An Ausonian Tale: the Kingdom of Naples in the XIX century
- Thread starter Yanez de Gomera
- Start date
Which, considering the time frame will be upset that it lost out on their Bourbon relative not gaining Naples, but eh...at least it's Louis XVIII on the throne...something tells me had it been Charles X, he'd probably try to be more directly involved in the matter.
At the moment Bourbon France is still partially occupied by the allies, and I think it is too soon for them to try foreign adventures, even against a diplomatically isolated country like Naples. I think that Austria would side with Naples against France, if only to avoid having them back in forces in Italy.
However Murat won't be able to get particularly harsh terms against Sicily. It would be already a success to be recognized officially and be left to his own affairs in his own Kingdom. He cannot expand for the moment, but will continue the modernisation of Naples and try to improve its economical situation, the Kingdom will look inward for some years, and will try as much as possible not to be dragged into the North Italian powderkeg.(i)
The only possible military adventures will be against the Barbaresque States, especially Tunisi and Tripoli, and maybe some informal contribution to the Greek Independentist cause, but sure thing there won't be territorial expansion, it wouldn't be accepted in the current diplomatical climate.
Note:
i - As to Italy, Risorgimento and Unification. I am still not sure which way the events will shape up: there are a couple of event chains I have in mind, one may bring to an Italy unified early and more federal than OTL, one, to a unified Peninsular Italy and a Balkanized Northern Italy, but there is also the possibility of Naples keeping a isolationist stance and thus Italy never really forming (leghisti dream
).
The fact is that Naples, as a country geared towards export agriculture shares some (apart from slavery obviously) similarities to the CSA and won't benefit much from unification. On the other hand even in OTL Italy as a whole industrialised later, and until the unification it can be argued that the north wasn't significantly more industrialised than the south, even if it had much better potential (better infrastructure, educated population, closeness to european markets, better potential for watermills and later hydroelectrical energy).
However Murat won't be able to get particularly harsh terms against Sicily. It would be already a success to be recognized officially and be left to his own affairs in his own Kingdom. He cannot expand for the moment, but will continue the modernisation of Naples and try to improve its economical situation, the Kingdom will look inward for some years, and will try as much as possible not to be dragged into the North Italian powderkeg.(i)
The only possible military adventures will be against the Barbaresque States, especially Tunisi and Tripoli, and maybe some informal contribution to the Greek Independentist cause, but sure thing there won't be territorial expansion, it wouldn't be accepted in the current diplomatical climate.
Note:
i - As to Italy, Risorgimento and Unification. I am still not sure which way the events will shape up: there are a couple of event chains I have in mind, one may bring to an Italy unified early and more federal than OTL, one, to a unified Peninsular Italy and a Balkanized Northern Italy, but there is also the possibility of Naples keeping a isolationist stance and thus Italy never really forming (leghisti dream
).The fact is that Naples, as a country geared towards export agriculture shares some (apart from slavery obviously) similarities to the CSA and won't benefit much from unification. On the other hand even in OTL Italy as a whole industrialised later, and until the unification it can be argued that the north wasn't significantly more industrialised than the south, even if it had much better potential (better infrastructure, educated population, closeness to european markets, better potential for watermills and later hydroelectrical energy).
i - As to Italy, Risorgimento and Unification. I am still not sure which way the events will shape up: there are a couple of event chains I have in mind, one may bring to an Italy unified early and more federal than OTL, one, to a unified Peninsular Italy and a Balkanized Northern Italy, but there is also the possibility of Naples keeping a isolationist stance and thus Italy never really forming (leghisti dream
Well italian nationalism will be on the rise and when 48 (or equivalent) will come the lure of an unified nation will be a little too much to resist for anyone as OTL demonstrated, and frankly a much stronger Naples can be what the revolutionaries need to bring Vienna to the negotiation table.
Naturally, if in general Murat Naples is not seen too well, image all Italy.
Or if we go for irony of alternate history, the Kingdom of Naples can took the place of Sardinia as the force behind the unification
Maybe so, or maybe Murat might not want anything to do with a united Italy, instead focusing on ruling as an, albeit liberal, King of Naples.
He, or his successors, might rightly want this, but if the nationalist sentiment in Italy develops as in OTL they will have to fight Austria or face revolution at home.
The Treaty of Rome, 1816
The Roman winter was not particularly cold, especially for the delegates from northern Europe, but the city itself was far from the luxury of the Renaissance, and could offer only poor entertainments to the negotiators, especially when compared to Vienna, where most of them had spent many months during the proceedings of the Congress.
Nonetheless the negotiations managed to get protracted for about three months, before a definitive Treaty between Sicily and Naples could be signed.
Actually the most time consuming points of contentions were over apparently unsubstantial questions, like retaining or not aristocratic titles relating respectively to Sicily for the Muratians and to Naples for the Bourbons.
Once those protocol questions had been finally worked over, the negotiations could finally proceed towards more substantial questions.
The Neapolitan delegation had entered the negotiations making heavy demands on Sicily, they especially pushed for economic compensation for the return of prisoners and the reparation of war devastation in Calabria and Basilicata. They wanted a heavy monetary indemnity (deemed necessary to replenish the dismally empty state coffers) and the introduction of a “most favoured nation” clause for Naples in all commercial exchanges with the Bourbon Kingdom.
In exchange they offered to renounce any claim of sovereignty on Sicily and to pardon all rebel nobles, many of whom had been captured and risked the death penalty as traitors of the State.
International Isolation
However Mormile soon realized that, regardless of the great victory won by Murat near Catanzaro, the Kingdom remained weak and terribly isolated.
Especially France appeared to be rabidly opposed to any final renunciation of claims by the Sicilian Bourbons, and England appeared very jealous of the 15% discount on all tariffs and fees (i) that it had extorted from the Bourbons and would never accept to divide this privilege with Naples.
Metternich appeared content with his prior curtailing of Naples’ northern expansionism, and kept a moderate stance, as an aggressive war in Italy on the behalf of the Bourbons would have inflamed the north against Austrian rule, without offering substantial gains for the Empire.
Only the czar Alexander expressed, through his representative Ioannis Kapodistrias, sympathy for the Neapolitan cause, as he had been impressed by the courage shown by Murat’s troop in a defensive war against a more numerous enemy, and had also interest in securing some goodwill in a Mediterranean state, after having to lose the Ionian islands in favour of England.
The Neapolitan Moves
To come out of this isolation Mormile and Zurlo devised a threefold course of action.
Firstly they would acquire the benevolence of Pious VII, by privately starting to negotiate a Concordate with the Roman Chatolic Church.
Secondly they would propose favourable commercial treaties towards both Russia and England, while dropping the demand for a most favoured nation clause.
Thirdly, they would expose the role of Bourbon officers (but keep quiet about British involvement) in the preparation of the 15th August insurrection and publicize very openly the atrocities committed by the Sanfedisti.
By doing this their objective was to further discredit the Bourbons and to dispel the forming myth of the Sanfedista as a loyal and pious patriot rising against foreign oppression and to swing the favour of the European, and especially British, public opinion towards the “more civilized” Neapolitan Kingdom.
This moves proved to be at least partially successful, leading to Sicily being supported only by their French Bourbon relatives, that didn’t have much political weight, being still subject to partial occupation in the aftermath of Waterloo. In the end the international recognition of Naples as a legitimate member of the European concert of nations was begrudgingly accepted by all the Powers.
The Neapolitans could do nothing, but accept that they would have to bear the weight of the war costs, instead Mormile had the idea of asking the Eolian Islands (ii) in exchange for the renunciation to all other claims, more for prestige reasons than other, and without much expectation of actually obtaining them.
Surprisingly none of the Powers objected to this solution, and notwithstanding the cries of the Bourbons of them being “a dagger pointed at Sicily’s belly”, the ownership of the small, sparsely inhabited volcanic islands just to the north of Messina passed to the Kingdom of Naples, albeit with the caveat that they had to be kept demilitarized.
Notes:
i-In OTL it was 10%, I increased it to reflect the increased dependence of Sicily from England.
ii- The islands are tiny and rather unhospitable, but they have some resources: good wines, fisheries, sulphur and other minerals in Vulcano.
iii-Still worse conditions than the English, who get a 15% discount on the tariffs that Ferdinand's subjects have to pay.
The Treaty of Rome (1816)
The beginning of the Negotiations
The beginning of the Negotiations
The Roman winter was not particularly cold, especially for the delegates from northern Europe, but the city itself was far from the luxury of the Renaissance, and could offer only poor entertainments to the negotiators, especially when compared to Vienna, where most of them had spent many months during the proceedings of the Congress.
Nonetheless the negotiations managed to get protracted for about three months, before a definitive Treaty between Sicily and Naples could be signed.
Actually the most time consuming points of contentions were over apparently unsubstantial questions, like retaining or not aristocratic titles relating respectively to Sicily for the Muratians and to Naples for the Bourbons.
Once those protocol questions had been finally worked over, the negotiations could finally proceed towards more substantial questions.
The Neapolitan delegation had entered the negotiations making heavy demands on Sicily, they especially pushed for economic compensation for the return of prisoners and the reparation of war devastation in Calabria and Basilicata. They wanted a heavy monetary indemnity (deemed necessary to replenish the dismally empty state coffers) and the introduction of a “most favoured nation” clause for Naples in all commercial exchanges with the Bourbon Kingdom.
In exchange they offered to renounce any claim of sovereignty on Sicily and to pardon all rebel nobles, many of whom had been captured and risked the death penalty as traitors of the State.
International Isolation
Especially France appeared to be rabidly opposed to any final renunciation of claims by the Sicilian Bourbons, and England appeared very jealous of the 15% discount on all tariffs and fees (i) that it had extorted from the Bourbons and would never accept to divide this privilege with Naples.
Metternich appeared content with his prior curtailing of Naples’ northern expansionism, and kept a moderate stance, as an aggressive war in Italy on the behalf of the Bourbons would have inflamed the north against Austrian rule, without offering substantial gains for the Empire.
Only the czar Alexander expressed, through his representative Ioannis Kapodistrias, sympathy for the Neapolitan cause, as he had been impressed by the courage shown by Murat’s troop in a defensive war against a more numerous enemy, and had also interest in securing some goodwill in a Mediterranean state, after having to lose the Ionian islands in favour of England.
The Neapolitan Moves
Firstly they would acquire the benevolence of Pious VII, by privately starting to negotiate a Concordate with the Roman Chatolic Church.
Secondly they would propose favourable commercial treaties towards both Russia and England, while dropping the demand for a most favoured nation clause.
Thirdly, they would expose the role of Bourbon officers (but keep quiet about British involvement) in the preparation of the 15th August insurrection and publicize very openly the atrocities committed by the Sanfedisti.
By doing this their objective was to further discredit the Bourbons and to dispel the forming myth of the Sanfedista as a loyal and pious patriot rising against foreign oppression and to swing the favour of the European, and especially British, public opinion towards the “more civilized” Neapolitan Kingdom.
This moves proved to be at least partially successful, leading to Sicily being supported only by their French Bourbon relatives, that didn’t have much political weight, being still subject to partial occupation in the aftermath of Waterloo. In the end the international recognition of Naples as a legitimate member of the European concert of nations was begrudgingly accepted by all the Powers.
Reparations and the Eolian Question
The question of reparations was more difficult, because the state of Sicilian finances was disastrous and kept from bankrupt only thanks to English monetary support. This would mean that any reparations would be effectively paid by the British, who for this reason vehemently opposed them.
The Neapolitans could do nothing, but accept that they would have to bear the weight of the war costs, instead Mormile had the idea of asking the Eolian Islands (ii) in exchange for the renunciation to all other claims, more for prestige reasons than other, and without much expectation of actually obtaining them.
Surprisingly none of the Powers objected to this solution, and notwithstanding the cries of the Bourbons of them being “a dagger pointed at Sicily’s belly”, the ownership of the small, sparsely inhabited volcanic islands just to the north of Messina passed to the Kingdom of Naples, albeit with the caveat that they had to be kept demilitarized.
The Treaty of Rome, 26th February 1816
Notes:
i-In OTL it was 10%, I increased it to reflect the increased dependence of Sicily from England.
ii- The islands are tiny and rather unhospitable, but they have some resources: good wines, fisheries, sulphur and other minerals in Vulcano.
iii-Still worse conditions than the English, who get a 15% discount on the tariffs that Ferdinand's subjects have to pay.
Now that Murat has affirmed his position within Europe, the real fun can begin! What influence will Naples have on the politics of the Italian peninsula? Will they maybe exert their influence over other territories (especially Greece, the Ionian Islands, Albania, Montenegro and modern Libya) in the future? Will the positive relations to Russia last and maybe result in an alliance?
Also I gotta say that I like Naples getting the Aeolian Islands. They are a cute, little bonus after all.
Also I gotta say that I like Naples getting the Aeolian Islands. They are a cute, little bonus after all.
How ironic that the only friend Naples has is the Tsar.
The Treaty is good.
As the author noted, external involvement of any import is probably out of question in the immediate future.
IOTL, Bourbon Naples cooperated with the US in the Barbary Wars. However, this occurred mostly during the Naples-Sicily war ITTL, which would have prevented both Sicilians and Neapolitans doing so here.
I can see Murat willing to commit a token force now if there's room to do so, both because contrasting piracy in the Med is an obvious interest for the Kingdom and to foster better relations with another country. The US are very far away and relatively unimportant, so there won't be a strong committment, but for a country so short in friends of any kind, a benevolent US could be a small, useful advantage.
The Treaty is good.
As the author noted, external involvement of any import is probably out of question in the immediate future.
IOTL, Bourbon Naples cooperated with the US in the Barbary Wars. However, this occurred mostly during the Naples-Sicily war ITTL, which would have prevented both Sicilians and Neapolitans doing so here.
I can see Murat willing to commit a token force now if there's room to do so, both because contrasting piracy in the Med is an obvious interest for the Kingdom and to foster better relations with another country. The US are very far away and relatively unimportant, so there won't be a strong committment, but for a country so short in friends of any kind, a benevolent US could be a small, useful advantage.
Naples will keep to its borders for now, especially in Italy it will try to avoid new wars and instead focus on the economy.
Colonies in the Balkans or North Africa are excluded at least for some decades, however the Greek independence war won't be butterflied away and Murat will be very sympathetic to their cause, after all he called his first son Achille...
The evolution of the relationship with Russia is still uncertain, I had Alexander supporting Murat because the czar was unpredictable and until about 1819 had some liberal sympathies.
Finally the Barbary pirates are a real nuisance and measures will be taken against them, maybe focusing on the weaker Tunis or Tripoli beyliks while the British take on Algiers.
Thank you very much!
The next updates will deal with the economy (eg land reform ahoy) and society (concordate). Time now will advance faster until the next crisis, probably around 1820, when Murat will have to concede a Constitution.
I was under the impression Ferdinand went back on his constitution after he got Naples back OTL. So is Sicily still under that constitution?
Actually not yet: formally the Statute of Bayona is the constitution, but it mainly regulates succession questions. Murat is basically governing as a military dictatorship/administrative monarchy.
They were however speaking about Sicily, that since 1812 has got a British inspired constitution. In otl this was voided with the merging of Sicily and Naples in the Kingdom of Sicily in 1816. This caused great resentment in Sicily and was one of the causes of the 1820 revolution. However in this TL Ferdinand wouldn't dare revoking the constitution although he sure won't respect it much.
I think his throne is safe for the moment, because of English support and because the very last thing the Sicilians want is being ruled by Naples!
When its time comes I will describe in better detail the Neapolitan Constitution, I am still tinkering about what model to follow: it will probably be a combination of the Anglo-Sicilian model with that of the Cadiz Constitution of 1812 that in otl was the model for the Neapolitan one in 1820, but I am open to suggestions and inputs.
About the Constitution, I fill I have to make a precisation: in OTL Murat indeed conceded a liberal Constitution on the 18th of May 1815, just before being forced out of Naples. He was very reluctant to do so, and this was just a final attempt to rally the population around him. With the different situation ITTL he is still ignoring the calls for a Constitution. This situation however can't last long, the Carbonari groups are spreading fast, especially in the army, and if Joachim keeps his autocratic rule, he will face a coup.
What will happen is that he will summon the (ancient regime style) Parliament provided by the Bayona Statute and this body will adopt a Constitution, that will in fact be written by people like G. Zurlo, V. Cuoco, M. Delfico.
Hopefully this should prevent any revolution and subsequent foreign intervention. However it could destabilize other italian country, especiallly Piedmont-Sardinia.
What will happen is that he will summon the (ancient regime style) Parliament provided by the Bayona Statute and this body will adopt a Constitution, that will in fact be written by people like G. Zurlo, V. Cuoco, M. Delfico.
Hopefully this should prevent any revolution and subsequent foreign intervention. However it could destabilize other italian country, especiallly Piedmont-Sardinia.
Makes sense I believe. What is Cuoco up to now? I remember his relationship with Napoleonic France having varying phases...
State of the Kingdom in 1816
Cuoco has been long part of the governement, with various roles. However he wanted Murat to declare war to Austria and unite Italy and has been since sidelined a bit. However I think he is still one of the most important intellectuals in the Kingdom, and I think that under these different conditions he won't have the same nervous breakdowns has he had since the restauration in otl.
But now it's time for a new update:
Cuoco has been long part of the governement, with various roles. However he wanted Murat to declare war to Austria and unite Italy and has been since sidelined a bit. However I think he is still one of the most important intellectuals in the Kingdom, and I think that under these different conditions he won't have the same nervous breakdowns has he had since the restauration in otl.
But now it's time for a new update:
The State of the Kingdom of Naples in 1816
At the beginning of March 1816 the prospects for Murat’s rule over Naples appeared much brighter than just one year before. Notwithstanding the fall of his benefactor Bonaparte and the intrigues of the allies he had managed to secure his throne, even beating back the Bourbons’ invasion while being in numerical inferiority and confronted by an hostile populace.
The Sanfedisti insurgency had meanwhile all but died down, especially after the Austrians on the northern border had demobilized and he had been able to send more troops to Basilicata and Calabria, crushing the last big armed bands.
One of the last to be defeated was that of the infamous don Ciccio.
At the end of February he had led a desperate attack against the garrison of Matera with a couple of hundreds of half starved followers. He actually was successful in seizing most of the town for a couple of days, but then army reinforcement came to the city and defeated him. Most of the rebels had been killed in the fighting, and don Ciccio Saiti himself had been wounded and captured. He was later found guilty of treason, sedition, and numerous counts of robbery and murder, and hanged in Piazza Mercato at Naples on the 5th of March.
The problem of brigands and armed robbers making travel dangerous remained, but Mahnes’ “spiderweb” strategy of capillary garrisons and patrols, although expensive, was proving effective.
The local peasants also came to appreciate the security offered by the army and the boost to their poor incomes that came with the possibility of (often unofficially) selling foodstuff, liquor and simple handworks to the soldiers, especially when, with the defeat of the most dangerous bands, most of the restrictions on the freedom of movement were lifted.
Curtailing of the Barbary Pirates
Another security concern was the recrudescence of pirate attacks from the Barbary States, that had been profiting from the disruptions of the war to wreak havoc on Neapolitan merchant shipping.
Their activities had been somewhat reduced after the campaigns waged by the young American Navy against them, and it appeared probable that England would soon move in force against Algiers and put an end to the disgusting trade of Christian slaves.
However Naples was not protected by an alliance with the United Kingdom, and the Barbary Pirates, especially those of Tripoli and Tunisi, would probably think its shipping to be an easier prey.
Paying a tribute was ruled out by Murat, who apparently stated, quoting the ancient roman dictator Marcus Furius Camillus: “Ferro, non avro, recvperanda est patria!”(i).
Therefore a demonstrative action was prepared against the Beylik of Tripoli and the Pasha of Tunis, with the objective of forcing them to force them to cease pirate acts against Naples and to release any Christian slaves they held.
On June 1816 a Neapolitan squadron, composed of the Ship of the Line Gioacchino, the frigates Cerere and Letizia, a brig and a flotilla of ten gunboats anchored off the port of Tripoli, and, after counseling with the British consul and failing to find a diplomatic solution to the question, started shelling the port batteries and the anchored ships.
After a couple of hours of bombardment and heavy damages to the batteries and the shipping, the Bey asked for a ceasefire. After some further negotiations he pledged to respect Neapolitanian shipping and released some dozens of slaves, mostly fishermen from Procida that had been caught some weeks earlier.
More daring was the raid on Tunis two weeks later. The defences of this city were deemed too strong to be overcome by the Neapolitan squadron and so it was decided to carry out a cutting out expedition under cover of night. Twenty boats managed to penetrate unseen in the port and sailor and marines parties boarded and burned most of the ship in the port, before safely retreating to the Neapolitan squadron. On the next day, the Pasha of Tunis accepted similar terms to that of Tripoli. (ii)
These naval actions were positively received in Europe, raising Murat’s prestige especially among the Italian states that too suffered from piracy, but didn’t have a strong enough navy to defend their commerce. Also the government of the USA, that had just waged a campaign against the Barbary States viewed with much sympathy the Neapolitan intervention, and decided to start formal diplomatic relationship with Naples, although a Neapolitan stable consular presence in Washington was established only in 1824.
Another diplomatic success of Joachim’s reign was the signing of a Concordat with the Holy See. The Pope had initially been openly hostile to Murat, inviting Austrian troops to defend his borders and the principalities of Benevento and Pontecorvo, but then relations had started to improve, especially after Naples had proposed Pious VII as mediator in the conflict with Sicily, thus giving new diplomatical relevance to the Papacy.
Preliminary negotiations for a Concordat had started parallel to those for the treaty of Rome, and the talks protracted themselves for more than one year, so that only in May 1817 a satisfactory solution for both parties could be found.
The Kingdom of Naples confirmed the Roman Catholic Religion as the State religion and would amend its Civil Code, excluding from it the provisions on divorce. Civil marriage and adoption would however be maintained. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Naples was to be limited only to marriage questions and clergymen discipline.
Bishops would be appointed by the pope (iii), but had to swear allegiance to the Kingdom of Naples. The dioceses would be reduced in number and simplified, each would be entitled to a revenue sufficient for its subsistence and the explications of its duties and the related properties, but not any additional property, would be exempt from eventual land reforms.
The church accepted all previous seizures and selling of Church properties by the Neapolitan State.
Monastic orders would be allowed in the Kingdom, but only if they operated charitable activities. Those activities would be exempt from taxation.
Finally all education would be imparted by the State, but Catechism would be included in the Curriculums and the Church had the right to choose all the religion teachers and theology professors.
The Concordat was not well received from the liberals, who saw it as a surrender to the more reactionary and backward elements of society, but it is actually surprising how much the Neapolitan negotiators managed to get from Pious VII, especially the drastic reduction of ecclesiastical jurisdictions and the acknowledgement of past expropriations.
The return of bishops appointed solely by the Pope was seen as a victory of the Church, but with a modern perspective should be ore rightly judged a first step in the direction of separation between Church and State.
The greatest challenge that Joachim had to face, after the victory against the Sicilian invasion, was the terrible backwardness of most of his Kingdom, and its resulting poverty.
Especially the infrastructural situation was catastrophic, with large parts of some provinces lacking even the most basic roads; most of the trade was maritime, but there were few ports, and most had only primitive facilities.
Naples was one of the biggest cities in Europe, but the squalor of some of its quarters was appalling and a great part of the population was an unproductive rabble, not much different from the plebs of the ancient Rome.
The other cities and towns were little better, and most lacked even the most basic sanitation measures.
For instance Catanzaro, where Joachim had camped before the decisive battle against Ferdinand, although a provincial capital, had only two fouled wells as water supply, while the mountains near it where rich of clear waters.
Most of the population was illiterate and lived in villages that were not much different from what they had been in the middle ages, and the main economical resource of the Kingdom, agriculture, although promising, was still conducted with archaical and highly inefficient methods.
Many reforms had already been done, and the lights of progress had started to shine on the Kingdom, but still much had to be done, and urgently, else the country would forever be weak and wither into insignificance.
In particular it was deemed necessary to:
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Notes:
i-from Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, V, 4, 49
ii-based on the OTL 1825 attack of the Sardinian navy on Tripoli
iii-in OTL the 1818 Concordat between the Two Sicilies and the Papacy gave the King the ability to appoint bishops of his choice.
iv-this is the name of the urban underclass of Naples. They might become a cheap workforce source, instead of a hotbed of criminality and potential rebellion.
The Fall of don Ciccio
The Sanfedisti insurgency had meanwhile all but died down, especially after the Austrians on the northern border had demobilized and he had been able to send more troops to Basilicata and Calabria, crushing the last big armed bands.
One of the last to be defeated was that of the infamous don Ciccio.
At the end of February he had led a desperate attack against the garrison of Matera with a couple of hundreds of half starved followers. He actually was successful in seizing most of the town for a couple of days, but then army reinforcement came to the city and defeated him. Most of the rebels had been killed in the fighting, and don Ciccio Saiti himself had been wounded and captured. He was later found guilty of treason, sedition, and numerous counts of robbery and murder, and hanged in Piazza Mercato at Naples on the 5th of March.
The problem of brigands and armed robbers making travel dangerous remained, but Mahnes’ “spiderweb” strategy of capillary garrisons and patrols, although expensive, was proving effective.
The local peasants also came to appreciate the security offered by the army and the boost to their poor incomes that came with the possibility of (often unofficially) selling foodstuff, liquor and simple handworks to the soldiers, especially when, with the defeat of the most dangerous bands, most of the restrictions on the freedom of movement were lifted.
Curtailing of the Barbary Pirates
Another security concern was the recrudescence of pirate attacks from the Barbary States, that had been profiting from the disruptions of the war to wreak havoc on Neapolitan merchant shipping.
Their activities had been somewhat reduced after the campaigns waged by the young American Navy against them, and it appeared probable that England would soon move in force against Algiers and put an end to the disgusting trade of Christian slaves.
However Naples was not protected by an alliance with the United Kingdom, and the Barbary Pirates, especially those of Tripoli and Tunisi, would probably think its shipping to be an easier prey.
Paying a tribute was ruled out by Murat, who apparently stated, quoting the ancient roman dictator Marcus Furius Camillus: “Ferro, non avro, recvperanda est patria!”(i).
Therefore a demonstrative action was prepared against the Beylik of Tripoli and the Pasha of Tunis, with the objective of forcing them to force them to cease pirate acts against Naples and to release any Christian slaves they held.
On June 1816 a Neapolitan squadron, composed of the Ship of the Line Gioacchino, the frigates Cerere and Letizia, a brig and a flotilla of ten gunboats anchored off the port of Tripoli, and, after counseling with the British consul and failing to find a diplomatic solution to the question, started shelling the port batteries and the anchored ships.
After a couple of hours of bombardment and heavy damages to the batteries and the shipping, the Bey asked for a ceasefire. After some further negotiations he pledged to respect Neapolitanian shipping and released some dozens of slaves, mostly fishermen from Procida that had been caught some weeks earlier.
More daring was the raid on Tunis two weeks later. The defences of this city were deemed too strong to be overcome by the Neapolitan squadron and so it was decided to carry out a cutting out expedition under cover of night. Twenty boats managed to penetrate unseen in the port and sailor and marines parties boarded and burned most of the ship in the port, before safely retreating to the Neapolitan squadron. On the next day, the Pasha of Tunis accepted similar terms to that of Tripoli. (ii)
These naval actions were positively received in Europe, raising Murat’s prestige especially among the Italian states that too suffered from piracy, but didn’t have a strong enough navy to defend their commerce. Also the government of the USA, that had just waged a campaign against the Barbary States viewed with much sympathy the Neapolitan intervention, and decided to start formal diplomatic relationship with Naples, although a Neapolitan stable consular presence in Washington was established only in 1824.
The Concordate
Another diplomatic success of Joachim’s reign was the signing of a Concordat with the Holy See. The Pope had initially been openly hostile to Murat, inviting Austrian troops to defend his borders and the principalities of Benevento and Pontecorvo, but then relations had started to improve, especially after Naples had proposed Pious VII as mediator in the conflict with Sicily, thus giving new diplomatical relevance to the Papacy.
Preliminary negotiations for a Concordat had started parallel to those for the treaty of Rome, and the talks protracted themselves for more than one year, so that only in May 1817 a satisfactory solution for both parties could be found.
The Kingdom of Naples confirmed the Roman Catholic Religion as the State religion and would amend its Civil Code, excluding from it the provisions on divorce. Civil marriage and adoption would however be maintained. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Naples was to be limited only to marriage questions and clergymen discipline.
Bishops would be appointed by the pope (iii), but had to swear allegiance to the Kingdom of Naples. The dioceses would be reduced in number and simplified, each would be entitled to a revenue sufficient for its subsistence and the explications of its duties and the related properties, but not any additional property, would be exempt from eventual land reforms.
The church accepted all previous seizures and selling of Church properties by the Neapolitan State.
Monastic orders would be allowed in the Kingdom, but only if they operated charitable activities. Those activities would be exempt from taxation.
Finally all education would be imparted by the State, but Catechism would be included in the Curriculums and the Church had the right to choose all the religion teachers and theology professors.
The Concordat was not well received from the liberals, who saw it as a surrender to the more reactionary and backward elements of society, but it is actually surprising how much the Neapolitan negotiators managed to get from Pious VII, especially the drastic reduction of ecclesiastical jurisdictions and the acknowledgement of past expropriations.
The return of bishops appointed solely by the Pope was seen as a victory of the Church, but with a modern perspective should be ore rightly judged a first step in the direction of separation between Church and State.
The greatest challenge that Joachim had to face, after the victory against the Sicilian invasion, was the terrible backwardness of most of his Kingdom, and its resulting poverty.
Especially the infrastructural situation was catastrophic, with large parts of some provinces lacking even the most basic roads; most of the trade was maritime, but there were few ports, and most had only primitive facilities.
Naples was one of the biggest cities in Europe, but the squalor of some of its quarters was appalling and a great part of the population was an unproductive rabble, not much different from the plebs of the ancient Rome.
The other cities and towns were little better, and most lacked even the most basic sanitation measures.
For instance Catanzaro, where Joachim had camped before the decisive battle against Ferdinand, although a provincial capital, had only two fouled wells as water supply, while the mountains near it where rich of clear waters.
Most of the population was illiterate and lived in villages that were not much different from what they had been in the middle ages, and the main economical resource of the Kingdom, agriculture, although promising, was still conducted with archaical and highly inefficient methods.
Many reforms had already been done, and the lights of progress had started to shine on the Kingdom, but still much had to be done, and urgently, else the country would forever be weak and wither into insignificance.
In particular it was deemed necessary to:
- Improve the roads all over the Kingdom and to keep them safe with numerous post stations and frequent police patrols.
- Build new ports and expand the existing ones, as the coastal shipping is too often forced to use natural unprotected bays.
- Make basic sanitation works in the towns where they are lacking and study a project for a sewage system in Naples.
- Establish at least a basic school in each municipality to fight illiteracy.
- Improve the agricultural methods, to increase yields and achieve independence from foodstuff imports. In perspective, favour commercial cultivations like oil, wine, almonds, cotton and tobacco.
- Augment the existing manufactories and implant new ones, especially in the area of Naples in order to have the lazzari(iv) do some productive work and in perspective become less dependent from imports of manufactured goods from foreign countries.
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Notes:
i-from Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, V, 4, 49
ii-based on the OTL 1825 attack of the Sardinian navy on Tripoli
iii-in OTL the 1818 Concordat between the Two Sicilies and the Papacy gave the King the ability to appoint bishops of his choice.
iv-this is the name of the urban underclass of Naples. They might become a cheap workforce source, instead of a hotbed of criminality and potential rebellion.
Is Italian the official language of Naples in this scenario? Or the Neapolitan language?