in him or his sons and simply canters past them towards the Mir.

“Government courier.” Ivan says quietly.

“Government? What would they want here?” Olek wonders.

Mykhailo stares after the courier. “Perhaps I should ask around and find out”.
Olek considers his impetuous older son and slowly nods.

“Do so. But be cautious.”

Bereslavka, Kherson Guberniya, February 20th 1895
“Well, what does it say?”

Mykhailo stares at the ukase. Puzzling out the letters is hard enough but the words and sentence structure are written in the language of the Northern Katsaps, not in the local Surzhyk dialect he is used to speaking.

“It says that the Tsar has decided to permit the members of the Mir the right to dissolve the authority of the Mir over its members and to divide all Mir lands between its households permanently. The government will divide the Mir’s lands, should its members so wish, into family lots with sufficient land for each family to live and provide those left without land with assistance in resettling in the East. All obligations to the Mir will be ended!”
Olek gapes.

“What about the Rodwizi lands?”

Mykhailo scans the Ukase carefully. “Nothing. It says nothing about them.”
Olek snorts, deflated. He is not sure there is any advantage to him in this. The Mir can be irksome, but it also provided a safety net… and he has spent the past year politicking, solidifying his position and making careful alliances with other families. Enough, perhaps to improve his holdings in this year’s repartition, especially given Marina’s pregnancy.

“Well, when does the government intend to enact this Ukase?”

Before or after the repartition? That is the critical question.

“It orders the Mir to hold a general assembly on the matter. Only if two thirds of the Mir vote in favor of dissolvent will this occur.”

Olek shakes his head.

“It will never occur then. The paupers will see no advantage to this, and the elders will not wish to risk their position. And they will all fear any change they do not understand”

“But father, if the Mir assembly does reject dissolvent we still have the option of applying for repartition provided we can provide a small down payment.”

Olek scratches his beard.

“What, pay to place ourselves outside the Mir? Gain the hostility of all who remain within it?”

Mykhailo stiffens as he puzzles out the Ukase again.

“We stand to gain more than that father. If we make the down payment, which is proportional to our remaining redemptions, we will also be free of all further redemptions, as well as enjoy tax reductions for two years! In addition, the Ukase says that those who first apply for severence from the Mir will have first pick of the lots and government assistance in improving it! It also says that all lots will be consolidated, not broken up into strips”

“Let me see that!”

Olek cannot, of course, puzzle out the contents of the Ukase. He has long since forgotten most of his letters. But just staring at the official looking paper in the Mir Hall provides him with some confidence. He licks his lips. Uncertainty, yes, but also opportunity. And is not all life risk?
“How do we apply?”

(1) During the Polish-Lithuanian revolt of 1863. Kherson was on the outer fringes of the uprising and some of the unrest trickled eastwards. Not enough for Alexander II to back the serfs against their Polish landlords as he did further westwards to some extent.
 
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yboxman

Banned
As I gather, this is basically OTL Stolypin, isn't it? Or am I missing something?

Pretty much an early version with a few twists. OTL, Stolyptin's reforms were based on Proposals raised by Witte as early as 1897.

TTL Witte has more backing in pushing through reforms and the government has more prestige than it did OTL in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese war and the 1905-1907 unrest. There is also somewhat less land desperation which means dividing Mir lands into workable private farms is more feasible.

A few twists:
0. The expectation is that most Mir's won't dissolve themselves as in OTL.
1. Individual defections from the Mir system, however, are encouraged by linking such defection to cancellation of the redemption payments. OTL, these payments were already cancelled by the time Stolyptin's reforms came into effect. That means greater enthusiasm towards defection with early defectors making better gains. However, given villager illiteracy and general conservatism not everybody will realise the advantage of early defection. those with greater property (to make downpayments), literacy and initiative will benefit most.
2. The reforms are being enacted in a period of relative stability rather than crisis and in geographically limited zones as a test balloon (with various permutations on the conditions). That means the government can devote more resources and attention towards hand walking the transition and can learn from it's mistakes while enacting these reforms.
3. The plots of lands granted defectors are deliberately chosen to be larger than an "even" distribution would be. The idea is to increase socio-economic stratification among the peasentry in order to create a buffer rural caste between the nobility and the urban proletariast.
4. Greater emphasis and resources are being placed on resettlement in Anatolia, Siberia, Central Asia and the Far East (including North Manchurian railway). Since the reforms are being gradually enacted (will not apply to all of European Russia until 1902 or so), the transportation network and government resources for subsidised resettlement are in less danger of being overwhelmed.
 
Most excellent. OTL there was a lot of opposition to Mir dissolution. Political right loved Mirs, because they kept peasants in their place, while political left loved Mirs, because they considered them semi-socialist communes, and didn't want bourgeois privatisation.
 
As well written as always. This chapter gave a lot of good insight into the mindset and lives of the Russian peasentry which makes for interesting reading. Very happy to see this return!
 

LordKalvert

Banned
Most excellent. OTL there was a lot of opposition to Mir dissolution. Political right loved Mirs, because they kept peasants in their place, while political left loved Mirs, because they considered them semi-socialist communes, and didn't want bourgeois privatisation.

There was a lot of opposition in the villages as well. The main problems with the Stolypin reforms were;

1) Village life- women especially but also the men preferred life in the villages to living alone on a farmstead.

2) Grazing- while the village was bad for field crops, it was great for livestock grazing. The entire village could send their livestock out to be watched by a single shepherd and the large consolidated grazing field could handle more animals

3) There were serious issues on how to breakup the fields. Stolypin gave the right to the head of household but other family members often objected. There was also the issue of people who would lose land at the next repartition leaving to keep outsized allotments.
 

yboxman

Banned
It's back. :)

Ah! It's back. Good.

good to see you back

As well written as always. This chapter gave a lot of good insight into the mindset and lives of the Russian peasentry which makes for interesting reading. Very happy to see this return!

Second that- this is the best timeline going right now Have missed it a lot

Thanks! feeling the love.

There was a lot of opposition in the villages as well. The main problems with the Stolypin reforms were;

1) Village life- women especially but also the men preferred life in the villages to living alone on a farmstead.

Which is why many will remain in the Mir. But with those with greater initiative, education and resources opting out you get an "Atlas shrugged" type of scenario in the rump Mir.

2) Grazing- while the village was bad for field crops, it was great for livestock grazing. The entire village could send their livestock out to be watched by a single shepherd and the large consolidated grazing field could handle more animals

It was great for livestock- when there were few villagers and much land. By the 1890s the growing pressure on the grazing lands was leading to overgrazing. Lack of individual responsibility or proportional payments for maintaining the common grazing lands was also having a deletrious effect. In any event, Grazing rights to the common pasture are maintained for those who opt out for now... and yes, this will result in conflict. But that's only a problem if you look at it in a certain way. If you look at it in another way it's an opportunity. [/QUOTE]

3) There were serious issues on how to breakup the fields. Stolypin gave the right to the head of household but other family members often objected. There was also the issue of people who would lose land at the next repartition leaving to keep outsized allotments.

Didn't take the intra-family dissent into account. The outsize lots for the losers of repartition (basically the politically unpopular and infertile) will, however, come up.

Most excellent. OTL there was a lot of opposition to Mir dissolution. Political right loved Mirs, because they kept peasants in their place, while political left loved Mirs, because they considered them semi-socialist communes, and didn't want bourgeois privatisation.

The "Pro Mir" "Political right" in the pre-Duma tsarist system was traditionally represented by the interior ministry (WHich was why Stolyptin was able to push the reform forward- he neautred the opposition from within) while the "Pro Mir" "Political left" was represented by the intelligentsia. The Finance ministy, was fairly consistent in being "Anti-Mir" and presenting it as a source of social agitation (Which it eventually bcame, or at least expressed) as well as economic ineffeciency.

A stronger Witte and stronger Finance ministry with a relatively compliant Interior minister means less "Pro-Mir attitudes" and by the time this changes facts will be created on the ground.
 
I'm glad to see it back. The idea behind these alt-Stolypin reforms is sound, and unlike OTL Stolypin, Tsar George probably has enough time to make it work and bring about irreversible positive changes.

Now a few minor corrections (and sorry if I sound too exacting):

1. Ukrainians (and the peasant family you describe is clearly ethnic Ukrainian/Little Russian) never called their rural dwellings izba (the correct word is khata). Moreover, difference goes beyond words, the two even look different, since the typical izba is a loghouse, and thus mostly dark-colored, while the typical khata is wood-framed, then covered with clay, plastered and whitewashed (and often painted over as well). This especially applied to khatas in Southern Ukraine, where wood was scarce, as you correctly point out in the text (and the action of this last chapter is happening precisely in Southern Ukraine).

2. Some names are suspect as well: there has never been Ukrainian name Olek (even though Poles do use such a name); however, there is very similar name Oleksa in Ukrainian (Olek and Oleksa are both diminutives of Oleksandr/Alexander). Furthermore, I very much doubt that Rodwizi is a legitimate Polish family name (it just makes no sense in Polish to me - of course, it doesn't count for much, since I'm not a native Polish speaker, but rather an active Polish reader). There are some Polish noble family names of Lithuanian origin (like Radziwill), which obviously do not make sense in Polish and sound somewhat similar to "Rodwizi," but still, Rodwizi is not one of these Lithuanian-derived names.

3. Ukrainians never called their village communities mir, but rather hromada.

4. I never heard of the 1863 Polish Uprising reaching Kherson Governorate. It looks like an ancestor of the peasant family you show in this chapter died in that uprising (he could have lived further northwest in 1863, of course, say, in Kyiv Governorate, where the rebels did operate). It is highly surprising anyway, since Ukrainian peasants mostly supported the government against the rebellious Polish nobles during that uprising.

5. You mention "repatriation" instead of "repartition" (of farmland) a few times in the text.
 

yboxman

Banned
Now a few minor corrections (and sorry if I sound too exacting):

Not at all- I aim at realism and recognize you have closer knowledge of the region.

1. Ukrainians (and the peasant family you describe is clearly ethnic Ukrainian/Little Russian)

Actually, I aimed at making the point that this family was not clearly either Great Russian or Little Russian insofar as those terms were distinct at this time. They speak a Surzhyk ("Ukrainian"-"Russian" mixture) rather than "pure Ukrainian", are orthodox rather than crypto-uniate but have Ukrainian-Polish rather than Russian names. What gives?

While the Kherson governorate is within the borders of modern Ukraine, it was not ruled (or at least not effectively and consistently) by either the Polish Lithuanian commonwealth or, later, the Hetmanate. Rather, it lay within the bounds of the Crimean Khanate zone of desolation (The wild fields) and only began to be effectively colonized after Catherine annexed the Khanate in the end of the 18th century (NovoRussia).

While the Bulk of the early colonists came from the Russian portion of the Polish partition, and included both Ukrainian peasants and (a few) Polish landlords, there was also considerable settlement by Russian landlords and some peasants, German colonists, Serbs (including the ancestors of Dmitri Milyutin), Jewish Agricultural colonists (including Trotsky's family) and others. Russification was relatively more successful here than elsewhere in "The Ukraine" (I'm using qutation marks because the lingustic region was never clearly defined and could be said to extend East to the Caspian by some definitions), and the Russian speaking/identifying portion of the population increased from 7% in the 1850s to 25% in 1914 while the Ukrainian identifying portion decreased from 75% to 50%.

Bottom line- the family's origins are mixed. Some of their ancestors lived in Kherson prior to the Russian conquest, most immigrated from clearly Ukrainian Poltava, but there are also male Serb and Great Russian immigrants in the Mix as well. Their landlord is descended from Polish nobility/gentry (Or rather Ruthenian-Lithuanian gentry who were LPolonized, conversion to catholocism included, sometime in the 17th century) who invested in land on the frontier in the late 18th century. The population of their village/Mir/Hromada is likewise mixed, with the core being descended from serfs transplanted from Poltava, but with additional settlers coming from elsewhere.

Since the nearby city is Russian/Jewish/German and since the Russian government is shoving it's terminology down everyone's throats some of the terms used have become interchangable, even for peasent families, over the years.

never called their rural dwellings izba (the correct word is khata). Moreover, difference goes beyond words, the two even look different, since the typical izba is a loghouse, and thus mostly dark-colored, while the typical khata is wood-framed, then covered with clay, plastered and whitewashed (and often painted over as well). This especially applied to khatas in Southern Ukraine, where wood was scarce, as you correctly point out in the text (and the action of this last chapter is happening precisely in Southern Ukraine).

It's not in deep southern Ukraine, but in a region where rainfall (and wood) is still not too scarce. But that's a good point- home names would probably not shift. Fixed.

2. Some names are suspect as well: there has never been Ukrainian name Olek (even though Poles do use such a name); however, there is very similar name Oleksa in Ukrainian (Olek and Oleksa are both diminutives of Oleksandr/Alexander).

This is deliberate.

Furthermore, I very much doubt that Rodwizi is a legitimate Polish family name (it just makes no sense in Polish to me - of course, it doesn't count for much, since I'm not a native Polish speaker, but rather an active Polish reader). There are some Polish noble family names of Lithuanian origin (like Radziwill), which obviously do not make sense in Polish and sound somewhat similar to "Rodwizi," but still, Rodwizi is not one of these Lithuanian-derived names.

Typo- meant to be Radziwill. Fixed.

3. Ukrainians never called their village communities mir, but rather hromada.

Mir is the name which appears in the Ukase- since this is NovoRussia rather than the portions hacked out of Poland or the Hetmanate the official terminology is "standard" Russian and is filtering into the use of the people.

4. I never heard of the 1863 Polish Uprising reaching Kherson Governorate.

It didn't. But during that uprising the Polish-Lithuanian nobility made the mistake (much like the Mexicans in Yucatan during the war with the U.S) of trying to enlist their peasents, and even arming them. And then the RUssian government backed the mostly Orthodox peasants against their mostly Catholic landlords. They also gave them a better deal during emancipation in terms of plots of land and redemption payments. But the thing is, peasant unrest knows no boudaries. Given the general discontent with the terms of emancipation, and the uprisings preceding and following it (in Russia proper, and Right bank Ukraine, not just the Polish partition), some of that unrest spilled over into northern Kherson and acquired, at least in retrospect, a "nationalist" gloss.

It looks like an ancestor of the peasant family you show in this chapter died in that uprising (he could have lived further northwest in 1863, of course, say, in Kyiv Governorate, where the rebels did operate). It is highly surprising anyway, since Ukrainian peasants mostly supported the government against the rebellious Polish nobles during that uprising.

And hence they got a better deal during emancipation- but only within the bounds of the Polish partition, not in Kherson or right bank Ukraine. Where peasants rebelled against landlords there, even if said landlords were polonized catholics (Or protestant Germans in the Baltics), the government supressed them, even as it partially backed them in the Western Borderlands.

5. You mention "repatriation" instead of "repartition" (of farmland) a few times in the text.

oops. fixed.
 
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Not at all- I aim at realism and recognize you have closer knowledge of the region.
Thanks, I am honored by your recognition and like to be of help.
Actually, I aimed at making the point that this family was not clearly either Great Russian or Little Russian insofar as those terms were distinct at this time. They speak a Surzhyk ("Ukrainian"-"Russian" mixture) rather than "pure Ukrainian", are orthodox rather than crypto-uniate but have Ukrainian-Polish rather than Russian names.
Well, one of these peasants mentioned Katsaps. As this is an anti-Russian ethnic slur, I thought they had no Russian ancestors (or close friends), and did not identify with Russians. On further reflection, though, I admit that there are many cases of people freely using slurs that target themselves (like Black Americans calling each other the "n...r" word).

As for their religion, my impression is that crypto-Uniate faith was not a sign of being clearly Ukrainian/Little Russian. On the contrary, Russian subjects of crypto-Uniate persuasion often saw themselves as Poles in the late 19th century, while most avowedly Ukrainian intellectuals in the Russian-governed Ukraine were Orthodox (or even Atheist, but baptized as Orthodox). It was Galicia (ruled by Austria at the time) where the Ukrainian nationality and the dominant Uniate faith went hand in hand (and even there, some Uniates identified as Poles, and some as Russians - despite the Russian government having suppressed their church just across the border).
(in Russia proper, and Right bank Ukraine, not just the Polish partition).
Right-Bank Ukraine was in the Polish partition (while Left-Bank Ukraine comprised most of the ancient Hetmanate). The map is deceptive: right and left banks are determined by the direction of the Dnieper's flow, and since our greatest river flows south, the map's right (eastern) bank is actually the left bank, and the map's left (western) bank is actually the right bank.
 
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