The Panther: A Medieval Slovene Kingdom TL

1. Betrayal and Vengeance: The Panther on the Padan
If you're interested in rules regarding guest posts, see the author's notes of the 7th indexed post.

In 745 the Avars of Pannonia were again counted amongst the ascending powers of post-Roman Europe. Samo’s Empire was long gone and the Kaghanate had largely recovered the manpower it had lost in its costly attempt on Constantinople. In their immediate path lay the slavic principality of Carantania, a small pagan state that lacked allies. In desperation Prince Borut of Carantania became a vassal of the powerful if disorganized Lombard Kingdom[1] and allowed his son Gorazd and nephew Hotimir to be baptized as hostages in the court of the Lombard Duke of Friuli.

In the series of raiding actions and campaigns that characterized the following frontier conflict Aistulf, Duke of Friuli and brother of the King, emerged as a dominant leader and expanded his land to include Carniola, a Slavic principality that had been tributary to the Avars which he had invaded and fortified. Following this success he seems to have gained the idea of building a personal empire in the east as soon afterwards Gorazd died under suspicious circumstances in May of 747. At the time the royal court in Pavia was too preoccupied with its own matters to invest much interest in the intrigues of Aistulf’s court, meaning that Hotimir had to turn to the clergy for support and even then had to primarily rely on his own intuition to survive. From a safe distance he kept a close eye on his captor, and in doing so was able to learn much in the way of warfare, political maneuvering, and the internal struggles of the Lombard Kingdom.

In 749 two events massively changed the prevailing situation. The Pope had intervened in the Lombards’ latest war against the Grecians[2] and upon agreeing to back down the “Italophile” King Ratchis was promptly deposed by his dukes and replaced by Aistulf. Aistulf promptly reoriented his goals towards an aggressive campaign to drive the Grecians from Italy and at least temporarily lost interest in wiping out Borut’s line of succession.

The second event of note was the death of Borut. Upon hearing of his uncle’s death Hotimir hurriedly set out for Krnski Grad[3] with a veritable army of priests. There he stood atop the Prince Stone and was inaugurated in a mostly traditional manner. He then took up the duty of entrenching Christianity in his lands and preparing the forces he had inherited for the clash with Aistulf that he believed to be inevitable.

The priests quickly found places as a literate technocracy, however the spread of Christianity was a slow and difficult task that would not be completed within his lifetime. However Hotimir possessed other traits that made him acceptable to the old believers. Particularly the friction between him and the Lombard King and his desire to avenge his cousin, who though baptized was viewed as something a martyr. As a result the conflict that began in 751must be viewed in two lenses, one Christian, and one pagan.

In 751 Aistulf had taken Ravenna and now dared to threaten Rome, and by extension the Pope. Citing his duty as a Christian, Hotimir launched his revolt. To his predominantly pagan subjects however the revolt was explained in anti-Lombard terms, a matter that not only ensured their support but ensured that the Carniolans who had been fuming under Lombard rule flocked to his banner. The Lombard garrison in Carnium quickly opted to change sides when faced with the prospect of defending a city full of the same pagans that were besieging them. This defection was aided by the fact that the Lombard commander knew Hotimir from Aistulf’s court and his men as Italians rather than Lombards themselves felt more loyal to the Pope than to their king. Thus Hotimir lead a sizable pagan host out onto the Padan Plain, ostensibly to save the Pope.

Aistulf’s response was quick and he marched his much larger army north to meet his former hostage. After wintering the two sides met southeast of Verona, and Hotimir deployed his army with their backs to the Adige and oddly their unguarded camp in front of them. The location forced Aistulf into a frontal attack and eliminated opportunities for flanking maneuvers, yet he attacked anyways believing his force to poses sufficient numerical and qualitative advantages to make the attack work. After an exchange of arrows the Lombard army advanced, and quickly found its formations broken up by the earthworks, tents, and carriages within the camp. Worse, to bolster his power in preparation for his expansionist campaigns Aistulf had greatly expanded the army and opened it up to Italians.[4] Many of these new soldiers turned out to be more interesting in looting the camp than participating in the march. As a result the Lombard force engaged the defending army piecemeal, reversing any advantages it should have had.

BFJMyNS.png

An approximation of the two commanders' deployments with with Hotimir's forces (black) deployed behind their camp.

The battle dragged on for hours with relatively high losses on both sides. However, wishing to preserve his numerical advantage for a later engagement on more even terrain, Aistulf sounded the retreat. The Carantanians pursued and extracted a heavy toll on the enemy, particularly those preoccupied with looting. Hotimir’s plan had won the day but with much of his supplies stolen and his army badly maimed he had to remain in place for the foreseeable future.

Of the engagement Paul the Deacon wrote:
The Wends of Carantanum fell upon the retreating Langobards with great fury and murderous intent. The grass was watered with their blood and it is said that that evening they performed human sacrifices to their gods while their prince prayed in the nearest church. Prince Hotimir may be the most pious of men, but his people are by far the least.

The winter of 751/752 provided minor breathing space for the two commanders. For Aistulf the situation was destined to become worse. North of the Alps Pepin the Short had overthrown the Merovingians and proved quite eager to support the Pope and assert the Frank’s position as the foremost kingdom in Western Europe. As much as Aistulf would have loved to simply wait where he was as Hotimir’s horde starved on the riverbank he had to march west to prepare for a confrontation with a far more dangerous opponent. Aistulf fell back to Pavia and rallied a great army for a forward defence in the Susa Valley.

Hotimir meanwhile took up the roll of the beggar for a time and after a lengthy process of threats, negotiations, and intercession by the city’s Bishop, managed to convince the city of Verona to open its granaries to his army. As soon as spring broke both sides made their moves. Aistulf moved northeast with great haste and Hotimir moved to encamp along the Via Francigena between Pavia and the valley,[5] his idea being that depending on the outcome of the battle he could cut off Aistulf’s retreat or fight a significantly weakened if victorious enemy.

The great clash between the Lombards and the Franks took place in the shadows of the Graian and Cottian Alps. The Lombards had long been well known for their traditions of fighting on foot, however the relatively flat valley proved ideal for the Frankish army which had a large component of mounted infantry. The Lombards proved unable to match this mobility and were eventually outflanked. Facing the possibility of being over run and completely defeated on the spot, Aistulf initiated a hasty disengagement and retreat. Within the week he would halt his retreat when the riders he had sent ahead to warn Pavia returned with news of Hotimir’s location. Aistulf halted his retreat and surrendered to the pursuing Franks, as with good reason he believed Pepin would be a kinder captor than the vengeful Hotimir.


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[1] OTL he made the same agreement with the Bavarians, who at the time were a more centralized and expansionist power than the Lombards.

[2] An archaic alternative to “Greek”, and in this case it refers to the Byzantines/Romans. I like the idea of alternate timelines also using alternate terminology.

[3] OTL it’s now Karnburg.

[4] As by this point the difference between Italians and Lombards was a matter class, (the upper social stratas being Lombards and the lower ones being Italians) so it is likely that the "Italian" actions at Carnium and the Battle Near Verona is the result of people who have traditionally not been soldiers being forced to serve with little training and little potential for social advancement through service.

[5] He’s not a mind reader, it’s just the logical invasion route (which is also why Aistulf choose to mount his defense there both OTL and TTL)

Anyways I hope that what I have presented is enjoyable and not too wild. I’ll admit that my readings for this first part have been very sparse so if you think I screwed the pooch on something (travel times? everything?) please be brutal with your criticism.

The title is a reference to two things. One is the heraldic Black Panther that has been claimed to be an ancient Carantanian symbol (the evidence for it may be questionable, but it certainly has rule of cool on its side). The other is the Ljubljana Gap which is the space between the Eastern and Dinaric Alps, and is the homeland of the Slovenes.

Also next update will include the establishment of Hotimir’s realm, and I wanted to know what you think the Franks and the Pope would see fit to give him. I was thinking Austria and Neustria north of the Po, but then I realized that that would put Pavia (the Lombard capital!) in his domain. It seems a bit much to deprive Ratchis’ rump Lombard Kingdom of the old Lombard capital. So let me know where you’d place his new western border.
 
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Well, I'm up for an 8th century Slovene timeline. Neat!

Also next update will include the establishment of Hotimir’s realm, and I wanted to know what you think the Franks and the Pope would see fit to give him. I was thinking Austria and Neustria north of the Po, but then I realized that that would put Pavia (the Lombard capital!) in his domain. It seems a bit much deprave Ratchis’ rump Lombard Kingdom of the old Lombard capital. So let me know where you’d place his new western border.

This is a tricky problem, in part because the Po plain doesn't readily lend itself to division. The only early medieval dividing schemes I'm aware of - between Berengar and the Guidoni in the 9th century (north and south of the Po), and between Otto and Berengar II in the 10th (March of Verona-Friuli annexed to Bavaria/Carinthia) - quickly collapsed, because what all parties really wanted was to be King of Italy, not King of Part of Italy. Division comes only as a consequence of the High/Late Medieval disintegration of imperial power in Italy and the rise of communes and rural lordships in its wake. A prince who controls part of Lombardy is going to rather understandably want the rest of it too. Considering the greater population, urbanization, wealth, and cultural legacy of Italy as opposed to a comparatively marginal territory like Carantania, it seems likely that any "Carantanian state with Lombardy" would shortly become a "Lombard state with Carantania." Basically, the more west you go, the more nice stuff you get, but the greater the likelihood that the kingdom loses any vestige of being "Slovene" unless it also comes with a massive Slavic exodus into Lombardy from somewhere.

I should think Pavia is off the table. I can't imagine that the Franks would be interested in ceding any more land than was necessary to their Slavic "allies," nor is Hotimir likely to find a sympathetic population in Lombardy proper. Given that he's already got Verona, a border on the Adige would be difficult to accept (since Verona is actually on the west bank). The next logical border would be that formed by Lake Garda, the Mincio, and the lower Po. So, assuming that Aistulf conquered Istria c. 750 as IOTL, my guess would be that the "cession" of territory to Hotimir would consist of Istria plus Friuli-Verona up to the Garda-Mincio-Po line (or somewhere thereabouts). I suspect the Lombards will keep Mantua, and the Franks might want them to have it, as it's in a good strategic position to stop the Caratanians from going further and getting too big for their britches.

I suspect this state will have early trouble with Venice, if for no other reason than that it seems likely the Caratanians will have their main initial ecclesiastical center at Aquileia (it's a patriarchate, and historically was given initial authority over the lands to the east including Pannonia, although this was superseded later), and both "Old Aquiliea" and Aquileia-Grado (under Venetian influence) claimed to be the true patriarchate. Historically, a synod under the authority of Louis the Pious considered merging the two in favor of Old Aquileia in the early 9th century, but the Venetians were able to fend this off in favor of Grado because of their "abduction" of the body of St. Mark from Alexandria. Thereafter St. Mark was their patron saint. It's entirely possible that Venice could lose out on that contest ITTL, which would give the Slovene-Friuli state ecclesiastical authority over Venice and its environs to the likely detriment of their independence.

[4] And Italians, regardless of the role they served, were held to be beneath Lombard light infantry. So their actions at Carnium and the Battle Near Verona are manifestations of their resentment.

By the era you're talking about there wasn't much of a difference between "Romans" and "Lombards" in the Lombard kingdom, at least not in an ethnic sense. The Lombard language was moribund by the early 8th century, or close to it, so you're already dealing with an "Italian" (actually Vulgar Latin) speaking population. Lombard dress by this time was basically Roman, and families mixed Lombard and Roman names pretty freely. Roman and Lombard law were still distinct at this time, but rather than laws for distinct communities they had sort of merged together and dominated in different spheres; property law, for instance, was heavily Roman.

Under Aistulf, as far as I'm aware all you really needed for military service was to be a property owner. You're correct in a sense that "Lombards" were the favored class, but only because "Lombard" was by this time less of a strictly ethnic category than a legal/political/social one. Insofar as only "Lombards" were treated well in the army, this is because the difference between "Lombard" and "non-servile property owner" had become fairly indistinct, and thus anyone who wasn't a "Lombard" was probably servile (thus the occasional use of Romani in the sense of coloni or peasant/tenant), at least in Lombardy.

What I'm getting at is that I'm not sure exactly what you mean by "Italians" in this context, or what it means to allow them into the army. If this means opening the army to the lower orders, this would indeed be desperate, because presumably only the "Lombard" classes (down to the arimanni, the free warrior/farmer class) are actually armed. Such men would indeed be below Lombard infantry, as I would expect of servile tenants drafted into an army.
 
Well, I'm up for an 8th century Slovene timeline. Neat!
Good to have you along.

This is a tricky problem, in part because the Po plain doesn't readily lend itself to division. The only early medieval dividing schemes I'm aware of - between Berengar and the Guidoni in the 9th century (north and south of the Po), and between Otto and Berengar II in the 10th (March of Verona-Friuli annexed to Bavaria/Carinthia) - quickly collapsed, because what all parties really wanted was to be King of Italy, not King of Part of Italy. Division comes only as a consequence of the High/Late Medieval disintegration of imperial power in Italy and the rise of communes and rural lordships in its wake. A prince who controls part of Lombardy is going to rather understandably want the rest of it too. Considering the greater population, urbanization, wealth, and cultural legacy of Italy as opposed to a comparatively marginal territory like Carantania, it seems likely that any "Carantanian state with Lombardy" would shortly become a "Lombard state with Carantania." Basically, the more west you go, the more nice stuff you get, but the greater the likelihood that the kingdom loses any vestige of being "Slovene" unless it also comes with a massive Slavic exodus into Lombardy from somewhere.

I should think Pavia is off the table. I can't imagine that the Franks would be interested in ceding any more land than was necessary to their Slavic "allies," nor is Hotimir likely to find a sympathetic population in Lombardy proper. Given that he's already got Verona, a border on the Adige would be difficult to accept (since Verona is actually on the west bank). The next logical border would be that formed by Lake Garda, the Mincio, and the lower Po. So, assuming that Aistulf conquered Istria c. 750 as IOTL, my guess would be that the "cession" of territory to Hotimir would consist of Istria plus Friuli-Verona up to the Garda-Mincio-Po line (or somewhere thereabouts). I suspect the Lombards will keep Mantua, and the Franks might want them to have it, as it's in a good strategic position to stop the Caratanians from going further and getting too big for their britches.
Indeed. The thought of the Milanese latinizing Carantania also occurred to me and is another reason why I dropped him receiving any of Neustria.

I suspect this state will have early trouble with Venice, if for no other reason than that it seems likely the Caratanians will have their main initial ecclesiastical center at Aquileia (it's a patriarchate, and historically was given initial authority over the lands to the east including Pannonia, although this was superseded later), and both "Old Aquiliea" and Aquileia-Grado (under Venetian influence) claimed to be the true patriarchate. Historically, a synod under the authority of Louis the Pious considered merging the two in favor of Old Aquileia in the early 9th century, but the Venetians were able to fend this off in favor of Grado because of their "abduction" of the body of St. Mark from Alexandria. Thereafter St. Mark was their patron saint. It's entirely possible that Venice could lose out on that contest ITTL, which would give the Slovene-Friuli state ecclesiastical authority over Venice and its environs to the likely detriment of their independence.
Thank you very much, I had been planning for a confrontational relation with Venice, and this adds an additional layer to it.

By the era you're talking about there wasn't much of a difference between "Romans" and "Lombards" in the Lombard kingdom, at least not in an ethnic sense. The Lombard language was moribund by the early 8th century, or close to it, so you're already dealing with an "Italian" (actually Vulgar Latin) speaking population. Lombard dress by this time was basically Roman, and families mixed Lombard and Roman names pretty freely. Roman and Lombard law were still distinct at this time, but rather than laws for distinct communities they had sort of merged together and dominated in different spheres; property law, for instance, was heavily Roman.

Under Aistulf, as far as I'm aware all you really needed for military service was to be a property owner. You're correct in a sense that "Lombards" were the favored class, but only because "Lombard" was by this time less of a strictly ethnic category than a legal/political/social one. Insofar as only "Lombards" were treated well in the army, this is because the difference between "Lombard" and "non-servile property owner" had become fairly indistinct, and thus anyone who wasn't a "Lombard" was probably servile (thus the occasional use of Romani in the sense of coloni or peasant/tenant), at least in Lombardy.

What I'm getting at is that I'm not sure exactly what you mean by "Italians" in this context, or what it means to allow them into the army. If this means opening the army to the lower orders, this would indeed be desperate, because presumably only the "Lombard" classes (down to the arimanni, the free warrior/farmer class) are actually armed. Such men would indeed be below Lombard infantry, as I would expect of servile tenants drafted into an army.
To be honest I'm not too sure either the late Lombard kingdom is far from an area that I'm well educated on. Basically in a decision characteristic of late summer lethargy, I saw it on Wikipedia, and shirking everything my educators have ever told me about said website, decided not to question it.
 
To be honest I'm not too sure either the late Lombard kingdom is far from an area that I'm well educated on. Basically in a decision characteristic of late summer lethargy, I saw it on Wikipedia, and shirking everything my educators have ever told me about said website, decided not to question it.

Well, I can't claim to be the be all and end all for Lombard research, but I'll try to expand a little bit based on what I know of Aistulf's OTL army rules.

My understanding is that the specific legislation of Aistulf in which he "reorganized" the army has less to do with ethnicity than class. In it, he established several grades of soldiery, and required a different standard of equipment from each one. The highest orders were to serve as cavalry with armor, lance, and shield; the order below them was the same, but without the armor; and the "lesser men" at the bottom, defined as those with less than ~25 acres of land, were required to show up only with a shield and bow. Unusually, "merchants" were separated into orders as well and expected to give military service.

It's not clear how many "non-Lombard, non-serviles" there actually were, or where precisely the dividing lines were drawn. It's possible that Aistulf's regulations were reflecting something which already existed, or just removing loopholes from the older system - so, for instance, a wealthy landowner could not try to evade service by claiming "technically, I'm a Roman, not a Lombard." If there were a fair number of non-servile property owners who were "Romans," then the dictum could have other implications. By this point "Lombard," having taken on a socio-political definition beyond mere ethnic descent, would certainly have covered those wealthy fighting landowner cavalrymen, as well as the strata of free warriors below them, but there may have been a significant number of "lesser men" and urbanites of various types who, being smallholding farmers or merchants, were not part of the traditional fighting class and thus not "Lombard."

If you interpret the legislation as a true reform, what Aistulf is trying to do is best described not so much as "all ethnicities can join the military now" so much as an attempt to expand the army by extending its obligations lower down the socioeconomic ladder as well as into the urban sphere, areas of society which had not traditionally had a military role. The caveat, however, is that most of these people must have fallen into the lowest tier, which means that by definition most of them would be required to bring only a bow and shield - in other words, serve as light infantry. True serviles - men who owned no land - presumably had no obligations as they could afford no weapons, so if expanding the army was the intent of the legislation it suggests there was at least some lingering strata of "non-servile non-Lombards" whom Aistulf was attempting to bring into the military structure.

The Wikipedia blurb suggests that the non-Lombards were forced to serve as light infantry because of their non-Lombard status, but if the legislation reflects a real reform than it seems more credible that they served as light infantry because because "Lombards" were to a large extent socially defined as the landowning, weapon-bearing, military class, and thus "non-Lombards" were almost by definition those who fell below that class; if they had been great landowners who could serve as cavalry, then they would have been Lombards. Anyone who had a bit of land but could only afford to bring a shield and bow was only marginally a Lombard (a downwardly mobile arimannus, for instance) or not a Lombard at all, i.e. a Roman.

The legislation makes very clear that the standard was wealth rather than ethnicity, so if there were a wealthy non-Lombard - for instance, an urban merchant who was considered a Roman - he would certainly not be compelled to fight as light infantry, but required to bring whatever equipment his wealth dictated according to the law. It would be foolish for Aistulf to tell a man who could equip himself as an armored cavalryman to come only as a foot archer because, as a merchant from Lucca or something, he wasn't considered a Lombard. One purpose of the legislation was clearly to gain service from the mercantile class, although it seems unlikely that they made up a very large pool of manpower at this early date.

This doesn't necessarily invalidate your description of the battle or its outcome, because indeed it is entirely possible that a bunch of low-status smallholders with shields and bows, who were not traditionally part of the warrior class, might do something like looting the enemy camp instead of marching about and following orders. The difference is that their reason for disloyalty/ineffectiveness is not so much ethnic resentment or repression as it is the fact that they are unwilling farmer-conscripts who have not traditionally fought and are only there because Aistulf is hard up for troops.
 
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Now this is something that I can really dig!

The one thing I have to wonder is how this is going to affect the the creation of Lower Pannonia and the rise of Great Moravia, as well as the later travels of the Group of Seven (them being Cyril, Methodius, Clement, Naum, Gorazd, Angelarius and Sava/Laurence, and not including but also part of the travels Constantine).
 
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A TL where it looks like one of the south slavic peoples might be as important and well known as the Poles and Bohemians? Count me in!
 
A TL where it looks like one of the south slavic peoples might be as important and well known as the Poles and Bohemians? Count me in!
Now this is something that I can really dig!
Thanks. I was a bit concerned that a Carantanian timeline might be too obscure to attract interest, but it seems my fears were misplaced.

The one thing I have to wonder is how this is going to affect the the creation of Lower Pannonia and the rise of Great Moravia, as well as the later travels of the Group of Seven (them being Cyril, Methodius, Clement, Naum, Angelarius and Sava/Laurence, and not including but also part of the travels Constantine).
Oh I have plans for that. Better laid plans than I had for their first entry of this TL I may add.
 
Oh I have plans for that. Better laid plans than I had for their first entry of this TL I may add.

While you didn't specify whose entry of the three given, I'm excited to see what you do with them all! Especially with the Group of Seven, in which I forgot to mention Gorazd! Which is especially weird since Gorazd was at least more noteworthy than Angelar and Sava.
 
While you didn't specify whose entry of the three given, I'm excited to see what you do with them all! Especially with the Group of Seven, in which I forgot to mention Gorazd! Which is especially weird since Gorazd was at least more noteworthy than Angelar and Sava.
To an extent the three follow hand in hand with each other. By enabling the establishment of a literate bureaucracy Cyril aided in the rise of Great Moravia, and a big portion of Moravia's rise was their expansion into northern Pannonia which brought them into conflict with the Franks who controlled lower Pannonia at the time. So while they are three separate topics my thoughts tend to see them as connected.
 
To an extent the three follow hand in hand with each other. By enabling the establishment of a literate bureaucracy Cyril aided in the rise of Great Moravia, and a big portion of Moravia's rise was their expansion into northern Pannonia which brought them into conflict with the Franks who controlled lower Pannonia at the time. So while they are three separate topics my thoughts tend to see them as connected.

Very true, however that does partially simplify matters when it comes to Moravia's rise following Samo's fall, under the leadership of Moravod/Moravan/Marut, Vladuc, Suanthos/Suatben, Samoslav, Hormidor and then Mojmar, before we reach Mojmir, under whom we finally reach into Great Moravia. Cyril and Methodius don't enter the picture until after Mojmir, with Rastislav/Rostislav asking the Byzantine Emperor for missionaries educated in the Slavic tongue (after failing to get a response for the same question from the Pope). Nevertheless, with Cyril and Methodius' help, Great Moravia does experience its greatest developments with its peak under Svatopluk.

I did some limited research on the topic of Great Moravia and the Group of Seven a while back, which is why they interest me here in this timeline!
 
Neat! Any sources you'd recommend I look at before I reach that point in the TL?

I did specify that I did limited research for a reason. I don't really have access to professional literature, so almost all of what I found was online, some with sources and some without.

For the Group of Seven, you can generally find most info on Cyril and Methodius online, whether it be by checking the various language versions of Wikipedia or by going deep Googling. Clement, Naum and Constantine are slightly harder to find info on, but since they were a big part of Bulgarian history, especially with the Literary Schools founded in Ohrid by the former and in Preslav by the latters, it isn't so hard. Gorazd is harder than he seems, despite his seemingly important position as Methodius' successor as Archbishop, due to uncertainties over his fate following the expulsion of the Brothers Saints' pupils (sans him passing in Berat with Angelarius), and even uncertainties of his relations, with some saying he came from a family in Nitra while others say he was the son of Rastislav. And then we have the two least mentioned - not much is known about the lives of Angelarius and Sava/Laurence. With the former, there are some suggestions that he is a Slav of Western origin due to his name, and that he died after the expulsion, whether it be while on the journey, right when they were accepted in Bulgaria, or right after. We only really know him through the mentions of his existence by Clement, and Theophylact of Ohrid. And the latter is so obscure that I still haven't found confirmation whether or not his name is Sava, Laurence, or both, or if they were different people altogether! And even the name of the group, the Group of Seven, I only managed to stumble upon by chance while trying to find any English variants of the numerous group names that they have in the Slavic languages (others including the Seven Slavic Saints, the Septet, or when removing Cyril and Methodius, the Group of Five, or the Five of Ohrid).

Meanwhile, with Great Moravia, while I did manage to find the line of rule following Samo, the suggested relations depicted by it, are so unbelievable that I wonder whether or not those are based on a source. And then we also have the theories surrounding the relations of the Mojmírovci, such as suggesting that Gorazd was, as earlier mentioned, the son of Rastislav, and that he ended up only being imprisoned, staying in Moravia to become the Učen, or Student, teaching folks, among which include the future king Wenceslaus, as well as suggesting that Bořivoj was also Rastislav's son, and that the Přemyslid name was taken from Czech mythology in order to legitimize his rule as ruler of Bohemia and hide his Moravian roots. This site talks a lot about that. There is even confusion over who Mojmar's third son after Boso-Hos[dius] (which seems to be a Latinized form of Božhosť but no one can confirm this?? another source suggests he's two people, Boso [Bohuslav] and Hošo [Ošo, Osev, Josef]) and Mojmir (and I should also mention how apparently Mojmar called himself Mojmir I, making his son Mojmir II), whether it is someone called Ljudevit (which could link itself to the same-named Prince of Lower Pannonia, but this is hard to confirm) or if it is bloody Pribina, the Duke of Nitra who Mojmir would force out later, which I find incredibly hard to believe. It's rather fascinating stuff, but there is probably a reason why this is online and not in a book.

While this probably isn't what you asked for, hopefully you can use this info to advance your own searches!

EDIT: I'll also take the chance to point out that I only did the limited research to help explain what happened in a forum game, taking into account butterflies and all, and I ended up having to form a narrative of sort for early Moravia, as well as explain what the OTL Group of Seven did without their fateful journey.
 
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Regarding the line of control in Lombardy, it occurred to me that the "Po-Mincio-Garda" line I suggested might not be ideal because the course of the lower Po was significantly further south back then; a line that actually went along the Po to the Adriatic would give Hotimir a chunk of the Exarchate including Ferrara, which is probably not something that Pepin and the Pope would want to cede. It might make more sense to have a line that starts on the lower Adige and then jumps to the Po-Mincio-Garda course, roughly consistent with the borders of the former Exarchate, like so:

JaGyuEk.png
 
Regarding the line of control in Lombardy, it occurred to me that the "Po-Mincio-Garda" line I suggested might not be ideal because the course of the lower Po was significantly further south back then; a line that actually went along the Po to the Adriatic would give Hotimir a chunk of the Exarchate including Ferrara, which is probably not something that Pepin and the Pope would want to cede. It might make more sense to have a line that starts on the lower Adige and then jumps to the Po-Mincio-Garda course, roughly consistent with the borders of the former Exarchate, like so:
Would "a western frontier from Lake Garda in the north along the Mincio and Po rivers to the northern border of the former Exarchate of Ravenna" be an apt description?
 
Would "a western frontier from Lake Garda in the north along the Mincio and Po rivers to the northern border of the former Exarchate of Ravenna" be an apt description?

Yes, it seems to be generally agreed that the nominal northern border of the Exarchate was the Adige, so that works.

That wedge between the Adige and Po, however, is likely to be contested, or at least something of a grey area. Pippin historically ceded the former Exarchate's land to the Papacy, but Rome's control over it was very weak. Assuming the Carantanians stay put in Friuli and remain sufficiently strong to keep the Lombards at bay, they have the opportunity to have a lot of influence and de facto control over the northern Romagna even if it's not "technically" awarded to them. Rome may even accept and welcome that status if they continue to perceive the Lombards as the greater threat.
 
Thank you very much all the same. I'll be sure to take a look.

Bit of a quick update: I did some more research and found a source from 1883 on Great Moravia, titled "Děje říše velkomoravské" by František Salesiánský Pluskal. The text version is great for translating, but since this is taken from a book, parts are organized as they were there.

Through this source, I believe I have confirmed that, yes indeed, the Ljudevit that is son of Mojmar (referred to as Mojmir I in the book), is in actuality the Ljudevit that was Prince of Lower Pannonia. The book also presents Boso-Hos[dius] as two separate people, Boso (Bohuslav) and Hošo (Ošo, Osev, Josef). The only issue one could have with this is that, well, it is a book from 1883! It could possibly take liberties to simplify a more complicated time, or just misinterpret information, as possibly shown with Bosohosdius here.
 
2. King Hotimir the Great: Expansion and State Building
The Council of Rome, December of 752, proved to be a watershed moment in history. There had been talk of imposing a Carthaginian peace on the Lombards, however over the course of the council cooler heads prevailed. Ravenna and the territory connecting it to Rome was ceded to the Pope. Hotimir was elevated to the status of an independent king, his domain stretching from the edge of Panonia in the east to a western frontier from Lake Garda in the north along the Mincio and Po rivers to the northern border of the former Exarchate of Ravenna. Ratchis, who had fled to a monastery when he was deposed, was returned to the throne of the reduced Lombard Kingdom.

This statesmanship is considered to be amongst Pepin the Short’s greatest accomplishments. In weakening the Lombards he had punished them for daring to see themselves as the Frank’s equals. In empowering Hotimir he ensured that for the foreseeable future there would be no risk of another rival arising from Italy, and Hotimir’s kingdom could be useful as buffer state under Frankish influence. In taking no territory for his own kingdom he gained a favour he could hold over the Pope, and he reinforced the perception that the Frankish realm had already been the foremost territorial entity in western Christendom.

After Christmas Mass in Rome, Hotimir departed for his lands. As he passed through the major cities of his new lands he issued extensive charters granting the cities a high degree of autonomy. His aim was to ensure the personal loyalty of the important population centres. Verona was issued a particularly generous city charter by “the beggar king”.

He also made attempts to reconcile himself with the local elites now in his service. Though with his military superiority already established and their power undercut by the city charters it is likely that they had little choice in burying the hatchet.

He also took note of the means of travel between his lands. The Via Gemina, at least the portion of it beyond the Lombard’s traditional eastern frontier, had fallen under considerable disrepair. Upon returning to Krnski Grad he sent for Italian stonemasons, the road would have to be restored if his realm were to function as a single territorial entity.

Those stonemasons had a second use. While he campaigned in the west the Avars had resumed raiding his east, and there was a need to repair and expand the fortifications along the border. His fortification of choice was an innovation from Aistulf’s conquest of Carniola. This being a small, typically cubical, single storey stone structure topper with a larger wooden structure with a peaked roof and an abundance of arrow slits.[1] These buildings were impervious to arrows and as the over hang of the wooded structure allowed attackers on foot to be attacked with arrows, rocks, and boiling oil that had been prepared bellow. They would be of little use against a proper army, but they were effective area denial systems for smaller raiding parties. They were typically grouped together on the outskirts of a village, and a roof access hatch meant that during the night simple signals could be communicated with torches. A single torch meant that a weakness had been observed and that a sally should be conducted at dawn. A torch waved vertically meant that that outpost had also observed weakness. A torch waved horizontally meant that that outpost had reason to believe the Avars were actually preparing for just that; this was an absolute veto. Two torches being waved wildly indicated that a proper Avar army had gathered and that, as their position was now indefensible, they should immediately gather the villagers and attempt to flee to the nearest proper fortification.

Hotimir did not just reinforce the border though, the population of Carantania and Carniola were beginning to out grow their lands, and he also didn’t want his homeland swallowed by his western lands. Along the Rječina, Slava, Mur, and Drava rivers he began a creeping expansion of the network of frontier villages and fortifications.[2] While fairly passive as far as invasions go, this was still a blatant attack on the Avars and pitch battles became more common.

He began to prepare for an inevitable decisive battle and in 758 his improved army was put to work against their own countrymen. In a few regions of Carniola, typically along the Via Gemina, villagers angered by the increased Italian presence, mostly stonemasons, rose in a anti-Christian anti-Italian revolt. His army was more than capable of putting down this challenge to his rule, and according to an observer from the Papacy “it was clear that his army was now indeed an army rather than a horde”. However it is apparent that his faith in his ability to retain the loyalty of his mostly pagan people was deeply shaken. This doubt is apparent as the following year he accepted an offer of unconditional support from the Merchant Ministry of Verona.[3]

The spring of 760 proved decisive. In rapid succession more than a dozen settlements along the Drava river were destroyed. It was apparent that the Avars sought a final end to the Carantanian encroachment. Hotimir was also looking forward to a major engagement to end the lengthy period of monotony and uncertainty. He rallied an army that was surely larger than any other he had commanded and marched off to the defence of the settlements.

According to the Dravied[4] both sides were relatively even at around 20,000 combatants each and met at a ford in the river. The climax of the battle occurred when Hotimir lead a cavalry maneuver to flank the enemy who had found his men’s shield wall centered on Verona’s “Legio I Veronica” to be able to withstand the Avar assault. As Hotimir’s cavalry maneuvered it collided with an enemy cavalry formation that apparently had the same idea. After a bloody melee both sides fell back and their armies soon disengaged for the day. During the night the Avar army moved away. According to the Dravied this is due to the Avar Khan falling in the cavalry action. However it also has Hotimir die of an arrow wound sustained during the disengagement, even though Church records place his death three years later in Krinski Grad, so it certainly can’t be relied on for details.

The battle while indecisive in tactical terms, did represent the start of a period where the Avar Khaganate de facto yielded ownership of their northwestern frontier.[5]

Hotimir is often brought up in discussions regarding Carantania’s greatest monarchs. He won its independence from the Lombards, established it as a relevant player in European diplomacy, maintained a reasonably centralized authority, initiated the restoration of the Via Gemina ,and greatly expanded his realm to the west and east. However his military prowess was lacking to an extent, he has no decisive victory to his name, and his attempts at Christianizing his people were generally lacklustre. Any assessment of his achievements must be mindful of the situation he left to his successor.

LUuE5TT.png

The approximate borders of Carantania at the time of Hotimir's death in 763AD​

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[1] Think 18th century frontier blockhouses, despite being the loser of the previous part, Aistulf sure was an ingenuitive man.

[2] He seems to have also learned a preference for aggression during his time as Aistulf’s hostage, infact expanding along the Rječina is actually butting head with the Croats rather than the Avars

[3] It’s like a proto-guild, and under Verona’s city charter its basically been running rampant, up to and including establishing a citizen army (the self proclaimed “Legio I Veronica”)

[4] An epic poem composed by Antonio in the Venetian dialect circa 952, it has a few erroneous details and it likely exaggerates the role of the Veronan contingent, as it would still have been in its formative years at the time

[5] There appears to have been some sort of succession crisis, although its unknown if the Khagan fell in battle or if his fellow nobles deposed him. It is known that his successor focused on the east and attempted to bring a few more nomadic tribes into their confederation

Sorry for the wait on the update, moving back into my dorm took up a fair bit of time. As always criticism is not only welcome but highly desired. Particularly with the map. The northern border which was basically guess work.

Should I have an "intermission" to check up on what the butterflies have been up to, or at this point should I pick up right at Valtunk's coronation?

Valtunk just inherited a bomb
 
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I say pick it right up at Valtunk's coronation, and leave the intermission for either after that update or after his rule! While seeing how the butterflies have affected things thus far would be rather neat, seeing how Carantania develops with its expanded size would be far more interesting!
 
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