A much larger Rome that survives until the present day.

Why. Are .There. No. UPDATES!!!!:mad: If Eric is so busy, he could jsut say that he would quit writing this. But I suppose he'll always be busy, and this'll drag on for five more years. Having to wait six months btween update is rather depressing.

But I felt like bumping this anyway, because it's been a while.
 
I'm sorry to bring this up, and to ressurect an old thread, but isn't this a bit of a Kirk Mitchell knock-off?

Kirk Mitchell's Procurator trilogy has
- An expanded Roman empire, the primary European power
- a Chinese Empire (The Xing), the primary Eastern power
- an Aztec one (the Aztecae), the primary Western poer
- Roman colonies in America (Mexicae)
- A Roman empire that survives to the present day with the system nearly untouched. (Germanicus Julius Agricola)
 
Hmm, Zafuel, I'm pretty sure that any kind of Rome-survives-to-the presnet day story is a knock-off of some sort, whether it be by Kirk Mitchell or some college kid from Tennessee.(in other words, it will have cliches. He wants it to be somewhat plausible, so
China must survive. Oh, and it's the Maya, not Aztec, though they may both survive

EricSorry about being impatient. And sorry about your son, dude:( I've never hear of infants dying these days.

But the real reason for postign here was that I just completed a series of updates on the wiki article. I edited it to include all the edited and (re-edited!) parts. A lot of links will remain in the red, because the chracters and battles mentioned can be said to be stumbling blocks in Rome. But I think I did an excellent job going about as detailed as I could go in many of the articles.
 
Well thank you for updating the Wiki for me. And as for that book Zafuel mentioned, I've never even heard of it, much less read it. I wrote my timeline completely out of my head, it is all my original work. And just with my book that I am actually working on again, I simply sit down and type, I don't even prepare notes or have a game plan going in, that's just how I write.

I'm sorry I've taken kind of a hiatus from this board, but everytime I post something new, I'll get maybe three or four comments from the regulars (you guys who have commented from the beginning on my TL), and then it will disappear rather quickly. The problem with that is that for every page I write, it will often take my 1-2 hours to write it, so if I post two pages worth of material on here, I spent probably 4 hours putting it together. Now I look at other threads and alot of them will be something like "What if people had webbed feet?" or "What if women didn't exist?" and threads like that will have like two or three pages worth of comments and debate within one day. I'll post something and there simply isn't any interest, so basically I write and simply don't post it. I know there are a few on here that like my original TL and I greatly appreciate that, but it just doesn't seem worth it sometimes. I mean last time we had the Turtledove awards on here, I think one or two people nominated me and absolutely nothing came of it. I've spent three years working on this material and I just feel alot of times that it means pretty much nothing. But I do thank those who like my TL and who check in from time to time, thanks guys.
 
Eric, I'm new here and saw this thread had been bumped up and so I'm taking a look. I hope you and your wife are doing okay (together and individually). The death of a chikld is something I wouldn't wish on anyone. Our first born would be almost 12 now. Peace and healing to you.
 
Thank you and I appreciate that Lord Grattan, when you check out the thread please be aware that I wrote the original TL about two years ago and it is rather amateurish, I am trying to (albeit extremely slowly) overhaul the entire thing and write a book based on it at the same time.
 

Sargon

Donor
Monthly Donor
My sympathies on your tragic loss old chap. :( For what it's worth, I may have been absent myself and thus not placed as many comments here as I would have liked, but I do make efforts to keep up on the TL when I have a chance - because it's a damn interesting one.


Sargon
 
I decided to continue my book and the overhaul of my old TL. Hope at least some of you remember it and that there is at least a little interest in it still:


In early May, the intrepid Roman general marched his army northwest, besieging the Catuvellauni capital. Pollio’s army quickly destroyed the city’s ramshackle wooden palisade, entering the city through the southern gate and decisively defeating the king’s royal guards, the kounii or hound troops, noted for their extensive use of viciously trained war dogs. Roman forces hastily captured the city and Cassivellaunus and his family were punctually executed as punishment for defying the Republic in the first place. Within a week, Pollio received the submission of all remaining Catuvellauni towns and he continued with his conquest of Britain by marching quickly to the west to confront the alliance of the Dumnonii, Silures and the Durotriges tribes led by the Dumnonii king, Cadyrne. Cadyrne had prepared for several months to confront the Romans upon hearing of their landing in Cantii lands and worked tediously to form an alliance of tribes along the western coast of Britain in the hope of driving Pollio back to the sea.

Pollio first met the merciless war chief in the Battle of Sorbindunum on June 4th, 711 AUC. Cadyrne had ingeniously built three treacherous layers of defensive earthworks and trenches to protect the city from the inevitable Roman advance. Cadyrne realized correctly, as did Pollio, that the rather mediocre hilltop city known as Sorbindunum held the key to the conquest of southwestern Britain. Sorbindunum, as well as being a tremendous source of revenue for local tribes due to the heavy volume of trade that flowed regularly between its gates, was also the largest city in southern Britain at the time. To leave such a large, hostile population to one’s back during a campaign would be nearly suicidal, as both sides clearly understood. Tobias, the prolific writer of Caesar’s endless wars, mentioned Pollio’s solution to Sorbindunum’s intimidating defenses by stating the following in Book Two of his Caesar Bellum:

“By now, Gaius Pollio had proven himself beyond a reasonable doubt to be one of the most daring and audacious generals of his time, more bold than even the mightiest of his contemporaries, Julius Caesar. The problem of the Sorbindunumian defenses would be one of his most strenuous challenges to date. By most accounts, and most notably that of Clitus the Red, the defenses presented a triple-threat to Pollio’s forces. First, and by far the most dangerous, was the first trench, which circumvented the entire parameter of the city. The trench was filled with large wooden spikes and was defended by a line of miniature forts manned by archers. Behind the archer towers stood the second line of Cadyrne’s ingenious earthworks. The second trench was a moat nearly seven steps deep and five paces wide. Not far behind the moat, elevated on the hills upon which the city stood, was a barricade behind which numerous javelin-wielding troops prepared to bury their weapons deep into the heart of any Roman lucky enough (or perhaps unlucky enough) to find himself past the first two lines of defense. To these adroit bulwarks, Pollio had just as clever an answer as to his method of attack. Pollio immediately ordered the construction of a large mobile wall, as tall as the first trench was wide and twenty-two feet across. The wall was complete with four sets of large wheels and boasted a defensive folding sidewall on either side. According to Clitus, the wall required nearly 100 soldiers to budge the massive structure from a static position. Pollio’s troops easily surmounted the first obstacle by simply lowering the wall upon the open trench to create a bridge. The only true resistance came from the archer towers situated beyond the pike trench. After fierce fighting, Pollio’s troops disbanded the Celtic archers and advanced to the moat with their ingeniously built war-wall. As before, Pollio’s troops deployed the wall and safely, and efficiently crossed the moat to confront Cadyrne’s shock troops on the opposite side. Only after horrendous skirmishes along the entire third defensive perimeter, extending well into the third day, did the Roman forces finally manage to breach Sorbindunum’s wall.”

After nearly a week of battle, the exhausted Roman forces finally cornered the audacious Cadyrne in the northwestern sector of the city and defeated his elite guard, killing the Celtic war chief in the process. Cadyrne’s hastily prepared alliance quickly crumbled, with only the Ordovices king, Gwethorne offering any tangible resistance to the Roman advance after Cadyrne’s death. On August 23rd, Gwethorne’s capital, Segontium, fell to Pollio, officially ending the Roman conquest of southern Britain.

Pollio rested his army for nearly two months before advancing into northern Britain. He decided on a rather risky tactic by campaigning during the winter, but he believed that by doing so he would gain the advantage against the unsuspecting northern tribes. He made sure to secure treaties with every British tribe to his rear before marching, and by this time most had willingly or by force submitted to Roman authority.

Pollio then marched his army north into Brigantes lands, quickly capturing the town of Cataractonium after the town elder peacefully submitted to the Roman army. By this time, Pollio’s reputation as a general and a tactician was well known to the northern tribes of Britain and many a tribal leader opted to submit rather than offer the Romans a futile resistance. One king in particular, Hathuldar of the Caledonians, a fierce tribe in the northernmost lands of Britannia, refused to submit to Roman authority. Pollio advanced against Hathuldar by first marching on the city of Luguvallium. The Battle of Luguvallium, the hardest fought battle of the entire campaign in Britain, ended with Pollio’s defeat outside the city walls. By this time, Pollio and his exhausted army were absolutely desperate to find shelter from the horrendously cold winter and the never-ending snow of northern Britain. Pollio retreated to Brocavum, a town captured only weeks prior, to find a mutiny lead by the Brigantes chieftain Agothores.

Though demoralized by the recent defeat at Luguvallium and weary after months of constant campaigning, the Roman army managed to defeat the insurgents and retake Brocavum. Pollio offered the Brigantes an honorable peace, but did execute Agothores for his treasonous act. It is speculated by the majority of historians, including myself, that it was the Battle of Brocavum that saved Pollio’s campaign in Britain, for had he lost this crucial battle, the entire Roman army may have mutinied against him or at best, the other subjugated tribes of Britain may have rebelled against the Roman occupation, considerably prolonging the campaign. After a full month of rest and making sure to adequately equip his army for winter combat, Pollio advanced his army north once again, completely bypassing Luguvallium and instead attacking and capturing the Caledonian capital at Calvodunum on the western bank of the River Clyde.

Calvodunum was an extremely important trading center for the Caledonians and its capture forced Hathuldar to advance quickly to recapture the fallen capital. Pollio abandoned Calvodunum after burning the town to the ground, the first time Pollio had resorted to such a tactic in Britain. Pollio finally met Hathuldar for the second time on January 16th, 712 AUC at a small hilltop village east of the River Clyde called Vuvidenum. The rather unassuming village would forever be immortalized as the last significant battle of the Roman conquest of Britain. Even in modern times, the Battle of Vuvidenum resonates through history as one of the most significant events in the early history of the empire. Most recently, the Hathroth series of novels, a story about an eight- year-old Celtic prince named Hathroth who learns to use magic and use this magic against the Dark Army of Lord Gnaeus, is based on the mythical King Hathuldar and his feud with Pollio. Even the final battle of Unconquered, the last book and movie in the series, is a fictional parody of the Battle of Vuvidenum.

Pollio, with his 28,000 man army, though significantly outnumbering the Caledonians by nearly 10,000 men, narrowly escapes the battle with his life, much less a victory. The Romans only win after using their mercenary auxiliary to outflank Hathuldar and capture Trothtor Bridge (this famous bridge retains its name verbatim in Unconquered and also boasts the fourth largest income from tourism in all the empire) on the northern end of the village, making the village accessible to the Roman army. The use of mercenaries to bear the brunt of the fight was a wise decision by Pollio as it freed the Legions to engage the fortified Caledonians within Vuvidenum. After a two-day, fiercely fought contest, Pollio captured Hathuldar, effectively subjugating the Caledonians and ending his campaign in Britain on January 24th.

Pollio remained in Britain after the Battle of Vuvidenum, establishing a fort called Campus Caledonia, which later became the provincial capital of Caledonia, Caledonum. He continued to build roads and other infrastructure along with Campus Caledonia and Londinium for several months until Caesar ordered Pollio to leave for Gaul and build an army in preparation for his campaign in Germania in June 712 AUC. During the interim between the end of Pollio’s campaign and Caesar’s order to return to Gaul, the remarkable general learned of a land to the west of Britannia known as Hibernia through local legend. According to Tobias, Pollio began planning a punitive expedition to Hibernia followed by a second invasion to complete a Roman conquest of the mysterious land. Tobias’ describes in exuberant detail Pollio’s proposed conquest of Hibernia, providing as evidence the generals personal memoirs which were supposedly handed down through Pollio’s family line until 1125 AUC when the wealthy Sicilian senator, Horacious Eupheus acquired them upon Julius Decimus Pollio’s death in the same year. Through rather questionable means Tobias eventually ended up with the documents from which we get the fantastic tale of Pollio’s proposed Hibernian conquest and his supposed reaction to Caesar’s order.

Despite Tobias’ less than admirable method of obtaining Gaius Pollio’s memoirs (having obtained the documents from a pirate who had stole them from Eupheus, perhaps on order of Tobias himself) I am inclined to believe the majority of Tobias’ tale of Pollio’s plans based on the exceptional detail involved in Tobias’ account and the superb reliability of his other works. Tobias explains how Pollio was extremely dissatisfied with Caesar’s demand to return to Gaul and prepare for an extended campaign in Germania.

Tobias iterates that, “by this time, the magnificent Pollio was rather accustomed to the cool, damp air and sweet women of Britain and excitedly prepared for a glorious campaign in Hibernia, hoping to find much of the same in the new mysterious land. Upon hearing Caesar’s order to return to Gaul from the emperor’s envoy Arturus Vatiaus, Pollio, in a drunken rage, nearly killed the poor man where he stood proclaiming, “I shall let Fate herself dictate whether I return to wretched Gaul prematurely, not the whims of a man half a world away! Survive my arrow and I shall follow your commands, but should you die in this contest, all the better for me!” Pollio then preceeded to shoot an arrow at Vatiaus, which fortunately for the befuddled diplomat, missed his head entirely, landing on the wall behind him and sparing him from the certain death Pollio surely wished upon him. With this, Fate declared he return to Gaul, and return to Gaul he did shortly thereafter.”

Now of course it is difficult to say whether or not Pollio actually contemplated disobeying Caesar (given that not one document exists in which he refused to follow a military order), but regardless of the story’s probity, the modern saying, “Ad exspecto arbitratus sagitta” or “To await the arrow’s decision” has its roots in the rather substantial mythology that surrounds Pollio in modern culture. Most commonly, the phrase is used at bachelor parties, where the groom’s best man throws a fake arrow at the husband-to-be to see if “Fate” sanctions his future union. In theory, if the arrow hits the groom (implying that he is giving his life away) then he is to marry his significant other. However if the arrow misses the groom, then he should wait at least a year before marrying his bride. This is but one of many humorous examples of history infiltrating modern culture.

It is the work of the modern day historians Guvian and Radamanthus (who obtained the majority of their history from Tobias and Livy) that offer the best documentary on the Germanian conquests of Caesar and his prerequisite conquests in southeastern Europe. In the middle of May 710 AUC, Julius Caesar and Marc Antony invaded Thrace, marking the official beginning of Caesar’s conquest of southeastern Europe. Caesar sent Antony east to capture Byzantium before marching his army north into Moesia and toward the southern bank of the Danube while Caesar himself marched north toward western Moesia. Julius Caesar advanced quickly, capturing several small villages in western Thrace culminating in his capture of Vordium north of the Rhodope Mountains. It is after this battle that Caesar began writing his Commentarii de Bello Thracico in which he greatly exaggerates the magnitude of the Roman victory at Vordium. He also begins construction on Castrum Thracia, which eventually served as an Imperial prison from 2454 to 2565 AUC, in northwestern Thrace. While Caesar’s rapid advance made tremendous progress, Marc Antony’s campaign was slowed by guerilla tactics by the Thracian army in the Rhodope Mountains and the massive Battle of the Plotin Plains outside of Plotinopolis.
 
Oh my lord, this is back, hooray. :) Of course there is still interest, there will always be interest in a much larger Rome that survives until the present day. No matter how long the time in between there will still be interest.

*goes back to actually reading the last post*
 
I know it's taking me forever, but my life has been entirely too busy the past two years. Back when I started the original TL, I had tons of free time, now almost none. But I will finish this book eventually!
 
So did anyone else even notice this? I'll post more if there is actually interest in it. I worked hard on all this, at least put a comment or two :)

Pendragon,

Did you like the previous post?
 
Yeah, I did like the previous post. I like the history and the description and how it all comes together. The fact that you are fleshing out the individual battles and early periods with more detail is very nice. It provides for more characterization and life to the story and the characters, soldiers and events that occur within.

In a slight way, I personally dislike timeline and descriptions that are written from an in-universe persecutive due to the lack of infallibility that occurs - in other words, because it is not being being written by the outside universe narrator it is not entirely trustworthy. But that doesn't mean its bad.

All in all, I like the way you have set up your timeline and story. The basic timeline with dates and then a brief description allows for understanding of the whole, while the more detailed story elements cover the idea that some events are more important than others. I like that.
 
Thanks for your comments as always Pendragon. I'm glad that you've always liked my timeline so much. Sorry I never finished it. I really do intend to one day. Anyway, here's the next part of the story:

Antony began his perilous campaign by entering the narrow mountain passes at Mount Vlordi south of the Rhodope Mountains. On the third day of his campaign, he met a brave Thracian commander named Timordus who issued the Timordian Decree stating that he would allow Antony to retreat unharmed if he would immediately leave Thracian lands and sign a peace treaty. Antony of course, refused Timordus’ “generous” offer and immediately engaged in battle with the hardened Thracian general. The Battle of Mount Geru ended inconclusively on the second day after Antony managed to dislodge Timordus’ loyal guard from the highest cave on Geru, but after a devastating counterattack that left the Romans in no position to decisively defeat Timordus. Timordus retreated east to the narrow pass at modern day Carnvus, immediately fortifying the small mountain village. Antony approached the village with caution, but was still ambushed several miles from the village (then called Dordivium). In the ensuing battle, a stray Roman arrow managed to wound Timordus, ending the battle with the Roman capture of Dordivium and the Thracian retreat to the plains on the eastern side of the Rhodope. Antony remained in at Dordivium, resting his army and buying fierce mercenaries, many of which had just days before served with Timordus.

In July, Antony’s army finally descended the Rhodope Mountains and marched toward Plotinopolis. Just twenty miles outside of Plotinopolis, the Roman army met the Thracian army commanded by a rejuvenated Timordus and the Thracian king, Rhapheus. According to Guvian, Antony was reluctant to engage Timordus again, but finally made battle after four days of stalemate between the two armies. The weary Roman commander began by attempting to outflank Rhapheus and destroy his cavalry with two of his legions. The legions were repulsed, but did manage to turn back Timordus’ counterattack. The battle ended inconclusively at dusk with neither army gaining a significant advantage against the other.

On the morning of July 16th, Antony finally managed to outflank Rhapheus, quickly forcing him to retreat several miles to the east and severely crushing the confidence of the Thracian army. On July 17th, Antony was ambushed among the hills outside of Plotinopolis and very nearly lost his most veteran legions to scathing attacks from Timordus’ heavy cavalry. Antony circumvented this new challenge by advancing in the testudo formation while utilizing Greco style spears generally used by the phalanx. Timordus’ cavalry surprisingly proved useless against this defensive maneuver and the Thracian army fell back to Plotinopolis. Marc Antony began his siege on July 19th, but it wasn’t until August 4th that the Roman army finally breeched the walls of the powerful city and burned it to the ground. He then advanced rather quickly to Byzantium, where to his great surprise the Thracian army quickly surrendered due to Timordus’ unexpected death. After resting his battle-weary army in the ancient Greek colony, he marched his Legions north toward Moesia to aid Caesar in his conquests of the barbarian forests south of Germania.

While many historians claim that it is Caesar’s later campaign in Parthia that truly exhibited his genius as a military commander and secured Rome’s future, I contend that while the Parthian campaign is of high importance in the survival of the Roman Empire to the present day, it was Julius Caesar’s brilliantly concise campaign in Germania that ensured Rome’s monopoly on the resource-rich lands of northern Europe and brought forever the wandering barbarians of Europe’s endless forests under the control of the Empire, all for its future and present benefit. I shall ignore Caesar and Antony’s campaigns into Moesia and Pannonia for they were essentially side notes to history, which ended in a rather obvious conclusion. The only significant battle worth mentioning is the Battle of Carnuntum, which featured the total destruction of Paeleus of Sirmium’s grand alliance of Pannonian tribes, and completed the Roman conquests of the lands south of the River Ister (Danube).

On September 2nd, 710 AUC, only days before Caesar would begin his invasion of Moesia, Dalmatia, and Pannonia, Cleopatra left for Rome to help promote the general’s nearly complete Commentarii de Bello Thracico. Though usually adamant about campaigning with Caesar, Cleopatra decides to return to Rome to read the commentaries to the Senate and the common people in Rome to increase Caesar’s already gargantuan popularity. Of course it would be grossly inadequate to insinuate that all of her political campaigning on Caesar’s behalf was totally altruistic, nay, quite the contrary. Cleopatra was a woman of convictions, of power, of intrigue and pragmaticism; anything she was involved in had at least a tinge of personal benefit, as her promotion of Caesar’s writings clearly show. She spent the better half of a year reading the commentaries and preaching about the glories of Caesar’s conquests to the common people and the patrician elite alike. In doing so she turned Roman public opinion from one of antipathy toward a foreign queen (or at best outright apathy) to that of a common camaraderie with an “adapted” Roman.

As aforementioned, Caesar and Antony’s campaign through Dalmatia, Pannonia and Moesia are largely unimportant, but the peripheral and rather unexpected campaign in Dacia in the Spring of 713 AUC is extremely important to any historian’s discussion of Julian and Antonite military tactics and the evolution of the empire in its infancy. Throughout Caesar’s year-long campaign in the “Little Three” (as Dalmatia, Pannonia and Moesia are known in most Imperial History classes thoughout the Empire’s academae today), the Dacian king, Comosicus prepared for both war and peace behind his seemingly impregnable border – the River Ister. Throughout Caesar’s campaign in western Moesia, Comosicus sent his most prestigious (by his standards) diplomat, Duritista, to secure a “lasting and impervious peace” (direct quote from Tobias) between the Republic and his warrior-nation. Caesar jested with Duritista on two separate occasions during his conquests south of the Danube, fallaciously courting the idea of a peace treaty between the Romans and the Dacians.

According to the ubiquitous Livy (and trust me his is everywhere in early imperial history), Caesar was simply stalling for time, hoping to keep the Dacians from outflanking him in Moesia and to give him time to prepare an invasion plan. Livy asserts the following in Caesar Divus:

“O by Jove, the mighty Roman conqueror shows his ingenious and conniving spirit yet again! Caesar entertained the naïve Duritista, offering him lavish dinners in the commander’s tent and garnishing the fool with captured women nightly. Twice did this Dacian “diplomat” enter the Roman camp in Moesia, and twice was he deluded into believing Caesar’s sincerity and commitment to a lasting peace between the Republic and mere barbarians. The mighty general of course had his reasons for insinuating peace with the Dacians. Caesar was no man of peace; he was constantly planning a campaign. So of course he planned his Dacian campaign upon Duritista’s voluntary blindness; he ensured his victory upon the diplomat’s complacency. In the end, it was simply Caesar’s need for more time and his desire for a quick (and uncomplicated) campaign in Moesia and Pannonia that caused him to temporarily “agree” to peace. By Bacchus’ stringent wine and Venus’ irresistible thighs, he killed the Dacian nation before it even had a chance to defend itself. In the end, Duritista hung by the cross and Caesar found his bridge across the Danube with which to transfer his army, unharmed into Comosicus’ realm.”

As Livy gloats above, Caesar entertained the extremely naïve Duritista on two separate occasions, but upon the diplomat’s third excursion (coinciding not too surprisingly with the end of the generals Pannonian campaign after the Battle of Scarbantia), Julius Caesar had the man executed by crucifixion on the bank of the Danube across from the small Dacian military camp, Quintodemus. According to Livy, the Dacian scout troops across the Danube saw the crucifix raised above the bank, but did not immediately realize that it was in fact the body of their top diplomat hanging from the Roman cross. Livy states that only after several hours, after the sun had risen from its cold, nightly tomb, did the Dacian scouts realize with horror that their diplomat was dead and they were at war with the Republic.
 
Last edited:
Correction:

Radamanthus is not a modern day historian; he is the 20th century AUC (c. 1300's AD OTL) philosopher-emperor, third and last of the Pontian dynasty (grandson of Urban Pontius, the last emperor I mentioned in my original TL). His full name is Julius Pontius Radamanthus. Radamanthus is a nickname given to him by his childhood tudor Lukos Demetrius, the nickname being for the mythical wise-king Rhadamanthus of Greek mythology who was a son of Zeus and Europa.
 
Wow! I haven't had an opportunity to read all of this, but it definitely very high quality stuff. I discovered this thread a few months back, but by then it was already in its interregnum. I never fully read the new stuff, but now believe I will. What I have read is great! :)
 
There is not much I can say that I haven't said before (which is why I read but don't always comment, sorry about that), its a great timeline and story, and your most recent update is quite lovely.

I like that you mix battle and territory expansion with more social and political elements in your story. While battle is quite entertaining, I very much like social and political things as well, so that is a great and enjoyable read.

Oh, if you by any chance need somebody to throw ideas and talk to about this, then don't hesitate to PM me. I would love to listen as Rome is one of my most long lasting passions.
 
Wow it's back, so should i read the part in TLs and Scenarios subforum in order to get up to speed on all of this?
 
Pendragon,

If you ever have any ideas for this timeline/story, just let me know. I appreciated all of your suggestion when I was posting the original TL.

Thanks for the comments all, I will be posting more tonight or tomorrow.
 
Top