44.
Michele Bachmann, R-MN
January 20, 2005 - January 20, 2013
Things fell together quickly for Minnesota Congresswoman Michele Bachmann. As a conservative state senator, she ran for the United States Senate against long-standing member Walter Mondale, a legend of the state. Her willingness to embrace conservative conspiracy theories cost her that seat in the 2002 Midterm elections. Her disappointment was short-lived. In November of 2002, Congressman Gerry Sikorski was traveling between events when a drunk driver struck his car, killing him instantly and requiring a special election. Bachmann ran for the seat unapologetically, using the resources leftover from her Senate campaign (and the fact that she was Mondale’s most competitive opponent in several cycles) to get buy-in. She was seated to the U.S. House of Representatives in early 2003, just as the presidential primary season was beginning.
Most assumed that Kennedy was vulnerable, even if they knew it wasn’t a done deal. The clear away frontrunner was Dan Lungren, now, finally, Speaker of the House. Lungren passed on the job, however. “Why would I be president for four or eight years when I could be Speaker for 20?” he said in his CPAC speech announcing he’d be passing on the race. “I am looking for a permanent Republican majority in the House. That is what I am building for, and I will support the Republican nominee who helps us get there.”
Without Lungren in the race, several Republicans thought they had a chance. One front runner was Massachusetts Senator Bill Weld. He was well-funded and believed he could save the Republican Party from its more base instincts. For awhile, he appeared the inevitable nominee. A smattering of more conservative candidates entered the race: Former Vice President Donald Rumsfeld attempted a Nixonian comeback, Governor Dan Quayle of Indiana got into the mix, and Missouri Senator John Ashcroft hopped in as well.
Weld was not alone as the only moderate candidate, however. His lane was shared with Michigan Governor Mitt Romney, Dornan’s running mate in 2000, and Rhode Island Governor Lincoln Chafee. The crowded field contributed to an unlikely outcome.
In June of 2003, the Supreme Court used its shadow docket to allow a Massachusetts school prayer ban to remain in place. The decision was controversial given previous rulings during the Clements administration that upheld previous prayer laws. The issue attracted buzz among the right and the unsuspecting victim was Vice President Hillary Clinton, tasked with helping lead a series of amendments to the Byrd Bill that got caught up in the controversy over the school prayer ruling.
Freshman Michele Bachmann of Minnesota became an instant national celebrity during her five minutes of questioning of Clinton about the ruling. She grilled the vice president about the president’s position on the issue, whether or not she believed that the shadow docket was an appropriate instrument for the ruling, and if the administration was opposed to her amendment that explicitly allowed school prayer. The Clinton testimony dragged on for hours and Bachmann was the final questioner on the Republican side. It sealed her fate – and the nation’s.
Bachmann: “Would you say that the administration takes issue with my amendment to the reauthorization act that expressly permits children to participate in prayer at school?”
Clinton: “Congresswoman, the Supreme Court has made their ruling…”
Bachmann: “So you are opposed to allowing children to pray in schools? What if a parent…”
Clinton: “Congresswoman, what difference, at this point, does it make? Parents don’t have a say here. This is beyond parenting. This is about what the Court has said, and the Court has made a ruling. I fail to see…”
Bachmann: “What difference does it make? Well, someone who believes in God would certainly know, Madame Vice President. They would understand the difference it makes.”
Clinton: “You’re misinterpreting me.”
Bachmann: “You asked what difference it makes whether or not someone can safely pray. The answer is a big difference. Talk to the Jewish people in Israel living under constant fire. Ask the Christians all around the globe who flee for America in pursuit of refuge. It does make a difference. It absolutely does.”
Clinton: “Congresswoman, allow me to…”
Bachmann: “No, that’s quite enough. Reclaiming my time. It is my time, and I am reclaiming it to ask a…”
Clinton: “Congresswoman…”
Bachmann: “Reclaiming my time. Reclaiming my time. I am appalled at your lack of concern for parents’ involvement in their children’s education.”
The moment quickly propelled Bachmann to national attention. On talk radio, conservative hosts like Pat Buchanan, a former Nixon staffer, called for Bachmann to run for President. “Imagine what she would do to little Bobby two on the debate stage,” he asked his audience. They delivered. A grassroots, internet-driven “Draft Bachmann” campaign took the nation by storm. As a write-in candidate, she won the Ames, Iowa straw poll, knocking several conservatives out of the race without having filed or announced.
In September of 2003, just months into her first term as a Congresswoman, Bachmann went to her birthplace in Iowa to announce that after much prayer she was announcing a campaign for the presidency. It was an unusual moment for the nation and the Republican Party. Religious conservatives had, by and large, been housed in the Republican Party, but many of them were swing voters, concentrated in traditionally Democratic areas without any key issue to galvanize them. When the abortion topic flared up, they’d vote for the pro-life candidate. When gay marriage flared up, they went for traditional marriage candidate. But no issue had consistently galvanized them. Here was a candidate speaking openly about her faith and calling for others to join her. She expressly pointed out the Court’s decision on prayer and same-sex civil unions as reasons for her entry into the race. She heavily attacked the vice president, who she described as “everything wrong with feminism.”
Conservatives picked up on this line of attack. Gary Bauer compared Clinton to a “pupil of Grasso who forgot to take any notes,” portraying her as antithetical to the first woman president who had balanced family, faith, and her politics. “She has all of Ella’s ambition and none of her grace,” explained Buchanan on Buchanan’s talk show. Bachmann, it was implied, had both. When asked who her favorite modern president was, Bachmann didn’t hesitate: “Mother Ella,” she said, finally coming to embrace the term that conservatives eventually meant to be derogatory. By this point, Grasso’s more liberal politics were so ingrained in everyday life that battling against them was toxic. The overton window had shifted. Instead, a growing movement had come to emphasize Grasso’s social conservatism in contrast with the modern Democratic Party.
During one Republican primary debate, Quayle tried to hit Bachmann on her affinity for Grasso. No conservative would feel that way, he argued. Bachmann asked who he would have answered. Predictably, he responded “Bill Clements.” Bachmann gave a knowing “ahhh.” “The man who missed his moment, who could have steered this country right, brought us back to God, and undone the nanny state before it consumed us. Instead, he settled for a few judicial nominees who did not stand the test of time. He chose to avoid alienating anyone, even if it meant passing on a righteous moment. I won’t do that. I will fight unapologetically for the conservative movement. Yes, I will lose votes because of it, but I will still win because I am the heir to the great silent majority in this country.”
Bachmann won the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary, narrowly defeating Weld in what many considered his home state turf. She ran away with the nomination from there for two reasons. First was the endorsement of Speaker Dan Lungren, the head of the conservative movement, and second another major endorsement: The Ella Grasso Fund. Named for the former president, it was a group dedicated to supporting pro-life Democratic women candidates. For the first time in its history, it endorsed Bachmann, citing her unapologetic opposition to abortion and the fact that Kennedy, though a Catholic, was campaigning on a pro-choice platform.
Bachmann did not stop at Grasso when it came to adopting Democratic talking points. She embraced the same skepticism about vaccines that RFK Jr. embraced, prompting a third party challenge from the left from Lowell Weicker. The 1984 Republican nominee for president agreed to run on a new party platform, “The Liberal Party.” He’d been elected Connecticut Governor in 1998, serving a single term and rescuing the state from budget ruin (even if it meant alienating home state voters in the process). Weld agreed to serve as his running mate. Weicker, asked why he was running again for the first time in 20 years after giving up on the chance in 1988, answered simply: “Because we need a normal candidate.”
Kennedy’s vaccine skepticism and questionable foreign policy/economic policy record contributed to a collapse in Democratic support once Weicker entered and a viable alternative emerged.
Weicker never considered that he might throw the election to Bachmann, believing that he would emerge the president and that his only real competition was Kenendy. He was wrong. Without winning the popular vote (but while winning a majority of presidential electors), Michele Bachmann became the 44th President of the United States. The second woman to do so.
Bachmann’s victory included a collapse of support among traditionally Democratic states. She carried her home state of Minnesota, a state that, after Nixon’s 1972 reelection, voted Republican only once. She carried Kentucky, part of the upper South’s “Red Wall” states. Kentucky had the longest streak of voting Democratic aside from West Virginia, which Bachmann lost by fewer than 2,000 votes. Many considered her a realigning president.
Of course, it was impossible to understate the impact of the Weicker campaign. He carried nearly 100 electoral votes. More than 70% of Weicker voters, according to exit polls, listed Kennedy as their second choice. Those votes would have swung the election to Kennedy handily.
She entered office with a divided Congress, and Senate Democrats vowed to oppose her agenda while Speaker Lungren promised to do what he could to keep the Republicans in line.
Bachmann did not shy away from the culture wars. She pushed for a constitutional amendment to ban abortions after 12 weeks and a separate one to overturn the Court’s ruling about civil unions. Neither made it past the House of Representatives. On some measures, though, she found strange bedfellows. She led a coalition of Democratic mayors, including Paul Vallas in Chicago, to lobby Congress for an expansion of the federal voucher program. The “Bachmann Amendments” to the Byrd Bill were a mixed bag. She did not succeed in her efforts around school prayer, but she did get her voucher program through, an unquestionable win for the Republicans and religious voters.
Her first Supreme Court vacancy arose after the death of William Rehnquist in the spring of 2005. Bachmann announced the appointment of Ken Starr, the U.S. Solicitor General. Starr faced a rocky confirmation vote, but he was ultimately confirmed by the Democratic Senator after Bachmann won over conservative Democrats who feared the impending realignment and what it might mean for their own races.
She was also unafraid of taking on her own Party. Like Ella Grasso before her, Bachmann believed she needed a Master of the Senate as her running mate to convince voters skeptical about her experience. She chose Frank Murkowski, a titan of the Senate, who had something to like for everyone across his Party’s ideological spectrum. She wasted no time in alienating him.
Murkowski’s ascension to the vice presidency meant a vacancy in the Senate. His daughter, the Speaker of the Alaska House of Representatives, announced that she would run for the position. Lisa was a more moderate Republican but widely expected to win the race. Bachmann didn’t think she could count on her, especially after Lisa described the constitutional amendments Bachmann proposed as a “waste of time and resources.” So, Bachmann decided to endorse Wasilla Mayor Sarah Palin, who was running as a right wing candidate.
The decision, understandably, infuriated the vice president, who attempted to go home to campaign for his daughter in Alaska. Bachmann had something else in mind, sending Murkowski on a tour of the Middle East and going to Alaska herself, campaigning for Palin, and helping her win the nomination over Lisa Murkowski. The relationship between president and vice president never recovered, and in January 2006, Murkowski announced his resignation so that he could run for Governor of Alaska, which he won during the 2006 midterm elections.
Despite being a polarizing president, Bachmann was able to pass a round of tax cuts with bipartisan support, which came as a relief to some middle class families who were still struggling with the “Kennedy Recession” as Bachmann dubbed it. The problem was, Bachmann had no real plan to improve the situation. She did not believe in any kind of government stimulus package that would pump money into the economy. Instead, she believed that things would get better on their own. They didn’t, and she suffered immensely for it.
The 2006 Midterm elections were a shellacking for the Republican Party. Democrats who worried that Bachmann was ushering in a new realignment found themselves at ease. Not only did Democratic candidates win in states in the Upper South, they knocked off many of the last New England moderates, and even claimed the seat of Speaker Dan Lungren, a huge ceremonial victory for the Party. Bachmann was now facing a Democratic Congress with crushing super majorities who had come to power by blaming her for her inaction on the economy.
An outside spending group aligned with the Democrats launched a near-nationwide ad blitz using a 30-second spot called “Where’s Michele?” The narrator asked the question as unemployment lines, soup kitchens, and shuttered factories filled the screen. Then, they were interspersed with headlines about closed door fundraisers and Bachmann’s social conservative agenda push. The perception was clear: Bachmann was out of touch.
The president felt powerless as the Democratic Congress passed legislation over her veto. Some of it was morally appalling (to her), particularly an expansion of stem cell research. Some of it was just against her political principles, like an expansive infrastructure plan aimed at putting people back to work and injecting money into the economy. Bachmann threatened to veto that bill but eventually let it become law without her signature.
The shooting of an unarmed black man by police during a routine traffic stop in Chicago set off a wave of protests. Bachmann went to the city and linked arms with Jesse Jackson and Mayor Vallas, praying with them and calling for a period of national healing. Unrest swept across America’s cities as days of sustained riots reminded the country of the Sixties. Bachmann gave an address from the Rose Garden, announcing that she was creating a Presidential Commission on Racial Equality that would seek to provide solutions for state governments and the federal government. Democrats were surprised. Republicans were more than a little confused. What had inspired this?
The answer came quickly. Bachmann had one person in mind to lead the Commission: Amalya Kearse. Kearse accepted the appointment and announced her retirement from the Court. In her place, Bachmann named Stephen L. Carter, a Judge on the First Circuit Court of Appeals who was perceived as more reliably conservative on social issues than Kearse. Carter was confirmed by the Democratic majority. Bill Weld, the last standing pro-choice Republican senator, voted against the nomination, but there were more than enough Southern conservative Democrats to let Carter through.
The Commission yielded few tangible recommendations and no legislation was passed as a result. One member, Clarence Thomas, became a vocal opponent of affirmative action policies and his writings were used to scale back existing policies in some Republican states. Kearse, for her part, did not express regrets about leaving the Court. She had already served for some 25 years and said she was hoping to retire soon anyway. She believed the Commission did important work and some of their smaller recommendations on policing were adopted in several municipalities and in a couple of states.
Bachmann also had an opportunity to win back voters as she responded to a series of crises that dominated 2007. The first was the Anthrax Attacks, which consumed the headlines between April and July of that year. In major cities around the United States, Americans began dying from anthrax. Soon it became clear that they had been receiving the anthrax through their mail. High-profile Americans were not immune. Many members of Congress began receiving anthrax-laced letters, too. A couple of Republicans received the attacks but they mostly targeted Democratic politicians, such as Connecticut Senator Ralph Nader, who was widely presumed as a top tier candidate for president in 2008. Nader died from the exposure. Democrats took to criticizing the administration for a sloppy response and blamed Bachmann’s rhetoric for inspiring domestic political terrorism. Senator Ted Kennedy took to the floor of the Senate to condemn the president’s rhetoric in a speech known as the “Bachmann’s America” speech:
“In Bachmann’s America, elections are won through laced envelopes, not at the ballot box.
“In Bachmann’s America, disagreement means death, not discourse.” His refrain continued for more than five minutes. At the end, he called for a Congressional investigation.
Bachmann gave daily briefings from the White House throughout the crisis and urged the media not to jump to conclusions about the source of the attacks, traveled the nation to visit with victims’ families, and invited one of the first survivors of exposure to the White House, where she greeted him without a mask – a powerful signal that helped ease the fears of some Americans about if it was safe for people who were exposed to ever re-integrate into everyday life.
The attacks slowed, and in July, the FBI announced it was arresting a pair of eco terrorists from Portland, Oregon, who had been inspired by a college assignment on the “Squeakers.” They had included Nader and other Democratic politicians as red herrings to confuse investigators, but they had also targeted a number of oil executives and employees, including T. Boone Pickens, the former Texas governor, who also died as a result of exposure. The revelation that the attacks had been perpetrated by left-wing extremists and not those on the right caused major embarrassment for the Democratic politicians who had been most vocal in their denunciation of Bachmann.
Her decision not to take a victory lap but instead to give a major speech condemning political violence on all sides and calling for the creation of the U.S. Department of Domestic Security won her back the confidence of many moderate voters who had grown queasy with her politics. Now, many viewed her as a strong and capable leader who had avoided rushing to conclusions and had been unfairly maligned as incendiary.
She helped further this image when Hurricane Dean, a Category 5 hurricane, made direct contact with Southeast Florida, devastating Miami and the Keys. Bachmann was on the ground almost immediately, surveying damage and handing out supplies at the centers set-up by FEMA. She addressed a special session of the Florida Legislature where she promised to return to Washington and secure disaster relief funding. She did just that, eschewing her traditional fiscal conservatism in favor of what some on the left derisively referred to as the “Florida Bailout.” Vermont Congressman Bernie Sanders argued against the package, pointing to Bachmann’s opposition to economic bailouts. Sanders stood mostly alone in making his stand.
Former Vice President Hillary Clinton was always presumed to be the Democratic nominee for president, and by extension the 45th President of the United States – especially after the death of Nader. But things didn't go as planned for her. Clinton was a ferocious campaigner during the 2006 midterm elections, gaining favors and largely clearing the field for her campaign, but one credible primary challenger did emerge: Michigan Governor David Bonior.
Bonior was a more progressive choice than Clinton, and he started his campaign slowly, leaning in to the retail politicking that was customary in Iowa and New Hampshire. He also preached a more populist economic message, talking about the problems with outsourcing and trade that had precipitated the economic crisis of the mid-2000s. The nation’s recovery was ambling along slowly, and Bonior argued that a new way of thinking was required to get the country out of the mess. Clinton, for her part, shied away from flashy policy pronouncements and grip-and-grin campaigning. She favored a more reserved approach that was meant to cast her as the more reasonable alternative to Bachmann.
It backfired in Iowa and New Hampshire, which Clinton lost. Now, Bonior had significant momentum, and he did not hesitate to capitalize on it. Clinton’s primary strategy had made another big mistake. The 2008 election marked the first time since its inception that the Super Tuesday primaries were not a “Southern primary day.” After the 2006 midterms, hoping to capitalize on the gains the party was making throughout the country, the DNC restructured Super Tuesday to include a few Southern states but also the remainder of the New England states. Clinton had calculated that even a bad showing in Iowa and New Hampshire could be blunted with her big wins in the South. Instead, Super Tuesday was split down-the-middle, with Clinton winning the Southern states and Bonior taking those in the North.
The primary battle raged on until the last state, California, which Clinton won, but it had been messy and longer than anyone had anticipated. Word that Bonior had turned down the vice presidency also enraged Clinton and her team and complicated the Party’s efforts at national unity. Bonior did endorse Clinton, campaigning for her throughout the country, but the Liberal Party still had national ballot access and federal matching funds. Many of his voters preferred that party’s nominee, Ohio Congressman Dennis Kucinich, to their own.
Bachmann benefited from the messy race on the Democratic side and the splintered vote. Her image had also vastly improved during the last two years and fewer Americans saw her as out of touch. The economy, improving, albeit slowly, was less of an albatross around her neck than it appeared it would be at the start of the cycle. All of these were good signs for Bachmann who was fighting to save her presidency. The difference was made up for with some old fashioned dirty politicking.
After Bonior’s decision to reject the vice presidency, Clinton wanted to overcome a wave of negative press coverage about it with a momentous new running mate. She decided to name Donna Shalala, the newly-elected Governor of Florida, who had received rave reviews for her handling of Hurricane Dean. Shalala was Lebanese-American, an historic first for a national ticket, and it was the first time that two women were running together. Unfortunately, the Clinton camp set off a cultural firestorm.
Immediately, on far-right internet blogs and mainstream talk radio, conservatives began pushing the story that Hillary Clinton was a closeted lesbian. The allegations had dogged Clinton ever since her husband’s death and the fact that she and Shalala were both unmarried only added fuel to the right-wing’s fire. Over the last four years, Bachmann and the Republicans had shifted the overton window gradually on social issues, and the idea of a double woman ticket (perhaps even a pairing of closeted lesbians) was too much for the Red Wall states to bear.
Clinton brushed off the attacks as farcical (which she was not inherently wrong to do), but her campaign vastly underestimated their prevalence in formerly red states. While Clinton focused her time campaigning in expanding the map (Colorado, Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania were all up for grabs) and taunting Bachmann with several trips to the president’s homes state of Minnesota, she neglected much of the South, assuming that she could afford to lose the Deep South, like Mississippi and Alabama, but that the Red Wall states of Tennessee, Kentucky, West Virginia, Missouri, and Arkansas would always be there.
She grievously miscalculated, emerging with only 267 electoral votes on Election Day. She carried Arkansas but failed to win any other Southern state. She also lost Ohio and Pennsylvania where Kucinich voters would have carried her over the top. Michele Bachmann won reelection, becoming the first person to be elected to two terms without having won the popular vote either time.
Her second term would not be any easier than her first. Once again, she found herself staring down the incomparable Democratic Congressional leadership: Speaker Thomas Hale Boggs, Jr. and Majority Leader Ed Garvey in the Senate. Both retained their expansive majorities. Neither of them were interested in extending a hand to Bachmann.
Domestically, Bachmann accomplished little in her first term and watched in horror as the Supreme Court granted full marriage rights to same-sex couples, upheld a campaign finance reform act passed in 2011 that dramatically restricted outside spending on behalf of federal campaigns, and sided with secularists on a number of cases having to do with “religious freedom.” Many of these rulings were 5-4, fueling conservative resentment but leaving Bachmann’s hands tied.
The dissolution of the Soviet Union and its repercussions came to consume the final four years of Bachmann’s time as president. The Union’s collapse came as a shock to the globe and greatly imperiled Africa, where many countries had become dependent on Soviet aid. Pressure mounted for Bachmann to intervene, but she announced that the “Era of Unchecked Foreign Aid” was over. Her announcement was endorsed by former President Kennedy, who emerged from retirement to endorse the policy, saying that the United States remained an “unwelcome force” in many parts of the world. China stepped in to fill the void.
More problematically for the United States was the impact on the Middle East, where several nations had grown reliant upon Soviet weaponry. Russia, determined to recoup some of its losses after years of unsustainable foreign aid programs, sold large swaths of its machinery over to these powers, giving them the resources to wage war. It did not take long for them to take advantage of their new equipment.
Egypt in particular made use of its new access to weapons and machines. The country had previously been heavily aligned with the USSR. That had shifted slightly throughout the decades as the country tried to position itself closer to a neutral stance during the Cold War, but America’s steadfast support of Israel throughout the Grasso, Byrd, Clements, and Van de Kamp years had made any real alignment between Egypt and the United States impossible. Now, with access to formerly-Soviet resources, Egypt launched a full invasion of the Gaza Strip.
Bachmann immediately ran to Israel’s defense, announcing that she was deploying American troops and naval and ground forces to the Strip to “secure the peace.” Some Democrats in Congress cried foul, arguing that Bachmann was flying in the face of the War Powers Resolution, but other Democrats were less willing to go that far. Israel remained an important and popular ally. Democratic Congressman Joe Lieberman, the Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, said he believed that Bachmann was well within her Constitutional powers because American students had been injured during the initial Egyptian airstrikes in the region.
Dennis Kucinich, Bachmann’s Liberal Party opponent in the 2008 election, called on Congress to impeach her, but he was largely powerless having given up his seat to launch his third party bid. In his stead, Barbara Lee, a progressive Democrat introduced the resolution. Bachmann was unapologetic in her position.
AIPAC came in heavily to support Bachmann and Lieberman, and though the organization had taken a hit as a result of a recent Supreme Court ruling regarding outside spending in elections, it retained great influence in both Congressional caucuses. Speaker Boggs announced there would be no impeachment of Bachmann, but behind the scenes he worked with the White House to have the Commander-in-Chief request an authorization of military force. Assured of its passage, Bachmann relented and secured Congressional approval for her continued military actions in the Middle East.
Egypt responded by cutting off oil exports to the United States. It was a blow to the American economy but the aggressive increases in oil production in the U.S. allowed the country to weather the storm.
Many in Europe were shocked by how quickly and aggressively America ran to Israel’s aid. They were even more stunned when Secretary of State Mark Levin met with European diplomats and inquired about how they would respond if the United States invoked Article Five of the NATO Treaty, compelling a unified front and dragging the European allies into the war. Levin argued that because American troops had been dying in combat, it constituted intervention. The other NATO nations were united in arguing the contrary – America had not been attacked directly, and the Treaty had never been invoked when American troops died in combat on foreign soil in other wars. The message was loud and clear: The United States would be on its own.
Bachmann wasn’t phased. Instead, she announced that United States would slash its contribution to NATO’s military operations in half and redirect that money to the war in the Middle East. NATO retaliated by scaling back its exports to the U.S. as part of NAFTA, arguing that the United States was failing to meet its obligations under the treaty. Here, too, Bachmann relented. Some in Bachmann’s party took to criticizing her as the “Apology President” for her continuous flip-flopping on foreign policy issues. Lieberman, a Democrat, argued that she was “flailing” after initially coming out strong.
The problems on the Gaza Strip made other Middle Eastern nations consider intervention on the West Bank. Ultimately, they stayed out of the conflict, fearful that it would only drag the United States further into the conflict. Levin later argued that Bachmann’s forceful defense of Israel had actually kept the situation from getting much worse. Nations were so afraid that the administration might deploy nuclear weapons to the region that they were unwilling to invade Israel. Most historians argue that the situation would never have escalated to the point it had without Bachmann’s foreign policy laying the groundwork.
American bloodshed in the Middle East continued even though Bachmann began gradually and quietly withdrawing American forces after the 2010 midterm elections which saw Republican numbers in Congress hit their lowest levels since the Lincoln presidency. The conservative backlash to recent Supreme Court rulings drove the Republican Party further to the right but also complicated the Democratic majority. Conservative Democrats in the South came back with vengeance, winning primaries across the region.
The GOP was now a mere shell of a Party. It held on to a diminished base that consisted of Jewish voters thankful for Bachmann’s strong support of Israel and Evangelical Christians who opposed much of the nation’s social progressivism. It did not feel to many an easy alliance and political scientists hypothesized three potential outcomes: 1) The Republican Party would disappear and the Liberal Party would become a viable third party in its wake; 2) Conservatives would reclaim and rebuild the Republican Party, perhaps siphoning off several traditionally Democratic constituencies; 3) Liberals would return to the shell of the Party and rebuild it in the image of Lincoln and Eisenhower.
The 2012 presidential election was unlike any other the country had ever experienced.
Bachmann left office on January 20, 2013, as her new successor was sworn-in. Just days after the 2012 election, Israel and Egypt agreed to a ceasefire in which Egypt claimed portions of the Gaza Strip and pushed back Israel’s settlements. Israel begrudgingly accepted the terms, knowing that they would receive no further support once Bachmann was out of office. The war was deeply unpopular in America and had been a defining issue on the campaign trail.
Michele Bachmann remains one of America’s most controversial presidents, and she is almost universally judged by historians as one of the worst. Never having Republican majorities to work with, she was unable to pass much of a domestic agenda, and her foreign policy is remembered for the Israel/Egypt blight. She is, however, universally credited with the return of religious conservatism into American politics (and the fusion of Christian and Jewish voters as a base of support for the weakened Republican Party), and even though the nation had grown increasingly secular in the post-Watergate years, Bachmann had given Christian ideologues just enough strength to come off life support and enter the public sphere once more. It remains her defining legacy.