Lands of Red and Gold

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Australia, Africa and North America?

Yes. The obvious examples in Australia, the Mutjing imported labour in Africa and their spiritual descendants over much of the continent, and two groups (Congxie and one other) in North America.

Lower? Why?

The effects of the Aurarian plagues should have long since burned out by the ATL's modern day, and the positive effects of the Aururian crop package should mean global carrying capacity is higher.

The effects of the Aururian plagues last longer than just the initial burn-through of the 1620s-1640s. Marnitja is now around as another major epidemic disease, particularly as a source of higher infant mortality rates (and those were bad enough in OTL). This depresses global population growth rates for, well, centuries. There won't be a Marnitja vaccine until the technological equivalent of the 1960s or thereabouts.

Yes, the Aururian crop package will certainly increase carrying capacity over much of the planet - but I'm not sure whether that will be enough to make up for the initial hit to global population (~20%) and slower population growth thereafter.

Unless what you mean is since the population is higher outside of east Asia even though the geographical range hasn't altered much, the percentage of the world which is Buddhist or Taoist is significantly lower.

I didn't mean that the global population is higher outside of East Asia, although come to think of it, that will make a bit of difference too. The main areas that benefit from Aururian crops are elsewhere.

Well for one, the earlier the largest countries hit the modern demographic transition, the lower world population would be. For example, it's not hard to arrange for China to do in the 1920s what it did historically in the 1970s. But even without a one-child policy equivalent, that would likely mean somewhere on the order of a quarter to a half billion fewer people by the modern day. With a world rendered as unrecognizable as this timeline's it's very difficult to predict where and when that transition will take place.

The different demographic transitions are hard to pick, but also pretty random. I haven't made any particular plans yet. For the rough population estimates, I've taken OTL population figures (except for Australia/NZ and for African Americans) and tried to work out how they will change.

The biggest change in religious affiliation is, of course, in sub-Saharan Africa.
 
What sort of population do you see Australia having by the equivalent 2013s ITTL? With a much longer history of developed settlement and far more efficient crop package it would surely be higher than OTL, but at the same time it's still Australia where we consider a population of 22 million to be excessive...
 
Oh noes! Jared's been blanned :(

I got better...

What sort of population do you see Australia having by the equivalent 2013s ITTL? With a much longer history of developed settlement and far more efficient crop package it would surely be higher than OTL, but at the same time it's still Australia where we consider a population of 22 million to be excessive...

Much depends on the level of immigration, which I'm not sure about.

Obviously, the same push factors which brought the first European immigrants (convicts) to Australia will no longer apply. Nor will most of the pull factors, which were, basically, cheap "unoccupied" land for colonisation, with a side order of gold rush. Even with the worst of the epidemics, the land in *Aastralia cannot be considered unoccupied, and the natives are already digging the gold out, thank you very much.

The sorts of immigrants coming to Aururia will be more those who came to Asia in OTL: those looking to get rich quick and go home. There will inevitably be a few who stay for one reason or another, plus the usual children of mixed heritage, but there's not really the same factors to draw large numbers of European immigrants.

Which basically means that barring some ATL reason for large numbers of Europeans (or Asians, or Africans, or Maori) coming to *Australia - plantation slavery for cash crops, perhaps - the modern *Australian population will depend on how far the indigenous population falls, and how quickly it recovers.

From a pre-contact population of ~10 million, the epidemics and so forth can be expected to reduce the population to somewhere between 2-4 million, by about 1740-1750.

From there, the population will recover, slowly. (The population are still vulnerable to epidemics.) It can be expected to be back to pre-contact levels by the mid-nineteenth century. Population growth above that will be limited for a while, but drops in death rates will probably see a population of, oh, 20-30 million by the present day.

So when will we hear about this other group?

If you look very closely, you've already heard about them. :D Of course, the section which names them isn't the one which says where they are, so concentration is required.

Now that's going to be interesting to see how things will unfold.

'Twill be covered in time, though it would help if I could track down some decent sources (or someone who has info) about southern Africa during the seventeenth century. That will be the beginning of the spread of African Plirism.
 
Two questions about the spread of the Pliri religion.

1. What are the rough limits it reaches in Africa? I'm presuming a distribution fairly similar to the Bantu languages IOTL, but a bit less in West Africa (due to the movement of missionaries in the Congo being difficult), and a bit more in East Africa (potentially picking up everyone but Islamicized groups along the coast, as well as the Ethiopians). The close distance between the Bantu languages will be a big help to missionary activities - most are nearly mutually intelligible, and a common religion (and presumably literary standard), will probably cause them to draw together, potentially being seen as more akin to Arabic or Chinese by TTL's modern day.

2. How hetrodox do the geographically far-flung Pliri areas become? I would presume that in the interior of Africa, as well as to a lesser degree the Congxie, contact with Aururia will be somewhat limited, and so they may be come a bit...idiosyncratic. Sort of analogous to the Africanized branches of Christianity today.
 
Also, since it's been awhile since it's been brought up...it seems the Piliri missionaries could convert quite a good deal of Indonesia if they move quickly. While IOTL only parts of the Lesser Sunda islands and the Moluccas did not convert to Islam, by around 1600 the only places which were Islamicized east of Java/Borneo were Southeastern Sulawesi, the sultanates of Ternate & Tindor, Buru (where it never took off), and the Sulu Sultanate. Its entirely plausible the Islam/Piliri border might be very close to the Walllace line.
 

Admiral Matt

Gone Fishin'
'Twill be covered in time, though it would help if I could track down some decent sources (or someone who has info) about southern Africa during the seventeenth century. That will be the beginning of the spread of African Plirism.

Hrm. I'd bet Johnathan Edelstein would be able to help you out there.
 
So what is going on in South America at this time?

Apart from the global effects of the Aururian plagues themselves, the butterflies aren't too major when compared to OTL. Of course, that's a rather significant "apart from".

The bullion being produced from Peru and Zacatecas is rather lower thanks to the Aururian plagues, which is beginning to have economic effects in Spain.

The big change which may come is whether the additional Dutch revenue flowing into the Dutch West India Company makes much difference to Dutch Brazil. Perhaps, perhaps not. Money helps, but unless the Dutch get significantly more settlers than they did in OTL, the Portuguese dominance of the countryside will probably wear them down eventually.

Two questions about the spread of the Pliri religion.

1. What are the rough limits it reaches in Africa? I'm presuming a distribution fairly similar to the Bantu languages IOTL, but a bit less in West Africa (due to the movement of missionaries in the Congo being difficult), and a bit more in East Africa (potentially picking up everyone but Islamicized groups along the coast, as well as the Ethiopians).

I haven't worked out the exact limits, but the broad process is that Plirism spreads along the interior to pretty much everywhere that didn't convert to Islam in OTL, apart from a few pockets which were already Christian by 1650 or which would become so soon thereafter. This may even involve areas which are Muslim in OTL, if that conversion happened significantly after 1650 in OTL, too. Although the Ottomans may have more influence in coastal East Africa than in OTL, too.

The Ethiopians will remain Christian, and indeed are one of the few tropical peoples who will really benefit from Aururian crops. (Some of the Aururian crops grow in the highlands, notably murnong and some species of wattles, though red yams don't.)

The close distance between the Bantu languages will be a big help to missionary activities - most are nearly mutually intelligible, and a common religion (and presumably literary standard), will probably cause them to draw together, potentially being seen as more akin to Arabic or Chinese by TTL's modern day.

The almost-intelligibility of Bantu languages is certainly a big aid in the transmission of Plirism. Plirism spreads largely because to Plirites, it really, really matters what your neighbours believe: if there's a drought here, and you're convinced that your own people are acting in harmony, then the fault must lie in your neighbours. So convert them! And this is, of course, much easier if you can speak to them without needing (much) translation.

Along the same lines, Plirism is a literate religion. Priests in particular have to be literate, but often the wealthier laity will also be expected to be able to read. Likewise, the head of a family will be expected to learn to read, so as to provide guidance to their own family.

Translations of the main Plirite texts (especially The Endless Road and The Great Dreaming) will follow very quickly once the Mutjing in South Africa start converting their nearest Bantu neighbours. Indeed, one thing I'd like to find out is which is the most likely Bantu people to be converted first (Xhosa, perhaps, unless there were other Bantu speakers closer to the Cape in 1650), because that language may well become the default literary standard for all Bantu Plirism... which will have its own consequences.

Of course, Plirism won't stop at the Bantu linguistic borders, either. Translation is an accepted part of Plirism, and with the numbers of multi-lingual speakers in Africa, translations into other Niger-Congo languages, Nilo-Saharan languages etc, will follow reasonably quickly.

2. How hetrodox do the geographically far-flung Pliri areas become? I would presume that in the interior of Africa, as well as to a lesser degree the Congxie, contact with Aururia will be somewhat limited, and so they may be come a bit...idiosyncratic. Sort of analogous to the Africanized branches of Christianity today.

There's a fair amount of divergence. Plirism isn't a faith which has a recognised central authority anyway, and which is pretty syncretic at the best of times. There will probably be reasonable efforts to maintain local standards within parts of Africa, and within the Congxie, but the contact with Aururian Plirites will be sporadic until the spread of modern communications and travel.

Also, since it's been awhile since it's been brought up...it seems the Piliri missionaries could convert quite a good deal of Indonesia if they move quickly. While IOTL only parts of the Lesser Sunda islands and the Moluccas did not convert to Islam, by around 1600 the only places which were Islamicized east of Java/Borneo were Southeastern Sulawesi, the sultanates of Ternate & Tindor, Buru (where it never took off), and the Sulu Sultanate. Its entirely plausible the Islam/Piliri border might be very close to the Walllace line.

Thanks for reminding me of this. The Nuttana are actively trading into Indonesia by the early 1640s, and will only grow in numbers and influence thereafter. They will be visiting all sorts of places throughout Indonesia (and further east into New Guinea and the Solomons) in pursuit of potential trade markets.

This could well mean that lots of places end up Plirite, at least in terms of coastal areas. The interior of New Guinea may be harder for the faith to spread to, particularly given the incredible geographic barriers.

Hrm. I'd bet Johnathan Edelstein would be able to help you out there.

Good idea! I'll drop him a message.
 
Jared, do you think Dasyurus maculatus landbreeds with stripes, only a few large white spots or no spots or stripes at all are possible ?
 
The big change which may come is whether the additional Dutch revenue flowing into the Dutch West India Company makes much difference to Dutch Brazil. Perhaps, perhaps not. Money helps, but unless the Dutch get significantly more settlers than they did in OTL, the Portuguese dominance of the countryside will probably wear them down eventually.

The Dutch could always try and settle some Aururians there, as they did in South Africa. Of course, I don't think Aururians would be much better than Europeans in the climate (no parts of Australia were malarial before contact, IIRC), so it would help them much. Really, nothing but more Black Africans would.

I haven't worked out the exact limits, but the broad process is that Plirism spreads along the interior to pretty much everywhere that didn't convert to Islam in OTL, apart from a few pockets which were already Christian by 1650 or which would become so soon thereafter. This may even involve areas which are Muslim in OTL, if that conversion happened significantly after 1650 in OTL, too. Although the Ottomans may have more influence in coastal East Africa than in OTL, too.

That sounds considerably more widespread than I thought. I was assuming it wouldn't reach West Africa in time to beat out Islam and Christianity.

I don't have good information on how Islam spread between 1600 and the present. My general understanding, however, is in West Africa the borders of areas which are majority Muslim were roughly similar to today, barring some major counter examples like the Yoruba. On the whole though, the 19th century Jihad period in West Africa more established Muslim minorities within new areas - it didn't push the frontier of Islamic-majority areas that much further southward.

East Africa is a different case though, as outside of some offshore islands like Zanzibar, and a few coastal trading towns, there was next to no Muslim penetration until the 19th century. So relatively few areas in northern Mozambique, Tanzania, and coastal Kenya will be Muslim.

The Ethiopians will remain Christian, and indeed are one of the few tropical peoples who will really benefit from Aururian crops. (Some of the Aururian crops grow in the highlands, notably murnong and some species of wattles, though red yams don't.)

I wonder if this will change the balance of power in the Horn to a large extent. If the Highlands have greater population, they will be able to fend off incursions of lowlanders better. I believe the Oromo migration happened during this period, for example, and it's plausible that the plauges and higher carrying capacity of the highlands will butterfly it away. This probably means much less Islamic presence in the Ethiopian highlands, although the lowlands will probably still remain Muslim.

Along the same lines, Plirism is a literate religion. Priests in particular have to be literate, but often the wealthier laity will also be expected to be able to read. Likewise, the head of a family will be expected to learn to read, so as to provide guidance to their own family.

I presume the script will be based upon an Aururian one? It will probably be like a mega-Swahili ITTL, as even if something like Swahili is spoken, it will be restricted to a very small area in East Africa.

Of course, Plirism won't stop at the Bantu linguistic borders, either. Translation is an accepted part of Plirism, and with the numbers of multi-lingual speakers in Africa, translations into other Niger-Congo languages, Nilo-Saharan languages etc, will follow reasonably quickly.

Will the Piliri also try to convert Khoisan and Pygmy peoples? I could see, ITTL, a much more total obliteration of these groups than happened IOTL, as they'll be surrounded by much more homogenous, missionary cultures.


This could well mean that lots of places end up Plirite, at least in terms of coastal areas. The interior of New Guinea may be harder for the faith to spread to, particularly given the incredible geographic barriers.

True, but ITTL Christianity will be pretty well shut out from the Highlands, I would guess.

Would any Aururian crops grow well in the New Guinea Highlands? It's cool enough up there I could see some of the package working well. Wattles in particular would be great, and deal with the rampant lack of protein in Highlander diets.
 
From a pre-contact population of ~10 million, the epidemics and so forth can be expected to reduce the population to somewhere between 2-4 million, by about 1740-1750.

That will collapse all the pre-Contact societies.

It will also open gaps for European settlers and filibusters.

For one thing, the die-off will cause endless succession crises in the native Aururian states.

Aururian societies depend on irrigation systems and other complex systems, which are going to be neglected for want of labor.

Europeans with gunpowder and horses are going to feed on this trouble.
 
That will collapse all the pre-Contact societies.

It will also open gaps for European settlers and filibusters.

For one thing, the die-off will cause endless succession crises in the native Aururian states.

Aururian societies depend on irrigation systems and other complex systems, which are going to be neglected for want of labor.

Europeans with gunpowder and horses are going to feed on this trouble.

These native states however should have a relatively long period of respite compared to the new world however, as not only are they much further away than the Americas but also the Aururian plagues will prevent any sort of old world colonialism for several decades longer than otherwise at least. While I'd be surprised if the Aururians managed to resist colonialism wholly, they should still have a much bette chance than the Central American and Andean societies in the Americas did. Their technology is also more advanced than the formers as well.
 
Jared, do you think Dasyurus maculatus landbreeds with stripes, only a few large white spots or no spots or stripes at all are possible ?

Certainly; if not ones even more diverse than that.

How are the two books different:confused:

Oora Gulalu (The Endless Road) is a compilation of individual stories, histories, sayings, particularly about the life of the Good Man himself, and of the history of the (now-vanished) nation of Lopitja. It has a mostly-historical feel, being partly a history of the Plirite faith, and partly about the lessons learned by its believers.

The Great Dreaming is a book of mythologies, of creation, destruction, and rebirth. It's a story about the gods which the Plirites don't really believe that they have. It is much more general in its setting, and also includes a number of alternative - even contradictory - stories which describe the origins of the same event. For instance, there's three mutually exclusive versions of the nature and creation of the Nyalananga (*River Murray).

The Dutch could always try and settle some Aururians there, as they did in South Africa.

Yes, Aururians would be even worse off in Brazil than in South Africa. At least the Aururian crops grew around the Cape. In Brazil, they don't even have that much, just a greater vulnerability to disease, though not so much to the general heat and climate.

Of course, I don't think Aururians would be much better than Europeans in the climate (no parts of Australia were malarial before contact, IIRC), so it would help them much. Really, nothing but more Black Africans would.

The Dutch are getting a few more European settlers than they got in OTL - various refugees from the *Thirty Years War, and Anabaptists who are even worse off than in OTL. I'm not sure how many of those will end up in Brazil. More Africans are their best bet - but even then, those may not be very loyal to the Dutch rulers of Brazil.

And, as an odd tangent, malaria was established in Australia pre-European contact, presumably through the Bugis or some earlier group who were in contact with Australia. While it caused casualties, though, it wasn't prevalent enough to produce any significant natural resistance to malaria amongst the indigenous population. Partly because the local mosquito species aren't as effective at transmitting malaria as some others, and partly because the low population density made it harder for epidemics spread.

That sounds considerably more widespread than I thought. I was assuming it wouldn't reach West Africa in time to beat out Islam and Christianity.

I'm open to correction on the likely spread. My working assumption was that it would start to spread to the Xhosa around 1650 or thereabouts, and then proceed gradually along the interior of Africa, and if it wasn't blocked geographically, then it would spread over time to most areas that don't have an Abrahamic faith.

As to how long that would take, though, I'm not sure. The conversion is a gradual progression, not an instantaneous spread of missionaries throughout Africa. It may reach an end somewhere around, say, Nigeria or Cameroon, and have trouble going any further thanks to Islamicisation or Christianisation of the inhabitants of those regions.

East Africa is a different case though, as outside of some offshore islands like Zanzibar, and a few coastal trading towns, there was next to no Muslim penetration until the 19th century. So relatively few areas in northern Mozambique, Tanzania, and coastal Kenya will be Muslim.

Hmm. The Ottomans may be more active than OTL, depending on how quickly they take up Aururian crops, so that's one factor. On the other hand, there's a possibility that the Nuttana will visit long enough to establish missions. (Of course, the Nuttana won't stay long; the disease problem there is even worse for them than in Indonesia.)

I wonder if this will change the balance of power in the Horn to a large extent. If the Highlands have greater population, they will be able to fend off incursions of lowlanders better. I believe the Oromo migration happened during this period, for example, and it's plausible that the plauges and higher carrying capacity of the highlands will butterfly it away. This probably means much less Islamic presence in the Ethiopian highlands, although the lowlands will probably still remain Muslim.

I'm not sure yet exactly when the Aururian crops will be introduced into the Ethiopian highlands. Those crops won't be spread by northward transmission along the African interior, though; they will come by sea. Either the Ottomans or a Christian naval power with some contact will spread them, or (outside chance) the Nuttana.

I presume the script will be based upon an Aururian one? It will probably be like a mega-Swahili ITTL, as even if something like Swahili is spoken, it will be restricted to a very small area in East Africa.

The script may well be based on a modified Latin alphabet. The relevant Aururian script is a syllabary that may not transliterate Bantu languages all that well. The Aururian immigrants in South Africa may pick up the Latin alphabet and adapt it to their own use, in which case it will be transmitted along with the Plirite faith.

If it is a modified Latin alphabet, then it will probably be with the addition of different letters to represent consonants in Aururian languages (originally) and Bantu languages (subsequently) which don't have equivalents in the Dutch version of the Latin alphabet - for example, a new letter to refer to ng, which to both Aururians and Bantu speakers is a separate consonant.

And yes, this will effectively be an analogue to Swahili which is spoken from Natal to Mount Kenya.

Will the Piliri also try to convert Khoisan and Pygmy peoples? I could see, ITTL, a much more total obliteration of these groups than happened IOTL, as they'll be surrounded by much more homogenous, missionary cultures.

Yes, the Plirites will try to convert both of those groups. The first conversion efforts amongst the Khoikhoi may even be earlier than those aimed at the Xhosa. In the short term, though, this won't be a threat to the Khoikhoi, since the process will probably involve translation of the Pliri scriptures into Khoikhoi languages.

In the long run, though, yes, the Khoisan will be under more pressure, caught between European pressure on the one hand, and rather determined missionary cultures on the other hand.

Would any Aururian crops grow well in the New Guinea Highlands? It's cool enough up there I could see some of the package working well. Wattles in particular would be great, and deal with the rampant lack of protein in Highlander diets.

They would grow there, but getting them there until the technological equivalent of the twentieth century is a problem. Aururian crops won't grow in the New Guinea lowlands, so they can't be transmitted gradually. And unlike, say, the Ethiopian highlands, there aren't enough trade links to get the crops there directly from areas where they can grow.

That will collapse all the pre-Contact societies.

It will also open gaps for European settlers and filibusters.

For one thing, the die-off will cause endless succession crises in the native Aururian states.

Aururian societies depend on irrigation systems and other complex systems, which are going to be neglected for want of labor.

Europeans with gunpowder and horses are going to feed on this trouble.

Certainly many Aururian societies will collapse, great public works like irrigation will largely be abandoned, and the chaos left behind will be an open invitation for European marauders. This process has already started; the Atjuntja in *Western Australia have seen their first massive revolt caused by the death of a sovereign and the first wave of European diseases, while the largest state, the Yadji, faced its own succession crisis and European attempted filibustering.

What I'm still trying to do, though, is work out where in the spectrum the Aururian peoples fall in terms of vulnerability to colonialism. On one end of the spectrum is pre-Columbian American societies, which were ravaged by near-simultaneous epidemics and lost (depending on which source you believe) somewhere between 80-95% of their population within a short span of time. And who had a massive technological disadvantage to boot.

On the other end of the spectrum is places like India, where diseases worked if anything to the advantage of the local societies, and the technological gap was not always large.

Placing the Aururian societies on this spectrum isn't straightforward. They are hideously vulnerable to disease, but less so than pre-Columbian America. They already have some diseases of their own which will afflict European colonialists. More significantly, though, the long travel distances mean that the epidemics will arrive mostly one at a time, allowing a little time to recover between epidemics. A 70% population decline over 140 years is very, very bad, but it's not as bad as an 80% population decline within a handful of years.

The worst single disease the Aururians will face - smallpox - will kill around a third of their population. But that's about what it did to Rome during the Antonine plague. Bad though that was, it doesn't compare to what happened in the Americas.

The technological gap between Aururia and Europe, while massive, is also smaller than that between Europe and the Americas. The slower progression of disease also means that Aururians will have more opportunity to acquire European technology. Some Aururians at least know what iron is and how to work it. They are starting to acquire horses and firearms (though they will probably rely on imports of powder for the latter).

None of this makes them immune to European colonialism or filibustering, but it does at least give them a better chance to resist.
 
Thanks for that answer, Jared. :) One series of quoll landbreed illustrations coming up ! :cool: (Soon, I promise.)

And thanks for confirming my other suspicion about what awaits Aururia once the natives stop being the masters of the situation under European pressure. Hopefully, they'll buckle and eventually survive and rebuild their past glory to at least some extent.


If you don't mind, I'd like to invite you to this little thread. ;) I'm trying to ponder what would happen if one more POD occured in your TL : If (at least) two large species of prehistoric marsupial herbivore megafauna would survive and eventually became tamed by the early Aururian cultures (perhaps later than poultry, waterfowl and the emu, but tamed and domesticated nonetheless). While the lack of truely Aururian beasts of burden or cavalry animals makes LORAG as unique as it is, I never stopped speculating what would have happened if fate had granted ATL Australia one more evolutionary blessing outside or red yams. :eek: :)
 
Lands of Red and Gold #62: Heaven’s Mandate
Lands of Red and Gold #62: Heaven’s Mandate

Taken from Intellipedia.

Absolute Monarchy

Absolute monarchy or supreme monarchy is a monarchical form of government where the monarch wields supreme governing authority. The monarch fills the role of head of state and head of government, with powers that are unrestricted by a constitution, law, or any other official constraints. An absolute monarch possesses full sovereignty over both the state and its people. Absolute monarchies are usually hereditary but other forms of succession are sometimes applied, such as elective (a designated body chooses the successor) or selective (the monarch chooses the successor). Absolute monarchy contrasts with bound monarchy, where the monarch’s authority is constrained by a constitution or other legal or religious limits.

Notionally, an absolute monarch possesses supreme, unrestricted power over the land and the people. Examples of such pure [questionable term: discuss] absolute monarchs are rare; in most instances the monarchy is still subject to political constraints from other social groups or classes, e.g. the aristocracy or clergy.

Some contemporary monarchies have ineffectual or façade legislatures or other governmental bodies which the monarch can remove or change without constraint...

Historical Examples

In the words of historian Matthew Perry: “The history of early modern Europe is the history of the transition from feudal contract to absolute monarchy.”

Among the most apt examples of an absolute monarch is James II of England [1], epitomised in his famous declarations: “I cannot break the law; I am the law.” and “In my heart, that is England.” While some modern historians [who?] criticise him for his opulent lifestyle, he ruled England for nearly half a century, and he is widely recognised [dubious: discuss] for his achievements both domestic and foreign.

As King of England, he held in his person the supreme executive, legislative and judicial powers. As head of state, he had the power to declare war and to raise war funds by any means he chose. He was the ultimate judicial authority, with final right to condemn men to death with no appeal. He considered it his duty to punish all crimes, and to prevent crimes being committed. While advised by the Privy Council, he alone retained the power to enact and repeal legislation.

Absolutism in early modern Europe first found formal written expression in the 1656 Kongeloven (“King's Law”) of Denmark [2]. The Danish monarchy already exercised absolute authority in its realm of Rugen, where as King of the Vends he had no constraints on his authority. The 1656 declaration extended this authority to all of the realms of Denmark and Norway, and ordered that the monarch “shall from this day forth be revered and considered the most perfect and supreme person on the Earth by all his subjects, standing above all human laws and having no judge above his person, neither in spiritual nor temporal matters, except God alone.

Under this authority, the Danish monarch removed all other sources of power. The most significant of these was the abolition of the Rigsraadet, the Danish Council of the Realm, which had been a long opponent of unfettered royal power.

However, testament to the limits of absolutism also came from Denmark. Even an absolute monarch turned out to be not so absolute after all. In the next year after the Kongeloven Declaration, King Ulrik sought to enforce his personal rule on the city of Bremen. Bremen had historically been a free city within the Holy Roman Empire, but Denmark had claimed sovereignty over the city at the end of the Twenty Years’ War. However, Bremen continued to hold itself to be a free city. In response to the absolutist declaration, the city council of Bremen declared that it was a free imperial city, paid homage to the Emperor, and sought a seat and vote in the Imperial Diet.

King Ulrik responded by ordering a siege of Bremen to force the city to acknowledge his rule. Heavily fortified, Bremen could not be easily conquered, and the city found support from the Netherlands and the Emperor, the one on the grounds of religion and commerce, the other on the grounds of imperial prestige, and the both on the grounds that Denmark already had too much power. With imperial and Dutch troops on the border, Ulrik had to abandon the siege. While Denmark did not yield its formal claim to absolute rule of Bremen along with its other territories, it did allow Bremen to remain de facto separate, with levels of taxes and duties paid that were minimal in comparison to the Danish norm, and the Emperor sought to preserve this peace by removing Bremen’s participation in the Diet.

Sweden under King Charles X instituted a form of government which was never formally called absolute monarchy, but which in practice conformed to that standard. Under Charles X and his son Charles XI [3] all other centres of power were systematically removed or reduced to impotence. The Riksrådet, the Swedish Council of the Realm, had served as a bastion of aristocracy with nobles who advised the monarch. The institution was rarely called under Kristina and was dissolved by Charles X in 1672, replaced by a Royal Council of bureaucrats who advised and were chosen by the monarch, and served at his pleasure. In 1675 the power of the aristocrats was further curbed by the Great Reduction which returned most of the noble estates to the Swedish crown.

The Swedish legislature, the Riksdag of the Estates, was not formally abolished, but became ineffectual because the Swedish monarchs treated it as having authority only in the pre-1618 borders, and not in the lands acquired during the Twenty Years’ War. In the new territories, Sweden broke the power of the local aristocracy, with most of their lands falling under the rule of the monarchy, leading to Kristina and Charles X being absolute monarchs within those dominions, which comprised the majority of the population of the Swedish empire. With these lands and resources at their command, Charles X and Charles XI reduced the Riksdag to a rubber stamp that approved their decisions, when they bothered to assemble the Estates...

For most of history, absolute monarchy found its theological underpinnings via the Divine Right of Kings. European monarchs such as those of Russia claimed supreme power by divine right, with subjects having no rights to check monarchical authority. The House of Stuart (James I, Charles I, and Charles II) imported this concept to England during the seventeenth century, leading to political dissension, rebellion, and ultimately the English Civil War during the reign of Charles II and the beginning of the era of English Absolutism. However, Portugal [flagged for irrelevance: discuss] never had a period of absolute monarchy in early modern Europe [citation needed].

Even where the concept of Divine Right had been abandoned or become outmoded, except in Russia, absolute monarchs continued to claim their supreme sovereignty on the grounds of the State; the monarch was the state. This doctrine of personal sovereignty first found explicit expression in France: “L’état, c’est le roi” – the State, it is the King. The same fundamental concept was adopted during the Absolutist period in England, and in most other European states, however, Russia retained the explicit trapping of Divine Right.

Objections to the doctrines of divine right and personal sovereignty were prominent in the ideas expressed during the Age of Enlightenment...

Saxony

Saxony had a nearly unique political framework in early modern Europe: a de facto absolute monarch in a de jure limited monarchy. The emphasis in Saxony was on the Elector (and later, the king) in the role of “sovereign servant of the state”, rather than possessing explicit supreme authority. Despite this, over the course of the seventeenth century, especially during and after the Twenty Years’ War, Saxony developed in a way which paralleled the rise of Absolutism.

John George II (r. 1628-1667), the Musician-Elector, acquired enormous new territories during the later part of the Twenty Years’ War, and in keeping with the trends of the time, these became part of the dominion of the sovereign rather than being awarded to nobles. These new estates supported the extravagant expenditure of the Musician-Elector, who made Dresden a major centre of music and the arts and attracted composers and performers from across Europe [4]. His son John George III had a strict Lutheran education, focused on the duty of the Albertine Wettins as the protectors of the Reformation (as they saw it), and learned more about fortification and warfare than he did about music; those same incomes were used for more martial pursuits. Under John George III and his successors, the “sovereign servant” became simply sovereign, and in time each of the representative assembles of ancestral Saxony [5] granted the monarch the authority to levy taxes without needing their consent: a mark of Absolutism.

Sicily

Sicily is the most well-known example [dubious: flagged for discussion] of the replacement of absolute monarchy by limited monarchy within early modern Europe. Insular Sicily had been an absolute monarchy under the Aragonese and Spanish crowns since 1409. However, the Sicilian Agricultural Revolution, starting circa 1660 [6], dramatically increased agricultural productivity, & in turn sent population increasing and economic strength was boosted.

Lacking in any local sovereign representation, Sicily was ruled by the distant absolutist sovereigns of Spain, who never visited the island except in time of war, and viewed it merely as a source of funds. Discontentment and dissension followed, particularly over arbitrary decisions of Spanish-born magistrates about taxation and sometimes confiscation of the newly-productive lands. Lacking systematic land tenure or inheritance, discontented younger sons turned to agitation, and in time to revolution.

The Advent Revolution was ignited by objections to the absolutist rule of Spain, and led to the establishment of a new, native monarchy. Lorenzo Piazzi claimed the title of monarch in 1729, and won international recognition of his rank in 1736 with the culmination of the Revolution, but what he could not claim for himself was the role of an absolute monarch.

Sicily was independent, but reliant on foreign support that constrained it from overseas adventures that might have been used to distract the populace. Lorenzo I had no legitimate claim to royal birth, and thus no hereditary authority to use as sanction for Absolutism. During the revolutionary era, local assemblies had raised both troops and funds to support the rebellion. These assemblies did not willingly disband after the Revolution was successful, but instead demanded a form of permanent recognition. While Lorenzo I would have preferred to establish an absolutist monarchy [citation needed], circumstances forced him to create a constitutional monarchy with a permanent representative assembly...

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[1] Not the historical James II of England / James VII of Scotland (b. 1633), who was son of Charles I of England. The historical James II of England does not exist because his father died from the Aururian plagues in 1631. This James II (b.1652) is the allohistorical son of Charles II of England and Luise of Hesse-Kassel (herself the allohistorical daughter of William V, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel).

[2] Denmark made a similar declaration historically, but nine years later (1665). The enhanced monarchical power of the Twenty Years’ War leads to the earlier introduction of the King’s Law.

[3] The allohistorical Charles XI of Sweden (b. 1650) is the son of Charles X Gustav of Sweden (while still only Duke of Öland and heir presumptive to the throne) and his wife and cousin Queen Kristina of Sweden.

[4] Historically, John George II’s expenditure on music and the arts nearly sent him bankrupt, and he was forced to grant much revenue-raising power to the nobles and burghers. Allohistorically, the income from his new estates lets him indulge his heart as patron of the arts without needing to make any concessions.

[5] i.e. the pre-Twenty Years’ War territories of Electoral Saxony.

[6] i.e. the introduction of new Aururian crops and farming methods into the island of Sicily, and the consequent agricultural development with increased output and new farming technology.

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Thoughts?
 
I am interested in seeing the beginning of the Aururian Agricultural Revolution in the Mediterranean. A Southern Europe that undergoes a population boom will make things very interesting, I think.
 
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