An Ausonian Tale: the Kingdom of Naples in the XIX century

Another point is that Nicholas was very expansionist and militarist (against the Ottomans, in Central Asia and in the Far East). In a way he made the large land acquisition which made Russia what it is. A weaker Czar, troubled by internal dissension and hostility to his reforms, might be much less aggressive. I also doubt that Constantine would be inclined to play the gendarme of Europe as Nicholas did. If my assessment is correct, it would have a major impact on Europe, the Ottomans, China....the mind boggles.

I am not sure about this.
While Russia expanded greatly in Asia under Nicholas, most of it, especially in the Far East was more about the semi-independent activity of local governors than a centrally planned strategy by the Tsar.
Nicholas was certainly a militarist reactionary and would have no time for any trouble or dissent anywhere within his Empire (or outside it, as the Hungarians discovered) but I don't know he was a committed expansionist. His "gendarm of Europe" role was, in his view, absolutely paramount relative to expansion at the Ottoman expense particularly.
He shought and found repeatedly understandings with the Ottomans in order not to "rock the boat" of European order. This ultimately failed, leading to the Crimean War, but does not make Nicholas a landhugry imperialist.
Of course, under Nicholas the Russian Ottoman policy was in itself at cross-purposes. Russia wanted (needed to) control the Straits, and at the same time needed to keep the system relatively stable, so could not decide if its conflicting aims were better served by long term alliance or long term hostility with the Porte. However, when Muhammad Ali actually threatened to dismantle the OE, the Russia chose alliance with the latter.
 
At the very least I don't see him having a less aggressive policy for the territories of the Ottoman Empire.

I think there's a fair chance that Constantine could be more aggressive. Nicholas' policy in the critical years of the Oriental Question was seen in Russia as too prudent by many.
No treaty of Hunkar Iskelesi would be huge.
 
I think there's a fair chance that Constantine could be more aggressive. Nicholas' policy in the critical years of the Oriental Question was seen in Russia as too prudent by many.
No treaty of Hunkar Iskelesi would be huge.

Indeed it would be huge: if the Russians had supported Mehmed Ali the Ottoman Empire would most probably have collapsed. In otl in the war of 1828-1829 after a somewhat false start the Russian army got to less than 100km from Konstantinyya... If Mehmed rises there is no way that the Ottomans could repel the Russians in my opinion.
On the other hand the other powers would never accept Russian control of the straits, especially the UK.

Maybe, to avoid a major European War (Franco-Russians against Anglo-Austrians?) a sort of "Free State of the Straits", centered on Konstantinyya, could be created, under a joint guarantee of the Powers. Russia would control the formally independent Danubian Principalties and get something in Transcaucasia; Mehmed would enjoy the middle east for himself, but would soon fall under British and French influence because of probable rampant debt.

But what of the rest of the Balkans? Greece could take something, but those would be areas with a Turkish majority probably, so I see it very difficult for the Greeks to hold them.
Would Austria want to absorb Bosnia so soon? Serbia and Bulgaria could become independent but Russian oriented, Albania too could arise. However in all these areas I don't think nationalism was yet so developed as in Greece.

And what would France and UK get? Tunisia for one, Crete for the other?
These don't seem big prizes, but maybe it would be worth it for a neutralisation of the question of the straits and influence over Mehmed Ali's Greater Egypt...

A Singapore like Constantinopolis would be beyond cool for me! But probably this is going too far towards fantapolitics, better to restrict oneself to more moderate thoughts :)
 
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How convenient then that, a couple of updates ago, she tragically died of pneumonia and an heartbroken Constantine was recalled to St.Petersburg.:)
I did forget this additional POD, so egg on my face :eek:
Are you going to arrange a proper marriage for him? It would be a breath of fresh air if he married a Russian girl rather than the usual German princess.

In any case very interesting speculations!
It appears to me that he wasn't too much interested into the business of governing: this could be good for Russia if he finds a competent and relatively forward thinking minister, but very bad if it brings to goverment by cliques of incompetent courtiers.
The point is really that: Constantine did not appear to have the capacity of concentrating on a task long enough, and he appears to have been of a liberal inclination (at least for a Romanov). If the educated liberal faction becomes ascendant the danger is that they may want to do too much and too quick: there would be a serious opposition by the reactionaries and the church.

I am not sure about this.
While Russia expanded greatly in Asia under Nicholas, most of it, especially in the Far East was more about the semi-independent activity of local governors than a centrally planned strategy by the Tsar.
Nicholas was certainly a militarist reactionary and would have no time for any trouble or dissent anywhere within his Empire (or outside it, as the Hungarians discovered) but I don't know he was a committed expansionist. His "gendarm of Europe" role was, in his view, absolutely paramount relative to expansion at the Ottoman expense particularly.
He shought and found repeatedly understandings with the Ottomans in order not to "rock the boat" of European order. This ultimately failed, leading to the Crimean War, but does not make Nicholas a landhugry imperialist.
Of course, under Nicholas the Russian Ottoman policy was in itself at cross-purposes. Russia wanted (needed to) control the Straits, and at the same time needed to keep the system relatively stable, so could not decide if its conflicting aims were better served by long term alliance or long term hostility with the Porte. However, when Muhammad Ali actually threatened to dismantle the OE, the Russia chose alliance with the latter.
There is a lot of good points in what you say, in particular with regards to the Far East. I'd say that there were at least three other issues which weighted quite heavily on Nicholas' reign: the Russian army was quite large, but certainly lagged behind western armies in terms of efficiency and modernization (this went on at least up to the Crimean war, and even beyond it, notwithstanding the reforms); the czarist government was not a monolithic entity, it was riddled with factions often working at cross purposes (which helps to explain some of the apparent backflipping in particular with regards to the Ottomans); the system put in place at Vienna in 1815 was still pretty strong and Nicholas was a strenuous supporter of it.
IMHO the last point is a crucial one, in particular with regards to the Balkans and the Greek insurrection (I am convinced that without Navarino - which was not the outcome of a planned strategy but rather the result of Codrington disregarding the Admiralty instructions - Greece would not have achieved independence. The British plan was to mediate and have an authonomous Greek principality under the suzerainty of the Porte).
Leaving this aside, Nicholas still managed to have a war with Persia, a first war with Ottomans in 1829-30, a number of costly and less-than-rewarding pacification campaigns in the Caucasus, the acquisition of Kazakhstan, a couple of attempts to annex Khiva (failed, since the expeditions were poorly planned and logistics were awful even for Russian standards), the intervention in Hungary in 1849 and a second war with the Ottomans in 1854. The failure of taking advantage of Muhammad Ali rebellion should be ascribed to the opposition of the other powers to a dismantling of the Ottoman empire as well as to the unwillingness to "rock the boat".

But what of the rest of the Balkans? Greece could take something, but those would be areas with a Turkish majority probably, so I see it very difficult for the Greeks to hold them.
Would Austria want to absorb Bosnia so soon? Serbia and Bulgaria could become independent but Russian oriented, Albania too could arise. However in all these areas I don't think nationalism was yet so developed as in Greece.

And what would France and UK get? Tunisia for one, Crete for the other?
These don't seem big prizes, but maybe it would be worth it for a neutralisation of the question of the straits and influence over Mehmed Ali's Greater Egypt...

A Singapore like Constantinopolis would be beyond cool for me! But probably this is going too far towards fantapolitics, better to restrict oneself to more moderate thoughts :)

At least 50 years in advance (a free city of Constantinople 100 years in advance). The British policy was to uphold the Ottomans, and Metternich was completely in agreement with them (note that Austria did not participate in the naval intervention in Greece but sent a fleet to support the British one when Muhammad Ali tried to grab Syria). The French could not contest the Mediterranean on their own.
 
This TL is not dead (yet): I want to get at least to 1848! Only thing is that at the moment I am a bit caught up with RL. You can expect an update after the 13th and before the 20th of February.

Still even then I will be busy so unfortunately the story will have a rather slow progress.

Best regards to all!
 
The Grand Tour

[Hi everybody! Sorry for my disappearance, but I have been really taken up with studying here at the university and could not devote much time to the TL. I am still very much occupied, so I cannot promise to update with any regularity. Still I don't want this TL to die before I can get to the more interesting parts (ie alternate "Risorgimento") and so, when I can find some time I will post something.



Besides I had some real difficulties in figuring out what to do with Achille and the Greek mess I had put him inside because of my inexperience, so I decided for a little retcon. You will have to ignore the last part of my latest post, the one were King Joachim gives his consent to his young son Achille to go an join the Philhellenes in the struggle for Greek independence.


But without further ado, here it comes the next instalment of the story, I hope you may enjoy it.]







Le Grand Tour



King Joachim had initially been amused by his son’s request to go to Greece and take up the cause of that brave and oppressed people, thinking that it was only a youthful whim. However Achille’s pleas had become more and more frequent and the ”Greek adventure” had started to shape up as a rather serious enterprise.



He was even tempted to give his assent to it: after all some firsthand military experience could only be appropriate for the heir of such a daring and successful general. Moreover it could also be an opportunity to expand the Kingdom’s influence in the East.


However it soon became clear to him how the risks of such an enterprise would grossly outweigh the possible gains.
Besides putting his heir directly in harm’s way, while his dynastic hold over Naples was still rather tenuous, sending Achille in Greece would be seen as a direct endorsement of the Greek insurrection: something that would likely cause war with the Sublime Porte.
And that was a war that Naples could not win without the support of some Great Power: its navy was maybe more modern, but still tiny when compared to the Turkish one, and it would be certain that his merchant shipping would suffer terribly.



Besides, at the point it appeared extremely unlikely that any Power would side with Naples in such a war: its already difficult diplomatic position could easily be ruined beyond repair by such a confrontation.
And so he explained to his son that he had to learn to submit the reason of the heart to the reason of the State if he wanted one day to be a good ruler, and put definitive veto to any direct participation in Greece’s struggle.


Instead, once finished his training at the Nunziatella military academy, Achille would engage in a Grand Tour of the European capitals and courts, an enterprise that was surely more appropriate to his royal status.


Such a voyage would also help in trying to break the state of isolation that afflicted Murat’s family among European royalty due to their status as Napoleonid parvenus, and maybe to start working towards a royal marriage, that could do much to temper Achille’s firebrand spirit while giving a future to the Muratian line.




The Grand Tour lasted two years, between 1822 and 1824, and touched all the most important Italian and European cities, stopping for longer periods in Wien, Paris and London, and going so far as St.Petersburg.



Although he was met with coldness in almost all the courts he visited, the Neapolitan prince made a very good impression on more liberal circles, especially in Paris and London, where his lively and charming ways, his enthusiasm for the Greek cause, and his interest for scientific and technical innovations where greatly appreciated. Also many writers and artists got to know the liberal character of the Neapolitan regime, at least compared to the rather oppressive cultural climate in most other European realms, and soon a slow but steady trickle of intellectuals and artists would start, that would do much to revitalize the cultural scene of Naples, which would soon overtake Milan, hampered by Austrian censorship laws, as intellectual and artistic capital of Italy.


On the other hand, the diplomatic side of the Grand Tour was rather disappointing, as in the best cases nothing more substantial than generic declarations of reciprocal good will could be obtained, while any proposal of tighter relationships with the other Italia States was met with skepticism, and the Kingdom of Sardinia sharply refused to even begin talks of a defensive alliance.


Similarly most marriage negotiations for Murat’s offspring failed, on account of the Napoleonic origins of their titles of nobility. In Palermo any proposal of a dynastic marriage was rejected offhand, much to the disappointment of King Joachim, that considered such a marriage to be very important as a way to further legitimize his family’s rule, to normalize relationships with Sicily and to open the perspective of a future reunification of the “Two Sicilies” under the house of Murat.


The Bavarian Connection



But at least in Munich the Neapolitan diplomats scored a success, by managing to find a reconciliation with Eugene de Beauharnais, who consented to the betrothal of his second daughter Eugenie (born in 1807) to Achille, with a marriage scheduled for early 1826.
This was not the optimal Sicilian or Sardinian marriage that would have significantly strengthened the Murats’ position in Italy, but still it was a very significant step towards a full acceptation of the rulers of Naples among the legitimate royal families of Europe, as Eugenie’s maternal grandfather was Bavaria’s King Maximilian I.

Eugenie.jpg

Eugénie de Beauharnais, Princesse de Leuchtenberg, Prinzessin von Eichstätt, Principessa di Napoli, 1826, Joseph Karl Stieler



All the roads bring to... Naples



On the domestic front the years between 1821 and 1826 were a time of growth and relative affluence, as the positive effects of the Muratian reforms and economic policies started to show, while the situation in the countryside remained mostly peaceful, a testament to the effectiveness of the anti brigand campaigns waged in the last years.


The government of Luigi Blanch kept a moderate stance on most issues, and was promptly criticized by the more radical members of the Camera dei Deputati for its timidity in tackling issues like agrarian reforms, but overall was relatively popular.



The major infrastructural project started in those years was the construction of a Royal roads network stretching along both the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic coasts from the borders with the Papal States, to the southernmost tip of the Italian peninsula, along with the construction of transversal roads through the Appennine passes, that would make relatively easy journey that before had been fraught with perils and uncertainty.



Five years before such an endeavour would have been considered exceedingly expensive and time consuming, but new road building techniques made it possible to complete at least the Royal roads in just seven years, and at a relatively affordable price.

Makadam.jpg

This was mostly thanks to the introduction in Naples of the road building methods pioneered by the Scottish engineer John L. McAdam, which promised better road quality, while being significantly cheaper and faster than traditional methods, and requiring mostly unskilled manpower.
This new road network would hopefully facilitate the movement of persons and goods inside the Kingdom, which would encourage economic growth and avoid situation of local scarcity of foodstuffs. Besides it could have an important strategic role, enabling the armed forces to march quicker and for longer distances in case of war or internal turmoil.


On the other hand the building of lesser roads of only local significance was left to the concern of the Provinces and Comuni, and proceeded much more slowly because of lack of funds, and some remote villages would remain almost isolated for decades to come.









 
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Glad to see a new update!

And so, Achille got engaged with the daughter of Eugene... so paradoxally making the Murat even more the main holders of the Bonaparte legacy. The other members of the family will surely have a fit when hearing of that union, and to see the nephew of Josephine destined to become Queen of Naples while all of them are still moping in Rome... But also Caroline should not be extremely pleased at all, either. :D
 
Nice update.

Thank you!

Glad to see a new update!

And so, Achille got engaged with the daughter of Eugene... so paradoxally making the Murat even more the main holders of the Bonaparte legacy. The other members of the family will surely have a fit when hearing of that union, and to see the nephew of Josephine destined to become Queen of Naples while all of them are still moping in Rome... But also Caroline should not be extremely pleased at all, either. :D

This is not dead...yet ;)
Yeah, it is a bit paradoxical, as in other respects Joachim has been very keen in distancing himself from the Napoleonic heritage, for instance by removing the name "Napoleon" from his sons.
And also Caroline won't be so happy to get so near to the descendants of the much hated Josephine, but she would also, I think, understand the importance of finding quickly a wife of royal rank for her heir.

Still on the matter of marriages: I have to find somebody suitable for Letizia and Lucia, as Joachim's daughters are now nearing marriage age. Some minor german prince? Or maybe Neopolitan high nobility?
 
George Gordon Byron, the Lion of Lepanto



George Gordon Byron, the Lion of Lepanto



Before agreeing to desist from his Greek adventure Achille had obtained from his father the assurance that the Kingdom would support the Greek cause as far as possible without risking an all out war with the Ottoman Empire. This support materialized itself in the form of a dozen decommissioned siege guns from the Neapolitan army that, instead of being scrapped, found their way to Greece, and in particular to Missolonghi, where Lord Byron, the famous British poet, and probably the most prominent Philhellene, had been organizing[1] an expedition to take the strategic coastal city of Naupaktos on the Gulf of Corinth[2].


Those plans had been up to that time severely hampered by the lack of appropriate artillery, but that problem had just been resolved.

The Liberation of Naupaktos


The campaign to take Naupaktos could thus start, and, after a winter in which the revolutionaries could only keep a loose siege of the city, frequently skirmishing with Ottoman troops in the hilly terrain, in March 1824 the heavy equipment was brought to the outskirts of the coastal town. The makeshift Hellenic navy managed to keep off the Turks at sea, especially because they didn’t want to risk encounters with fireships in the confined waters of the Gulf of Corinth. The city could thus be completely isolated, and after two months of siege, Naupaktos fell to the Greeks on the 4th of May 1824.


With control over that strategic town, the Greek situation improved notably, and they could stabilize their hold over Peloponnesus and Achaia. Also their financial position received a significant boost, in the form of a large loan provided by the Philhellenic Club in London.

Notwithstanding the sympathies enjoyed by the Greek cause both among the religious conservatives, who saw it as the struggle of Christians against Muslim oppression, and among the liberals, who saw it as a fight for freedom and national independence, the European Powers remained passive to its calls for help, when not downright hostile.

And, while European diplomacy exhausted itself in a series of Congresses on the Spanish and Greek questions without finding any common ground on their solution, the Sublime Porte moved and called to its Egyptian vassal for help in crushing the Greek revolt. Mehmet Alì Pasha, the powerful and almost independent Wali of Egypt, commanded a powerful and comparatively modern fleet, and an army trained in the western style. Seeing this as an occasion to further is influence on the Ottoman Empire, Mehmet Alì quickly answered to the call of the Porte and mobilized his forces. He was however too late to save Naupaktos, as he spent most of the 1824’s campaigning season on Crete, fighting its rebellious populace.


The Greek Civil War



Meanwhile the fractious and fragile nature of the Greek provisional government started to show itself.

In particular a strong rivalry had developed between Mavrokordatos, who was the head of the provisional government, and his supporters from Roumelia and Hydra, and the military leader Kolokotronis, who had his power base in the Peloponnesus. Soon armed clashes between supporters of the two factions started, and almost developed into a full-fledged civil war. However the Roumeliotes soon emerged victorious, especially because of the control that they exercised over the funds coming from western Philhellenes, that enabled them to pay off several groups who had initially been neutral or had supported the Peloponnesian faction.


Those developments were not well received by the Philhellene community: initially they had been mostly supportive of Mavrokordatos, as they saw the need for a strong and united central government, if there were to be hopes of attaining international support and victory against the Turks. However they became quickly disillusioned, as they saw the Roumeliotes not seeking a compromise with their opposers, but instead looking for a total victory and trying to exclude them from any position of power.

The misuse and often blatant theft of the common funds, that should have instead been used to train a better organized force, hopefully able to withstand the incoming threat of Mehmet Alì’s Egyptians was another key factor for the weakening of their initial enthusiasms: the defenders of Greek freedoms were disappointingly far from the idealized picture that the Philhellenes had of them before meeting them in person.


In this turbulent situation it is not clear what caused the definitive break between Byron and the Provisional Government: the most common interpretation, tough always rejected by Byron himself as almost libelous, goes that he tried to leverage his popularity as the hero of Naupaktos to enter the political scene and even plotted to get himself elected as King of the future Greek State.


Whether this had been really the case or not, it remains that, some months after the liberation of Naupaktos, Byron had become totally alienated from the Greek leadership, and, decided, (or was forced to) leave Greece after fruitlessly asking the recommisioning of Kolokotronis in the rebel army, as a show of unity after the civil war and in view of the probable Egyptian invasion.


Byron in Naples



In September 1824 Byron left Naupaktos, never to return, and repaired in Naples, where he would adapt rather well to the picturesque nature of the southern Italian capital, animating a very lively cultural circle, often attended by members of the Royal Family and finally completing his Magnum Opus, the Don Juan.


Byron would then die in Naples in January 1827, probably because of pneumonia contracted as the result of an aborted attempt at reaching the island of Capri by swimming in October 1826.


Konstantin I Pavlovich, Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias



The Greeks would continue holding on their territories, but the menace of the fresh and ell equipped troops and navy from Egypt were making their perspectives rather dim, unless the European powers decided to lend them some decisive help.



This was however a far hope, as even the country that was most friendly to the Greek cause, Russia, kept refusing any help or endorsement to the “rebels”. This was all however to change radically when the Czar Alexander suddenly fell ill and died in December 1825[3], leaving as his successor his brother Konstantin, who in his childhood had been educated by Catharina the Great with the perspective of becoming Emperor not only of Russia, but of a reborn Byzantine Empire.


Even leaving aside the fantasies of Catharina, it became soon clear that Konstantin would take a different outlook on governing in general, leaving much of the administration of the Empire to his ministers and on the Greek question in particular, being much more hostile towards the Ottoman Empire.
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Notes:
1- In OTL Byron was planning such an expedition before the illness that would cause his death. Here the illness is butterflied, and the limited support coming from Naples should be enough to capture Naupaktos, if the Greeks can hold it against Mehmet Ali’s troops is another story…
2- Also known by the name of Lepanto, on 7 October 1571 its waters were the theater of the historical naval battle between the Holy League and the Ottoman Empire.
3-Some rumors would long exist that the dead was actually faked by Alexander in order to leave the oppression of his duties as Autocrat and leave his last years in peace and mystical contemplation as a monk.
 
[Here comes the resolution to the Greek question (for the moment at least). After that we will concentrate again on Italian matters, as the troubles of 1830-31 won't be butterflied, but instead have a rather diffrent outcome than OTL]

April 1825 saw the arrival of the Egyptian expeditionary force in the Peloponnesus, which they swiftly reconquered, apart from some coastal strongholds like Naufplia and the Mani peninsula in southwestern Morea, that was home to the fierce maniotes warriors.



The Greeks fought back gallantly, but were hopelessly outnumbered and underequipped: they could never last long without outside help.

In the mainland Athens was under siege, and would soon fall, and also Naupaktos and Missolonghi were menaced.


So the crowning of Konstantin I came at a very opportune moment for the Greeks, as one of his first acts as a Czar was to issue an ultimatum to the Sublime Porte regarding the Autonomous status of the Danubian Principalities and Greece, while backing his worlds with a mobilization of the army and of the fleet.


At this point France and the United Kingdom could no longer afford to ignore the Greek question, as otherwise it appeared likely that Russia would act unilaterally , probably gaining an unacceptable level of influence in the Straits region.


In March 1826 an European Congress was called for in London, shortly after the news of the fall of Athens and the diffusion of the grisly accounts of the fate of the defenders of the Akropolis and of much of the towns’ civilian population at the hands of the Turks.



There only Austria, always the supporter of status quo in the Balkans, argued for non intervention in what she considered purely internal Ottoman matters and soon left the works of the Congress. Prussia stayed as a mostly passive observer, not having particular interests in the matter, while Russia, the UK and France agreed on a program of autonomy for Greece under only nominal Ottoman suzerainity and the payment of a fixed and limited annual tribute. A great diplomatic success was scored by the Kingdom of Naples by its participation to the works of the Congress of London.


The country was clearly not in the same league as the Great Powers, but still it was allowed to participate because of its geographical position near to Greece, and its pledge of logistical support and naval contribution to any eventual armed action to enforce the results of the Congress.


Finally in July 1826 the Treaty of London was signed, asking for an immediate ceasefire in Greece, the withdrawal of Egyptian forces and the granting of autonomy to the Greeks, while menacing, in case of non compliance, to recognize Greek independence and deploy a naval squadron in the Aegean to guarantee “the safety of trade”.


The Sublime Porte stalled for time, trying to crush the last strongholds of Greek resistance, but soon a joint squadron (with the participation of a rather old Neapolitan ship of the line and two frigates) was cruising in the Jonian sea, and the westerners were openly supplying the besieged Greeks, which enabled the besieged towns of Missolonghi, Naupaktos, as well as many other scattered coastal forts and towns to resist or even repel the Turks.
But it was also clear that, with such a concentration of hostile warships, sooner or later an accident would happen.


This prediction materialized when, on the 17th of February 1827, Ottoman gunboats fired upon and then captured a Neapolitan civilian brig, that was trying to reach Naupaktos.

This brought tensions to an unbearable level and the allies sent an ultimatum asking for an immediate withdrawal of the Ottoman fleet, while Naples asked for compensation and the liberation of the captured sailors and the Ottomans were on the verge to declare war on Naples for their blatant support of the Greek insurgents.


But before the respective foreign offices could wrap their heads around a diplomatic solution, the guns had started to fire, and the matter had been resolved by force of arms.


The Ottoman fleet was bottled by the allies in the bay of Missolonghi, and on the 19th of February started to move towards the allied fleet, for unknown reasons, but in a way that was interpreted as the prelude to the launching of fireships. To prevent this deadly risk the Anglo-Franco-Russo-Neapolitan force, on the orders of British admiral Codrington, opened fire and, after two hours of fierce exchange of fire, all the Turkish ships of the line were on flames and sinking, or had been run aground, while the allies had suffered only moderate damages and few casualties.


Having had his fleet completely destroyed, the Sultan could do nothing else than cave in to the Allies’ demands, order the retreat of Ibrahim Pasha’s troops, and concede autonomy to the newfound “Principate of Greece” with a northern border running from Arta to Volos and including the Cyclades and Sporades Islands, but not Lesbos or Chios and more importantly not Rhodes or Crete.
The relative convention was signed in Istanbul in May 1827, signaling the end of the Greek war of Independence and the birth of an autonomous Greek State, under the leadership of the hero of the independentist struggle, Alexandros Mavrokordatos.


For Naples the participation in the Congress of London and in the battle of Missolonghi marked the definitive admission, albeit as a junior partner, in the European “Concert of Nations”, and their material support for the Greeks in the most difficult moments of their struggle wouldn’t go unforgotten, and would be the basis for a close friendship, and for favorable trade agreements with the young Greek State.
On the other hand the relationships with the Ottomans reached a frosty low, and those markets would remain almost shut to Neapolitan trade for several years to come.

On a lighter note, the marriage between Achille Murat and Eugenie de Beauharnais, celebrated on the 1st of May 1826 was a greatly successful mundane event, as representatives from most of Europe’s royal Houses attended to it and enjoyed the splendor of the Reggia di Caserta as well as the picturesque character of the popular celebrations in Naples.


The young couple had gotten to know relatively well in the year and half of their engagement, and seemed to get along rather well: hopefully it would be an happy and fruitful marriage.

 
Still on the matter of marriages: I have to find somebody suitable for Letizia and Lucia, as Joachim's daughters are now nearing marriage age. Some minor german prince? Or maybe Neopolitan high nobility?

Maybe I can suggest a marriage with http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_III,_Grand_Duke_of_Hesse and/or http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prince_Charles_of_Hesse_and_by_Rhine ? Catholic German princes of a minor state...

Seems anyway Greece felt slightly worse in the sense TTL authonomy is a step back respect to OTL independence, but I guess the existance of Murattian Naples was still determinant in the final decision of the great powers to keep strong the concert of Europe against the last bastion of the Napoleonic age... Well, we'll see how and if Greek "republicanism" will allow the country to prosper...
 
Maybe I can suggest a marriage with http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_III,_Grand_Duke_of_Hesse and/or http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prince_Charles_of_Hesse_and_by_Rhine ? Catholic German princes of a minor state...

Seems anyway Greece felt slightly worse in the sense TTL authonomy is a step back respect to OTL independence, [...] Well, we'll see how and if Greek "republicanism" will allow the country to prosper...

Thanks for the suggestions, but maybe they are a bit young, as Letizia was born in 1802 and Luisa in 1805. Actually my princesses are going to become spinsters if I don't make up my mind soon...

As for Greece, I would point out that here they received autonomy well before otl's independence, and as the war lasted less, there were less devastations probably so they might actually end up better off. And full independence is not ruled out forever either: it might come later as a result of a war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire.


but I guess the existance of Murattian Naples was still determinant in the final decision of the great powers to keep strong the concert of Europe against the last bastion of the Napoleonic age...

Ehm... Not sure if I get what you mean here: it is not that the Neapolitans wanted to have Greece, it would be really impossible: full independence was avoided, as was the otl's original plan, because nobody wanted to start a dissolution of the OE that would only benefit Russian expansionism.
Also the Concert of Europe got a bit of a setback, as Austria didn't sign the Treaty of London.
 
I wasn't talking of annexation but of influence, and in a sittuation like that one, Naples could have a lot to exercise over Greece. Still, is not that the Great Powers would have liked to see an indipendent Greece ended preesumibely allied with Naples, hence keeping the country still with a parvence of tie with the OE was surely preferable than seeing Naples expanding its sphere in the Mediterranean.
 
I wasn't talking of annexation but of influence, and in a sittuation like that one, Naples could have a lot to exercise over Greece. Still, is not that the Great Powers would have liked to see an indipendent Greece ended preesumibely allied with Naples, hence keeping the country still with a parvence of tie with the OE was surely preferable than seeing Naples expanding its sphere in the Mediterranean.

I see your point and it sure makes sense, even though I still think that UK and France would be more concerned about Greece falling in the Russian sphere of influence.
I think that overall, even without material gains, the Greek intervention has been overall positive for Naples, by granting it a degree of international recognition and acceptation.

On another side, in the next update our beloved Re Gioacchino will sadly die, and be succeeded by Achille: will he be able to steer the country in the coming storm of the 1830/1831 revolutions?

And before that, will someone as intransigent as Charles X of France just accept the succession, or maybe try to argue that the Kingdom of Naples had been left to Murat for his life only (a bit like the arrangement with Marie Louise in Parma), and maybe try a military action to put again a Bourbon on the Neapolitan throne?
 
I see your point and it sure makes sense, even though I still think that UK and France would be more concerned about Greece falling in the Russian sphere of influence.
I think that overall, even without material gains, the Greek intervention has been overall positive for Naples, by granting it a degree of international recognition and acceptation.

On another side, in the next update our beloved Re Gioacchino will sadly die, and be succeeded by Achille: will he be able to steer the country in the coming storm of the 1830/1831 revolutions?

And before that, will someone as intransigent as Charles X of France just accept the succession, or maybe try to argue that the Kingdom of Naples had been left to Murat for his life only (a bit like the arrangement with Marie Louise in Parma), and maybe try a military action to put again a Bourbon on the Neapolitan throne?

Depends on if he can weather his own 1830 Revolutions...Remember that the revolutions in question led to him being deposed in favor of...a great big clusterfuck that put Louis-Philippe on the throne.
 
Yes, I don't see dangers for Naples in the early 30's. More than France, maybe the Bourbons in Palermo will attempt to stir a riot after Gioacchino's death, which will surely fail. The reforms were enough stable to confirm the hold of the dynasty (also because otherwise the TL will end soon). Achille will not invade Sicily in retaliation but he can surely prove how he wasn't him to attempt a destabilization in the boot and obtain if not friendship at least normalization of the relations with the British. Same for the French.

Considering also how Byron died in Naples, the British intellectual elites will surely dragged to visit growing democratic and progressing South Italy and wrote articles of support while contesting the absolutist regime in Sicily which kept the country undeveloped and poor...
 
Depends on if he can weather his own 1830 Revolutions...Remember that the revolutions in question led to him being deposed in favor of...a great big clusterfuck that put Louis-Philippe on the throne.

You are obviously right! I didn't express myself well, but I was thinking of Charles X acting immediately after the death of Joachim, so in 1828-29. In OTL he tried to win support with a foreign expedition (conquest of Algeria), maybe here he could try an Italian adventure. (This attempted toppling of a "liberal" regime could even be the actual spark of an analogue to otl's July Revolution).

But obviously Italy is not a Algeria, to be treated as a field for easy colonial glory... And the Great Powers (especially the UK) wouldn't be thrilled about any French expansion. Maybe if Achille tries something rash towards the Papal States after his coronation?
 
First of all, welcome back to AH!

IMHO this hiatus has given you some time to think and improve the TL.

Getting rid of the mad Greek escapade of young Achille is a big plus. His participation in the Greek insurrection not only would have produced no positive effect for the kingdom of Naples but rather would have underscored the "particularity" (if not the inherent proclivity to madness) of the house of Murat and would have increased the already existing distrust and ostracism of the Powers toward the kingdom of Naples.
Revision B promises much better, given the participation of the Neapolitan navy to the battle and the opportunity of gaining a junior seat at the conference of London.
French and British coolness toward Austria is not so different from OTL where Austria refused to recognize Greek independence in similar terms. The true difference is the IOTL Metternich had a sure ally in Nicholas' Russia and Prussia by default was with them; ITTL Konstantine will not necessarily wish to play the role of the "policeman of Europe" (which doesn't mean he will be a flame breathing liberal though).
I don't think the Ottomans will single out the kingdom of Naples for economic retaliations (although it is true that after OTL Greek independence a significant number of Greek merchants moved to Smyrna, where they were protected by the Capitulations: however this was caused by a mistrust in the Greek judiciary rather then by Ottoman economic reprisals).

Eugenie de Behaurnais is probably the best spouse young Achille can hope for (a wife from one of the reigning houses is out of the question). Pity she is going to die quite young (unless the better climate of Naples can give her a few more years). IOTL she did not have children, but this might be her husband's deficiency.
One of Achille's sisters might have a look into the Roman princely houses (who araldically had the right of precedence over HRE princes): it would be helpful to have some friends in Rome, given the proximity of the Papal States as well as the pope's dislike for house Murat (and a papal permission might be obtained during the discussions for a Concordat). The other one is probably best married into some important house on the Adriatic side (Puglia was always a possible problem for Neapolitan rulers, given the distance and the poor communications). Have you thought about their titles? Capua, Benevento, Spoleto come to mind. What was Achille's title? I think that duke of Calabria would do.

Last but not least: I don't think Charles X could really go for an invasion upon the death of Joaquin. Naples is not Algeria, and the last time that French soldiers went rampaging through Europe was less than 15 years before.
Not to mention that there is a chance that the expeditionary force might be less than loyal to a (hated) Bourbon monarch waging war against the last Napoleonic kingdom. More than this, the logistics would be quite daunting.
 
First of all, welcome back to AH!

IMHO this hiatus has given you some time to think and improve the TL.<snip>


Thank you very much! It is always nice to have the attention of such an experienced and knowledgeable member as you. I hope I can improve my writing and avoid making too many noobish errors!
I concur with your reflections on the greek question: it would have been really too much to have Achille going there in person (I had been inspired by the nomen omen more than everything else).

As for marrying a Roman Prince, I don't want to marry my princess to "Il Marchese del Grillo" (if you watched the movie with the great Alberto Sordi, you know why...:rolleyes:). I am joking but still I am afraid that conflict with the Papal States is unavoidable in the long run, and even a marriage won't do much about it.

Finally I agree that a French expedition may be complicated, and it is to rule out an action immediately after Joachim's death, as it would be an act of blatant aggression, besides the considerations of logistics and loyalty that you rightly. Still, I want to try something different than OTL: Muratian Naples is bound to create divergences.

And now the update: E'morto 'o Re, Evviva 'o Re! (the king is dead, long live the king, in Neapolitan dialect)




The slow, mournful tolling of the bells echoed throughout an otherwise uncharacteristically silent Naples on the 11th of February 1828.
After a sudden and quick worsening of his health during the last months, at last King Joachim had succumbed to a fever.

After living a most adventurous youth, climbing swiftly through the ranks of the French army and gaining the trust of Napoleon Bonaparte himself he had been awarded with the throne of Naples, and had even managed to keep it in the face of the fall of his benefactor and of the French Empire with it.


He left this world after twenty years of reigning over Naples, and left the country arguably in a much better shape than he had found it. The State treasury was in good shape, while the fiscal burden was relatively light, and the first results of the economic reforms that his government had been implementing were starting to show, with a slow but steady increase in agricultural production and the timid start of several industries and workshops.


The country was defended by a regular army of 45000 men, whose equipment and training were on par with those of other European countries, and, apart from the Austrian, the strongest force in Italy. His navy was small, but sufficient to keep at bay Barbaresque pirates, and had proved its worth itself in battle at Missolonghi.


The internal situation was peaceful and stable, with a relatively liberal constitution (for its time) in place and a population that appeared mostly happy under the Muratian regime, apart from the constant opposition coming from the more radical liberals and reactionary barons.


The foreign relations were in a shakier position, as Naples couldn’t boast of any alliances, because of the Napoleonid origins of its ruling house. The relations with most States were rather friendly, and paradoxically Russia, although still a bastion of autocracy under the new Emperor Constantine, held Naples in a high degree of sympathy, probably seeing it as a possible ally in the Eastern Mediterranean.


The United Kingdom appeared to regard Naples in fairly positive light, although some were concerned in having a general of Napoleon still in charge of a country. Another point of friction was the continual British support of the Bourbon King in Sicily, who, despite renouncing his claims on Naples after the defeat suffered in Calabria now more than ten years before, was clearly still harboring designs on the mainland (and conversely Naples coveted the strategic island).


France instead, under the reactionary rule of Charles X, was rather hostile, seeing Murat as a creature of Napoleon and an usurper on a rightly Bourbon throne.


Relations with Austria were also cold, because of Naples’ role in the Greek War of Independence, and because of the threat that such a regime caused on the Habsburg preeminence in Italy.


Finally the other Italian States were in rather good terms with Naples, and lively trade was going on with Sardinia-Piedmont, while the Papal States were content with the Concordat signed in 1817, but wary of the possible introduction of liberal ideals in their lands.

King Joachim was thus succeeded by his eldest son Achille, who left his title of Duke of Calabria to his younger brother Luciano. Joachim’s daughters had both been married, although not to members of ruling families.


The eldest, Letizia, married in 1820 Carlo Filangieri, Prince of Satriano and general in the Neapolitan Army, who had distinguished himself in the Battle of the Isthmus of Calbria in 1816. He was eighteen years older than her, but the marriage was at least partly one of love, as the princess apparently was not insensible to the glorious halo of the general.


The younger, Luisa Giulia, married instead in 1825 the Russian diplomat Prince Alexander Gorchakov, a move that showed the closeness between the Neapolitan and Russian courts, even if it was not the marriage with Michail Romanov that Queen Caroline had unsuccessfully tried to arrange around in 1824 and that probably would brought a real alliance with Russia.


The day of the coronation saw representatives of most European states attend the ceremony in Naples Cathedral and the subsequent celebrations. The day was blemished only by the calculated affront from France and Sicily, as France sent only a very junior member of its diplomatic corps, while the Sicilian representatives where very noticeable by their absence.


Actually during 1828 the tensions between the two sides of the Messina Strait continued to rise, and peaked with the affaire Gallotti.

Saverio Gallotti (invented character) was a typographer from Salerno who in 1826, after joining the Carboneria, moved to Palermo, tasked with opening contacts with local liberals and planning agitations against the monarchy.

Unfortunately, while he had achieved significant success in creating a carbonari network in Sicily, his own success backfired, as among the newer recruits there were several agents of the Bourbon police. Soon Gallotti was arrested, along with seven other carbonari, and tried on counts of sedition and conspiracy against the King, as evidence was found or fabricated of a plot against the life of King Francis.

The death penalty was the unavoidable consequence, but Naples protested strongly, denouncing irregularities in the trial and asking that Gellotti, who was a Neapolitan citizen, be given to their authority to be put on a fair trial and eventually punished for what he had committed, and not for "imagined plots".

Naturally Sicily didn't comply with those outrageos demands, and on the 5th of may 1828 Gallotti was executed along with three of his fllows, while the others were given long jail terms. The trials brought a wave of paranoia in the Bourbon court, which became more and more politically repressive, and suspended the 1812 Constitution.

In Naples the affaire Gallotti caused large uproar, and influenced the outcome of the September 1828 elections, which saw a significant success for the more liberal forces, supported by the young King Achille, and bringing to the resignation of the moderate cabinet of Luigi Blanch in favour of Guglielmo Pepe, rumored to have strong ties with the Carboneria.

Meanwhile Francis I hold on his kingdom started to show signs of frailty, as even the baronal aristocracy, that was all but liberal, resented the suspension of the Constitution and therefore of their powerful influence through the Sicilian Parliament.
Another, even more worrying developement was the growing estrangement between Palermo and its British supporters, as London felt that Malta and its other Mediterranean possessions were enough to guarantee a sufficient control of that sea, without spending so much to shore up the always growing debt of the Sicilian Court (a court that was also becoming uncreasingly unpopular due to its repressive policies).
It was not that Francis was authorizing extravagant expenses, but Sicily didn't have the resources necessary for mantaining the large force of Swiss mercenaries that the Bourbons deemed necessary for their defence, and taxation could not be raised due to political concerns.
Sicily had rich resources, like sulphur mines or plentiful fisheries, but they were still largely unexploited.

Sensing this difficult situation and the increasing coldness of his british patrons, who had been asking for larger economical concessions while reducing their economical and naval commitment in defense of the island, Francis started to look for different allies and new ways of regaining what he still saw as his families' rightful heritage on the other side of the Strait. He would soon find many supporters at the court of the French king Charles X of Bourbon.
 
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