What really is the future of the CSA?

The ones who did act of violence against blacks were people convinced of racial superiority, the elite class of land-owners would never bother doing that.

Wait! What? The elite class of land-owners were incredibly violent, and they licensed violence.

Not all of a sudden but the class of land-owners who desires to maintain slavery will slowly but surely lose power and influence to another kind of business who won't rely on cash crops who are on their way out, the CS would certainly change over time.

Not buying it.
 
I'm just saying that I'm convinced that the CS wouldn't remain the same state it was in 1860 for the rest of its existence.

The OTL South didn't have significant industrial development (other than the central Alabama steel mills) until the New Deal. I don't see the CSA doing a whole lot better with no investment from the North.
 
While it's unlikely that the CSA would turn into a basket case failed state, there's no reason whatsoever to expect them to leap ahead in any way.

Their most likely outcomes are:

* De facto economic colony of American and British commercial interests, with non-planter or land based commercial assets mainly in foreign hands, and dependent on external financing structures;

* No military expansionism, sorry - no Cuba, no Mexican provinces, no Fillibusters. No expansion into the Caribbean. They simply don't have the power projection.

* Some centrifugalism, notably Texas and Louisiana are likely to and capable of breaking away.

* Consistent economic underdevelopment and regression. The CSA in terms of performance would be somewhere between Spain and Mexico at best.

* Internal conditions in the CSA are likely to be horrific for black people and poor whites, chronically violent, with regressive social structures, mostly rural communities and lack of urban centers. Middle class are likely to be marginal and dependent. Politics and policy will be the province of the elite.

The OTL United States is definitely a world economic and political power. The ATL US is likely to be so. The ATL Confederacy is at best a regional power, and more likely, simply a no-account minor state with no particular economic, military or political sway.
 
The question is why would the United States even want reintegration? It's one thing to try and keep the existing Union from being broken, but what exactly is the benefit to the US of trying to reintegrate the Confederate States after 10/20/30 years of Confederate independence? (And especially if the Confederate States prove as dysfunctional as so many people in this thread expect.) At a certain point isn't the US likely to just adopt the attitude of "good riddance"?
It's possible, but IMO it's at least as likely that reunification will become associated with nationalism and the national myth.
I don't know if that is accurate. Southern views on economic diversification were not necessarily that rigid but instead seem to have fluctuated depending on what the price of cotton was. (The decade before the 1850s saw increased focus on cotton production in the south, but that seems to have largely occurred because cotton prices exploded in that decade, making it ludicrously profitable. In times when cotton prices were lower, the southerners were much more open to economic diversification.

"Many planters did invest in railroads and factories of course and these enterprises expanded in the 1850s. But the trend seemed to be toward even greater concentration in land and slaves. While per capita southern wealth rose 62 percent from 1850 to 1860, the average price of slaves increased 70 percent and the value per acre of agricultural land appreciated 72 percent, while per capita southern investment in manufacturing increased only 39 percent. In other words, southerners had a larger portion of their capital invested in land and slaves in 1860 than in 1850.

Although the persistence of Jeffersonian agrarianism may help explain this phenomenon, the historian can discover pragmatic reasons as well. The 1850s were boom years for cotton and for other southern staples. Low cotton prices in the 1840s had spurred the crusade for economic diversification. But during the next decade the price of cotton jumped more than 50 percent to an average of 11.5 cents per pound. The cotton crop consequently doubled to four million bales annually by the late 1850s. Sugar and tobacco prices and production similarly increased. The apparent insatiable demand for southern staples caused planters to put every available acre into these crops. The per capita output of the principal southern food crops actually declined in the 1850s, and this agricultural society headed toward the status of a food-deficit region.

Although these trends alarmed some southerners, most expressed rapture over the dizzying prosperity brought by the cotton boom. The advocates of King Commerce faded; King Cotton reigned supreme."
-Battle Cry of Freedom by James McPherson, pgs. 99-100

If McPherson is correct then it seems that the South's commitment to cotton production was not so much out of ideology but more because cotton production was extremely profitable in the 1850s and if that starts to change then there will be renewed support in the South for economic diversification.
There was substantial ideological commitment to the cotton plantation economy by 1860, for a number of reasons (middle-tier landowners being pushed out of the market, increasing radicalization of pro-slavery Southerners in response to the obvious cliff they were heading towards, marginalization of moderate voices who might have been open to economic diversification by the increasing ideological sectional dispute), but by the time the CS actually rebelled the power brokers were almost universally extremely hardline fire-eater wackos, with some even proposing enslaving poor whites and reopening the Atlantic slave trade. @thekingsguard used to have a really good writeup on his blog about the situation in the CS, but I can't seem to access said blog at the moment so I can't check his sources.
(Also, the idea that the Confederate Constitution would have prohibited economic development is somewhat overstated. While it is true that the Confederate Constitution prohibited protective tariffs (for any purpose other than revenue) and most spending on internal improvements, it is also true that the Confederate Constitution was significantly easier to amend than the US Constitution was. (The Confederate Constitution only required 2/3 of the states to approve an amendment while the US Constitution requires 2/3 of both houses of Congress and then 3/4 of the states.)
This is irrelevant when every single state is deliberately set up to favor the interests of the plantation elite.
The other question is would the Confederates even want to take Cuba? Much of the Knights of the Golden Circle ideology was about getting extra slave states to maintain a balance with free states in the United States Senate. Once the Confederates are an independent nation that issue no longer exists for them, so there is much less need for southern expansionism. (And at least as long as the Spanish maintain slavery in Cuba, the Confederates may see diplomatic benefits in continued Spanish control of the island, since the Confederates will be much less diplomatically isolated if there is a European power that is still practicing slavery.)
Cuba was what was proposed in the post I was responding to.
 
No. People signed up for WW2 knowing full well how bad WW1 was and how 700k people starved because the government used all copper for military use and didn't leave any to be used to kill phytophora.
They didn't enlist, they were enlisted; being in the Wehrmacht wasn't optional; the only ones you could say that were enthusiasts were the SS but those were radicals not the norm.
 
Wait! What? The elite class of land-owners were incredibly violent, and they licensed violence.
Did they went themselves on the streets to beat up some black men that was passing around there?
Not buying it.
Nothing is eternal
The OTL South didn't have significant industrial development (other than the central Alabama steel mills) until the New Deal. I don't see the CSA doing a whole lot better with no investment from the North.
Was the North really interested in investing in the South?
 
The future of the Confederate States is industrialized slavery, with the majority of whites falling deeper and deeper into total improvishment whilst the oligarchy reeps the rewards. The south for all the claims of "non industrialization" was still probably in the top ten most industrialized places in the world.
 
The OTL United States is definitely a world economic and political power. The ATL US is likely to be so. The ATL Confederacy is at best a regional power, and more likely, simply a no-account minor state with no particular economic, military or political sway.
Would they really reach the same level of power projection as OTL? I doubt about that.
 
The future of the Confederate States is industrialized slavery, with the majority of whites falling deeper and deeper into total improvishment whilst the oligarchy reeps the rewards. The south for all the claims of "non industrialization" was still probably in the top ten most industrialized places in the world.
You mean top ten in a time when there were like 10-12 industrialized countries.

According to Paul Kennedy, the US accounted for 7.2% of total world manufacturing output in 1860. At the same time, according to the US Census of Manufactures in 1860, the South only accounted for 10% of US national output (and produced less output than the state of Massachusetts). This means that the South’s global share of manufacturing output was less than 1% - a rough estimate based on population stats can show that it was less industrialized than even Italy.

Did they went themselves on the streets to beat up some black men that was passing around there?

Nothing is eternal

Was the North really interested in investing in the South?
Since the 1930s, there were massive investments from the North, beginning with federal government spending.
 

bguy

Donor
There was substantial ideological commitment to the cotton plantation economy by 1860, for a number of reasons (middle-tier landowners being pushed out of the market, increasing radicalization of pro-slavery Southerners in response to the obvious cliff they were heading towards, marginalization of moderate voices who might have been open to economic diversification by the increasing ideological sectional dispute), but by the time the CS actually rebelled the power brokers were almost universally extremely hardline fire-eater wackos, with some even proposing enslaving poor whites and reopening the Atlantic slave trade.

The fire-eaters were pretty marginalized in the Confederate States after 1861.

And wouldn't the experience of a war with the United States show the Confederates just how important railroads, shipyards, and factories are?

This is irrelevant when every single state is deliberately set up to favor the interests of the plantation elite.

You're assuming the plantation elite will have no interest in government intervention in the economy. I think that is rather unlikely. Most of the large plantation owners had in fact been Whigs pre-Civil War. In particular the plantation system needed ready access to capital, so the plantation owners all had a direct economic interest in supporting Whiggish measures on banks (up to and including the Second National Bank of the United States.)


(Page 30 and 31 of the attached thesis on The American Whig Party and Slavery discusses the plantation owners support for banking measures.)

Thus the plantation owners are the very ones that are going to be calling for more government intervention in the economy. They will want a reliable banking system (and government support for their own investments.)

While it's unlikely that the CSA would turn into a basket case failed state, there's no reason whatsoever to expect them to leap ahead in any way.

Their most likely outcomes are:

* De facto economic colony of American and British commercial interests, with non-planter or land based commercial assets mainly in foreign hands, and dependent on external financing structures;

* No military expansionism, sorry - no Cuba, no Mexican provinces, no Fillibusters. No expansion into the Caribbean. They simply don't have the power projection.

* Some centrifugalism, notably Texas and Louisiana are likely to and capable of breaking away.

I mostly agree with your first two points (though as described above I think the Confederates will take measures to develop their own banking system), but on the third point why would Texas try to break away from the CSA? As long as the Commanche are a threat, the Texans are going to need Confederate troops to help protect their frontier. Thus they have more reason than most Confederate states to stick with the CSA. And what would cause Louisiana to try and break away? It's not like Louisiana was a hotbed of unionism during the Civil War. I would think Tennessee (or Kentucky if the Confederates somehow get it) would be much more likely to try and leave the CSA than either Texas or Louisiana.
 
There is a difference between not liking the Confederacy and deliberately trying to re-launch a conflict that has taken the lives of 600 000 persons.
On the other hand, the CSA has control over the mouth of the Mississippi River, which puts them in control of a huge portion of commerce flowing in and out of half of the US, while the US can dam the Mississippi's tributaries. The Union folks upstream will directly feel the impact of secession on their economics and the whole trade and water situation can very easily go sour. Just look at Ethiopia and Egypt regarding the Nile (dams, threats of war, etc.) nowadays.
 
On the other hand, the CSA has control over the mouth of the Mississippi River, which puts them in control of a huge portion of commerce flowing in and out of half of the US, while the US can dam the Mississippi's tributaries. The Union folks upstream will directly feel the impact of secession on their economics and the whole trade and water situation can very easily go sour. Just look at Ethiopia and Egypt regarding the Nile (dams, threats of war, etc.) nowadays.
I'm pretty sure the US will take care of that before signing a peace deal, it's already difficult to imagine a TL where the CS wins so they certainly can demand that before ending the war.
 
Thus the plantation owners are the very ones that are going to be calling for more government intervention in the economy. They will want a reliable banking system (and government support for their own investments.)
Yes. They will want the government to subsidize their dying economic system. They're the entrenched elite, they fought a war for cotton and slavery, they're not going to want to industrialize and diversify because that could threaten their control over the economy.
The fire-eaters were pretty marginalized in the Confederate States after 1861.
Debatable. I would say that the measures taken by the CS government were pretty clearly directed towards the interests of the hardliners in particular and the plantation elite in general.
And wouldn't the experience of a war with the United States show the Confederates just how important railroads, shipyards, and factories are?
I'm not sure. They would have won without industrial and naval superiority, after all.
 
I don't know if that is accurate. Southern views on economic diversification were not necessarily that rigid but instead seem to have fluctuated depending on what the price of cotton was. (The decade before the 1850s saw increased focus on cotton production in the south, but that seems to have largely occurred because cotton prices exploded in that decade, making it ludicrously profitable. In times when cotton prices were lower, the southerners were much more open to economic diversification.

"Many planters did invest in railroads and factories of course and these enterprises expanded in the 1850s. But the trend seemed to be toward even greater concentration in land and slaves. While per capita southern wealth rose 62 percent from 1850 to 1860, the average price of slaves increased 70 percent and the value per acre of agricultural land appreciated 72 percent, while per capita southern investment in manufacturing increased only 39 percent. In other words, southerners had a larger portion of their capital invested in land and slaves in 1860 than in 1850.

Although the persistence of Jeffersonian agrarianism may help explain this phenomenon, the historian can discover pragmatic reasons as well. The 1850s were boom years for cotton and for other southern staples. Low cotton prices in the 1840s had spurred the crusade for economic diversification. But during the next decade the price of cotton jumped more than 50 percent to an average of 11.5 cents per pound. The cotton crop consequently doubled to four million bales annually by the late 1850s. Sugar and tobacco prices and production similarly increased. The apparent insatiable demand for southern staples caused planters to put every available acre into these crops. The per capita output of the principal southern food crops actually declined in the 1850s, and this agricultural society headed toward the status of a food-deficit region.

Although these trends alarmed some southerners, most expressed rapture over the dizzying prosperity brought by the cotton boom. The advocates of King Commerce faded; King Cotton reigned supreme."
-Battle Cry of Freedom by James McPherson, pgs. 99-100
I mean, what kind of factories, and goods are the railroads carrying? It's possible for industrialization to occur, but only as a supplement to primary production, similar to how petrostates also build pipelines, oil terminals, and refineries. That does add value to the Confederacy's exports, but it doesn't really allow for true diversification from cotton and is still centered around extraction.

Was the North really interested in investing in the South?
Yes. The largest steelmaker in the South, the Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company, was formed by New York investors and saw its greatest growth under Hiram Bond, another New Yorker, before being bought by the Northern-based US Steel in 1907.

The Southern Railway, one of the precursors to Norfolk Southern, was formed by JP Morgan, while the other half of NS, the Norfolk and Western Railway, was acquired and expanded by a Philadelphia bank.

Ingalls Shipbuilding and Newport News, the largest shipyards in the South, were established by businessmen from Ohio and Connecticut respectively.

Investors had a chance to invest at rock-bottom prices given the postwar devastation and underdevelopment of the region, an easy recipe to guarantee profit.

And of course, there was Reconstruction, which also spent significant sums of money rebuilding and repairing infrastructure across the South. The Army Corps of Engineers made significant improvements along the Mississippi, well after Reconstruction ended.
 
Why would the CS and US inevitably hate each other? Can't they peacefully co-exist(although with some tensions between the two)?
I am thinking that would be the case. At the end of the day, the two countries would be very intertwined with each other economically- and economics can make some very strange "bedfellows".

Then factor in that the CSA was decentralized and that there were really two "souths" including a south that was only lukewarm for the CSA. NC, TN, TX and maybe even VI would be members of this club.

Some club members may ask to rejoin the Union as slavery became uneconomical. TX may even leave the CSA and the USA and form, well, Texas.
 
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