What If - Finland had been prepared for the Winter War?

OK, here's a Vesuri - these were and are very common in use as a forester's tool, it's been suggested that Arabella would be even more of a badass if she used a Vesuri. Vesuri's were/are? also a tool of Finnish engineering troops and IIRC they were issued also to machine gun crews as well as to some medics (stretcher bearers?)

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The one below is a lapinleuku knife which is probably a bit closer to what I had in mind for a hukari, albeit a hukari would be a bit longer and heavier with a slightly larger hilt, probably also with a non-slip covering of some sort.

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And Arabella's little gift from Grandpa Eriksson may well have looked something like this (below)

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That's what I found under 'hukari'. And that's what I pictured her fighting with:

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Any chance for TTL's Star Trek to see a character named Hukari Suuloinen instead of Hikaru Sulu? :D
 
That's what I found under 'hukari'. And that's what I pictured her fighting with:

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Any chance for TTL's Star Trek to see a character named Hukari Suuloinen instead of Hikaru Sulu? :D

Hmmm, perhaps this,
- blade length 40cm
- total length 55cm
- blade thickness 7mm
- weight approx. 1kg

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I think I'll stick with the large hukari as per my photo above for general military use. In this ATL, it's purpose designed as a fighting weapon and KKT dojo's, cadets, military conscripts and Suojeluskuntas haved trained in hukari fighting through the 1930's so it's fairly widespread. Arabella is a KKT black-belt and also an instructor in KKT-fighting style, so would be fairly proficient in it's use. And for removing heads and limbs, it needs to be reasonably long and with a good weight behind it, hard to behead anyone in one cut with a small chopper or lightweight knife.

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Like this, but blade about twice as long, more for fighting than as a tool.
 
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Indeed. I totally agree.
English is such an easy language to these expressions, there are so many to choose from :D, it's just knowing what one would say in Finnish (back then and by Arabella) that's rather more difficult - for me anyhow.... Paska! seemed so ... appropriate, but its these cultural and lingusitic nuances.....
FWIW, it didn't strike me as at all inappropriate in the context. Arabella would not have the effortless facility of a drill sergeant in finding just the right obscenity for each occasion.
 
Indeed. I totally agree.
FWIW, it didn't strike me as at all inappropriate in the context. Arabella would not have the effortless facility of a drill sergeant in finding just the right obscenity for each occasion.

Quite! She's more the type to use the icy look. As in after the war, when her Helsinki friends refer to her as "Killer" Jakobson. Her Mama finds this humiliating in the extreme. Arabella on the other hand merely expresses her disapproval with a look. Swearing is for NCO's, not Officers after all. Arabella is a master of the pithy understatement of the British upper-class (it's her Mama's ancestry at work....)
 
Seriously, the whole Arabella chapter is going to get rewritten. Got some other feedback on a writing forum on it, more on the writing structure and stuff like that (needs more "showing" and less "telling", some fairly stringent editing....). Anyhow, I'll be doing that on the side for now, want to get back to the ATL itself......

A brief photographic interlude - Kapteeni Arabella Jakobson

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Arabella Jakobson with M1911A1

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Kapteeni Arabella Jakobson

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Kapteeni Arabella Jakobson

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Kapteeni Arabella Jakobson, Hakkarainen and the boys.....

And lest I forget, the whole writeup on the Sika's & Hakkarainen and Arabella started with a post on Aid from Canada from about a year ago, which I should get back to finishing.....I was planning a post next on Canadian and US volunteers as I recall.... before I sidetraked myself on Hakkrainen.....
 
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So, returning now to where I left off on Aid from Canada about a year ago (Sika's and Kettu's, which was where I got sidetracked onto Hakkarainen....).... let's take a look at the Canadian Volunteer Brigade, which would become part of the Commonwealth Division in Finland over the course of the Winter War.

Canada and Finland – and the Canadian Volunteer Brigade….

Canada and Finland

Links between Canada and Finland go back centuries, although most Canadians were not aware of this, either then or now. Perhaps the first Finn in Canada was Pehr Kalm, an explorer, scientist, and botanist who explored New France in 1749 and the Niagara Falls region in 1750, carefully documenting his discoveries. There may have been earlier Finns, perhaps from amongst the early Finnish settlers in the US, but there is no record of them (Finns, as subjects of the Swedish Crown, were included in Sweden's seventeenth century effort to gain a New World foothold in the Delaware Valley. It is estimated that about half of the approximately one thousand colonists in "New Sweden" were either Finns from Värmland, Sweden, or who came directly from Finland. The colonizing effort was initiated by the Dutch-Swedish New Sweden Company, and led by the German-born Peter Minuit. The Company Board included a Finnish admiral, Klaus Fleming. Two ships, Kalmar Nyckel and Fågel Grip, set sail for the New World in 1637. They arrived in 1638, and the colonists purchased land from the native Americans to build Fort Christina, named after the Swedish queen.

In 1655 Dutch colonists took over the small settlement. The year 1664 saw both the arrival of a final contingent of 140 Finns, and a change of ownership of the area from the Dutch to the English. Several authors have suggested that the traditional North American log cabin was a Finnish contribution to the New World, and that John Morton, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence was a descendant of the Värmland Finnish Marttinen / Mårtenson family. A less welcome contact occurred in 1838 when Nils Gustaf von Schoultz landed near Prescott, Ontario as the head of a 190-man American “invasion force” aiming to “liberate” Upper Canada. Von Schoultz was captured and executed.

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Pehr Kalm (6 March 1716 – 16 November 1779) (in Finland also known as Pietari Kalm and in some English-language translations as Peter Kalm) was a Swedish-Finnish explorer, botanist, naturalist, and agricultural economist. He was one of the most important apostles of Carl Linnaeus. Among his many accomplishments, Kalm can be credited for the first description of Niagara Falls written by someone trained as a scientist. Kalm was born in Ångermanland (in Northern Sweden), where his parents had fled for refuge from Finland during the Great Northern War. His father died six weeks after his birth. When the hostilities were over, his widowed mother returned with him to Närpes in Ostrobothnia, where Kalm's father had been a Lutheran minister. Kalm studied at the Academy of Åbo from 1735, and from 1740 at the University of Uppsala, where he became one of the first students of the renowned naturalist Carolus Linnaeus. In Uppsala Kalm became the superintendent of an experimental plantation owned by his patron, Baron Sten Karl Bielke. Kalm did field research in Sweden, Russia, and the Ukraine from 1742 to 1746, when he was appointed Docent of Natural History and Economics at the Academy of Turku. In 1747 the Academy elevated him to Professor of Economics, and the same year he was also appointed by Linnaeus and the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences (which he had been a member of since 1745) to travel to North America to find seeds and plants that might prove useful for agriculture or industry. In particular, they wanted him to bring back the red mulberry in the hope of starting a silk industry in Finland (which was then an integral part of Sweden).

Kalm arrived in Pennsylvania in 1748, where he was befriended by Benjamin Franklin. Kalm made the Swedish-Finnish community of Raccoon (now Swedesboro) in southern New Jersey his base of operations. Raccoon had been one of the settlements established as part of the former Swedish colony of New Sweden and had many descendants of early Finnish immigrants living there. While there he served as the substitute pastor of Trinity Church, the local Swedish Lutheran church. Kalm subsequently married the widow of Johan Sandin, the former pastor who had died. He remained in Raccoon until 19 May 1749. He made trips as far west as Niagara Falls and as far north as Montreal and Quebec before returning to Finland in 1751 to take his post as Professor at the Turku Academy, he established botanical gardens in Turku, and taught there until his death in 1771. Kalm's journal of his travels was published as “En Resa til Norra America” (Stockholm, 1753–1761). It was translated into German, Dutch, and French, and into English in 1770 as Travels into North America. Kalm described not only the flora and fauna of the New World, but the lives of the Native Americans and the British and French colonists whom he met. An American edition was translated by Swedish-American scholar and literary historian Adolph B. Benson (1881–1961). It was published as Peter Kalm's Travels in North America: The English Version of 1770 (Wilson-Erickson Inc. 1937). It has become an important standard reference regarding life in colonial North America and has been in continuous print in several updated editions. In his Species Plantarum, Linnaeus cites Kalm for 90 species, 60 of them new, including the genus Kalmia, which Linnaeus named after Kalm. Kalmia latifolia (Mountain-laurel) is the state flower of Pennsylvania and Connecticut.


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The Finnish scholar Pehr (Pietari) Kalm toured North America exploring areas of what are now the United States and Canada. He was one of the first Europeans on the continent to visit Niagara Falls. Kalm's findings were published in the work En resa til Norra America (Journey to North America) which was subsequently translated into several languages.

As relative latecomers in the great trans-Atlantic migration of Europeans to North America in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Finnish immigrants were first drawn in large numbers to "Amerikka"-that is, the United States of America - in the early 1860s. By the outbreak of World War I, more than 200,000 Finns had made their way to the shores of the North American continent, most of them settling in the United States. From there, some made their way into Canada in search of work and land to farm. Because the Finnish-American community was older, much larger and better established than its Canadian counterpart, the influence that it exerted on the early development of the Finnish-Canadian community was second only to that of the motherland. However, because of the heavy traffic flow of Finns that soon arose across the Canada-United States border, the same might well be said of the later Finnish-Canadian influence on the Finnish-American community. Finnish immigrants to Canada really began to arrive in large numbers in the 1870s and early 1880’s to work on the large canal and railroad construction work and later in mines and lumber camps. By the 1890s Finnish communities were established in British Columbia, the prairie provinces, and Ontario where the Finnish pioneers cleared homesteads, fished, trapped, and hunted. Coming from a country of similar geography and climate, Finns were well equipped to tame the Canadian wilderness. Finnish women were also in high demand as maids, boarding house keepers, and lumber camp cooks.

By the turn of the twentieth century, the growing stream of Finnish settlers from the United States and Finland had begun to coalesce into tiny communities at such places as Nanaimo, British Columbia; New Finland, Saskatchewan; and Copper Cliff, Port Arthur, Sault Ste. Marie and Toronto (Ontario). Already the first manifestations of organized Finnish communal life had
appeared in 1890 with the founding of the Lännen Rusko Raittiusseura (Western Glow Temperance Society) and the North Wellingtonin Suomalainen Kirkko ja Seurakunta (North Wellington Finnish Lutheran Church and Congregation) at North Wellington, British Columbia. Thereafter, temperance societies and churches were established wherever sufficient numbers of immigrant Finns had concentrated. In 1892-94 the first group of families of Finnish origin settled permanently in Toronto. In 1901-06 their only organization was an Abstinence Society to promote sobriety and education.

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Some of the first Finns of Timmins (Northern Ontario) on the threshold of their first Finnish Society hall in 1911. National Archives of Canada/PA127078

The initial emphasis on religion and religious institutions was a logical outgrowth of the predominant cultural values and attitudes that the earliest Finnish settlers brought with them from the Old Country These precursors to the first great wave of Finnish immigration to Canada were primarily a politically conservative and piously religious agrarian folk who had been deprived of their traditional livelihood by the mounting industrialization of Finland's agricultural economy. Whatever their economic motives for being drawn here-whether to find employment in Canada's great railway and canal construction projects, in her growing mining and lumbering industries, or in some other occupation for the purpose of amassing sufficient funds to buy a farm in Canada or back home in Finland - almost everyone supported the establishment of Finnish church congregations and temperance societies to combat the "evils" plaguing them on Canada's industrial frontier.

However, the fact that an unusually large number of religious dissenters were included in this group meant that there was no unanimity on which denomination to support. Thus, the Laestadians, or Apostolic Lutherans, who were seeking release from the bonds of the state church in their old homeland - the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland - now sought to make use of the religious freedom that they enjoyed in Canada to establish their own non-conformist congregations. Meanwhile, the more traditionalist element founded religious institutions that adhered to the Suomi-Synod, a federation of Finnish congregations in the United States and Canada that chose to recognize the spiritual and moral authority of Finland's state church. While some Finns felt the need to join other churches for want of a Finnish congregation in their local area, others deliberately chose to join "Canadian" churches as a means of integrating themselves into the Anglo-Canadian mainstream. Many of these churches encouraged this inclination, especially the Presbyterian and United Churches, whose missionaries were noted for their zeal in proselytizing amongst the Finns and other "foreigners" with the aim of "Canadianizing" them. One of the earliest and most distinguished of their Finnish converts was the Reverend Arvi I. Heinonen, who first served in the Presbyterian Church and, once it was formed, in the new United Church of Canada. His long career as a successful preacher won him a large following in the Finnish community.

Pastor Arvid Isaac Heinonen was a Finnish Presbyterian minister who served in Copper Cliff (the largest Finnish community in Canada in 1913), Northern Ontario, from 1913 to 1918. He did missionary work along the north shore of Sault Ste. Marie and up into Cochrane and Timmins. He was a very charismatic man, a skilled leader and organizer, an accomplished singer and lute player, and was the choir leader. Pastor Heinonen purchased property on the south side of Long Lake on January 15, 1915 where he lived with his wife Cecelia Marie, his sons Veikko, Oscar, and Kauko, and his daughters Agda, Maire, Kerttu, Ellie, Lea, and Vera. On October 5, 1939, he sold his mainland property to a local bachelor and his family lived on the island property he owned. Heinonen taught English language classes to new immigrants, would translate for them when required, and was always willing to help them find work

The Swedish-speaking Finns also had another option, that of joining a Swedish congregation in order to worship in their own native language. An early example of such a linking of Swedish and Finnish co-religionists occurred in the case of St. Ansgarius Lutheran Church in Port Arthur, Ontario. Given their extremely small numbers in Canada before World War I, and the facility with which they were generally able to move into either the Finnish, Swedish or Anglo-Canadian communities, the Swedish-speaking Finns had neither the resources nor the incentive to create their own independent religious, cultural or social institutions. Moreover, because it was far easier for Swedish-speakers to learn English than for Finnish-speakers, Swedish-speaking Finns were generally better able to integrate themselves into the Anglo-Canadian community than were their Finnish-speaking compatriots. Hence, the former did not feel compelled to maintain the same degree of communal adhesion and collective activity that was so characteristic of the latter. Yet, the fact remains that Canada's adherence to the right of religious freedom was to have profound consequences on the whole of the Finnish-Canadian community. These consequences were twofold: the first was the creation and deepening of sectarian rifts that divided the community; and the second was the development and elaboration here of new lifestyles and cultural patterns not normally encountered in Finland. Once freed from the rigid class structure and public institutions native to the Old Country the Finns in Canada could now evolve their own uniquely Canadian socio-economic patterns and cultural content. Like other peoples who preceded or followed them to Canada from every corner of the globe, these Finns both shaped and were shaped by their new homeland, thereby creating an identifiable Finnish presence that was truly indigenous to Canada.

Roughly a third of all Finnish immigrants to Canada arrived between 1900 and the outbreak of World War I (according to the available census data, Canadians of Finnish origin numbered 15,497 by 1911). This second great wave of Finnish immigration (the first was through the 1870’s and 1880’s) issued from the fact that Finland was then undergoing a major economic transformation as well as being in the throes of an explosive political crisis vis-à-vis her "russifying" sovereign, Nicholas II, who ruled as Tsar of All the Russias and Grand Duke of Finland. In the late 1890s the Canadian government, hungry for new settlers, also engaged in active recruitment of Finnish immigrants by distributing literature in Finland, and by sponsoring a delegation of highly respected Finns on a tour across Canada to select large tracts of land where Finns, disgruntled by the repressive Russification policies in Finland, could move en masse. While not much came of this planned mass emigration to Canada encouraged by the Canadian government, Finns immigrating to Canada continued to settle near already established Finnish communities. In 1901, the province of British Columbia gave Malcolm Island to a group of Vancouver Island coal miners of Finnish origins who established a short-lived utopian socialist community called Sointula. The disruptions in Finland’s economic life proved so severe to the working-class poor that, in certain regions of Finland, as many as twenty per cent of the landless rural and urban workers were forced to seek a new life abroad. Because so many of these working-class emigrants had also forsaken religion for the secular doctrines of socialism as their new road to salvation, the haalit (halls) of the Finnish-Canadian community were marked by a spirit of increasing secularization and radicalization after the turn of the century.

A good example of this increasing secularization and radicalization was the construction of the Finnish Labour Temple in 1910 by a group of Finnish immigrants in Thunder Bay, Ontario. Built in 1910, largely through the combined efforts of the Finnish-American Workers’ League and the Finnish New Attempt Temperance Society, the Big Finn Hall was built as a place for all members of the local Finnish community to meet. Almost immediately, locals began referring to the building as the “Port Arthur Finnish Socialist’s Local Temple” because of its connection to first the Port Arthur Branch of the Socialist Party of Canada (SPC). During the next decade it was home to the Finnish branches of the SPC, then the Social Democratic Party of Canada, and, in 1913, the Hall became the home of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) until 1918 when it was outlawed in Canada. As one can see, in its early days it was inseparably linked to the radical politics of Canadian labour and the left.


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The “Big Finn Hall” in Thunder Bay, Northern Ontario

Following the War, the Canadian One Big Union movement in Northern Ontario was headquartered in the hall until its 1922 national convention (held in the hall) resulted in a split in the socialist movement across the country. The hall became the epicentre of the revived IWW movement in Canada and, to add a bit of spice to the story, a number of Finnish Socialists left the big Finn Hall, bought their own building next door, and set up the communist “Little Finn Hall.” The radical politics that the Big Finn Hall were associated with continued to dominate the building's activities throughout the 1930s and 1940s.


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The Hall was also the center of social activity for the community. Throughout the last hundred years, it has been host to theatrical productions, concerts, motion pictures, sporting events, and festivals. In 1923, a set decorator from New York was hired to build and paint a number of standard backdrops for the plays that were regularly held at the hall. (They are still being used). In addition to the plays there were Vaudeville acts, poetry readings, lectures, gymnastics, wrestling and boxing matches, and, because Finns are famous for their love of dance music like Tango and Polkas, the Hall was also the scene of dances every weekend. Most recently, the hall has become the home for a small museum operated by the Finnish Historical Society and it houses a number of artifacts and photos that tell the story of Finns in Canada. The Big Finn Hall was (and still is) the epicenter of Finnish culture in Northwestern Ontario.

The Big Finn Hall has also been a place of business. In the basement of the building is the Hoito Restaurant (http://www.finlandiaclub.ca/), which began as a soup kitchen for workers and continues to operate as a now famous restaurant. The Hall has also been home to Finnish Language newspapers since it first opened its doors and now hosts the offices of the Finnish-Canadian weekly newspaper, Canadan Sanomat (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canadan_Sanomat). And, if restaurants and newspapers were not enough, the Finnish Building Society used the Hall to establish a chain of People's Co-operative stores in Northwestern Ontario. The Big Finn Hall’s reach was far beyond the city limits. The onset of Second World War brought with it significant changes in the Finnish-Canadian community and this is why the film ends before the outbreak of World War II. The Big Finn Hall, however, remained a place for workers to get a decent meal and a place for the Finnish community to voice their concerns.


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The Finnish Labour Temple (also known as the Big Finn Hall or Finlandia Club) in Thunder Bay, Northern Ontario. Photo circa 2008.

A feature length docu-drama, in Finnish and English, “The Big Finn Hall,” written and directed by Kelly Saxberg and produced by Ron Harpelle of Franco Finn Films, has also been made about the lively culture and politics at the heart of Canada’s most vibrant labour hall. This film integrates archival footage, photos and fictionalized scenes to bring to life the Hall’s dramatic past.

The first secularized, local Finnish cultural society made its appearance in 1902 with the founding of the Toronton Suomalainen Seura (which was legally incorporated in Ontario under the name of “Finnish Society of Toronto”). Similar societies were subsequently established in many other centres of Finnish settlement. Secular and free-thinking by nature, these Finnish cultural societies quickly became hotbeds of socialist thought. That enthusiasm for Socialism increased even more when news arrived here of the remarkable successes achieved by the working class in Finland in forcing concessions from the Imperial Russian Government through the Suurlakko (Great Strike). This was a paralysing general strike mounted by Finnish workers in the grand duchy in conjunction with other anti-government activities undertaken by Russian revolutionaries elsewhere in the empire during the period of the Russian Revolution of 1905.

The lesson that the Finnish-Canadian socialists drew from the Suurlakko was that they should join with other like-minded elements in Canada to create a united socialist movement here. Thus, in 1905, the Finnish Society of Toronto established under its auspices the Socialist Party of Canada's first Finnish Socialist Branch-the Toronton Suomalainen Sosialisti Liitto (Finnish Socialist League of Toronto). Thereafter, other societies followed suit, with the result that many new Finnish Socialist Branches were added to the ranks of the party. In contrast, the Finnish community's earlier interest in single-purpose temperance societies was already beginning to wane, and its drive to establish new Finnish church congregations floundered until the advent of renewed immigration from Finland during the 1920s.

Other manifestations of the increasing fascination of Finns with socialism in one form or another included the establishment of the Kalevan Kansa (Kaleva Peoples) colony at Sointula (Place of Harmony) on Malcolm Island in 1901. This colony, which was led by Matti Kurikka and A.B. Mäkelä, embodied the famed Finnish attempt to fashion a utopian socialist community in the wilds of British Columbia. As one of its more ambitious undertakings, the colony founded Aika Printing Company Limited, which published Aika (Time), the first Finnish-language newspaper in Canada, from 1901 to 1904. With the bankruptcy of the colony's parent Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company Limited, the more secular-minded radicals became the dominant force in the community. They founded the Finnish Publishing Company Limited in Port Arthur, Ontario, together with its newspaper Työkansa (The Work People) in 1907, the second Finnish-language newspaper in this country. When the company failed in 1915, Työkansa ceased publication and its printing equipment was sold to a group of more conservative Finns who put out the non-socialist Canadan Uutiset (The Canada News), the first of its kind and the oldest Finnish-Canadian newspaper still in existence. Before the end of the decade, the secularized, socialist Finnish societies had become a significant force not only in the Finnish community, but also in the Socialist Party of Canada. However, in 1910, most of the socialist Finns were expelled from the party because of a quarrel with its leadership. These "dissidents" then decided to form their own Finnish Socialist Organization of Canada (FSOC; in Finnish: Canadan Suomalainen Sosialistijärjestö) in 1911. They were also instrumental in the founding of the Canadian Socialist Federation in 1911, an organization that subsequently reconstituted itself as the Social Democratic Party of Canada (SDPC) later in the same year. Moreover, the radical Finns demonstrated their wholesale support of these new parties by affiliating the FSOC with them.

Serious rifts also developed in the community as relations worsened between the more conservative, religious-minded "Church" Finns and the radicals. These rifts deepened during the course of World War I - especially after the outbreak of a short, brutal and bloody civil war in Finland between the "Red" and "White" factions during the first quarter of 1918. Because the
"Whites" had used German assistance to defeat the "Reds," the Canadian government declared Finland to be an enemy country and began treating all Finnish residents in Canada as "enemy-aliens" under the powers of the War Measures Act. Although it initially suspended all Finnish organizations and newspapers, the government quickly shifted its attention to the radical left as it succumbed to the "Red Scare" that swept across North America in reaction to the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Thus, its real aim soon became the quashing the "Red" FSOC, its newspaper Vapaus (Liberty) and their supporters, rather than the "Church" Finns, their organizations and newspaper Canadan Uutiset, which, in fact, constituted the prime support of the "White" regime in Finland. Hence, the government permitted Canadan Uutiset to reappear before the end of 1918, but delayed Vapaus's publication until almost a year later.

Following its suppression in 1918, the FSOC was not allowed to resurface until severing its ties with the SDPC. It did so to obtain the approval of the authorities, dropping the word "Socialist" from its name to signify this new independent status when it resumed operations in 1919. With the lapsing of the War Measures Act in 1921, this "provisional" Finnish Organization of Canada was again "reconstituted" as the FSOC. While the effect of the government's actions under the Act may have persuaded some of the more timid radicals to withdraw their support from the Finnish-Canadian working-class movement, these measures did not prove sufficient to quash the movement altogether.

Stepping back to the beginning of WW1, it should be noted that during WWI many Finnish immigrants volunteered to serve in the Canadian armed forces, mainly in the 94th Battalion and in the 223rd Scandinavian-Canadian Battalion. In the early days of WW1, Canadian recruitment was organized (or sometimes disorganized!) following the patterns imported from Britain. The system of “Pals” battalions was thought to be “great stuff” and battalions were raised by any “affinity” group that came up with an idea. The 223rd was one of these, as was the 197th “Viking” Battalion. However, by 1917 the pool of potential recruits had been pretty well picked over. Most Scandinavians who wanted to join up had enlisted with other battalions. (There were a sizable number of Swedes, Danes, and Norwegians in the Edmonton area, for example, who had enlisted early on). To fill their ranks, these “affinity”units sent recruiters across the country taking up anyone who showed up at the office. This resulted in charges by the local Military Districts of “poaching” and also netted men rejected by other battalions. Scandinavian volunteers also joined the Canadian Army, travelling to Canada to do so. One of these men was Thomas Dinesen, author of “No Man's Land. En Dansker med Canadierne ved Vestfronten”, Kopenhagen 1929; 1965, 1985. Thomas Dinesen was the famous Danish female writer Karen Blixen's brother. He went to New York from Denmark and enlisted at a Canadian recruiting office. He arrived on the Western Front during spring 1918.


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Image sourced from: http://images2.wikia.nocookie.net/__cb2 ... onteam.jpgThe 223rd (Canadian Scandinavians) Battalion, Canadian Army, was recruited in Manitoba in 1916 and left for overseas in 1917. In the meantime it entered a team in the Manitoba senior hockey league. This was common for Canadian military units of World War I while training in Canada. Some of the players on this team later joined the Winnipeg Falcons.

The 94th Battalion supposedly contained many Finns, and a scan of the Nominal Rolls reveals the following “Finnish” names.
Aulto, Magnus – 198143 – Private - 8th Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Fort William, 34 years old, married and worked as a contractor when he enlisted. Transferred to 17th Reserve Battalion, 13 Jul, 1916
Bursiainen, Paul – 199186 – Sapper - 223rd Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Port Arthur, 18 years old, single and worked for one of the railways when he enlisted. Transferred to 223rd Btln 20 May, 1916.
Haanjo, Emil – 198451 - Private - 94th Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 29 years old, single and worked as a labourer. Deserted, 03 Apr, 1916.
Hakkarainen, Alfred – 198803 – Private - 94th Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 41 years old, single and worked as a labourer when he enlisted. Previous service, 20th Reserve Company, Finnish Volunteer Force, 3 years. Deserted, 04 May, 1916.
Hanta, Matte 198609 Private 94th Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 31 years old, single and worked as a labourer when he enlisted. Deserted, 07 May, 1916
Kangas, Eric 198452 Private 94th Btln, Private : Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 43 years old, single and worked as a labourer when he enlisted. Deserted, 05 Jul, 1916. ACPF - RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 5001 - 11
Kangas, John 199254 Private 94th Btln, Private : Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 38 years old, a widower and worked as a labourer when he enlisted. Deserted, 05 Jul, 1916. ACPF - RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 5001 - 13
Kangas, Sam 199153 Private 94th Btln, Private : Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 34 years old, single and worked as an electrician when he enlisted. Deserted, 03 Apr, 1916. ACPF - RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 5001 - 14
Kari, John 198306 Private 94th Btln, Private : Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 28 years old, single and worked as a sailor when he enlisted. Deserted, 09 May, 1916. ACPF - RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 5002 - 46
Karpuk, Jacob 198516 Private 94th Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 27 years old, a widower and worked as a labourer when he enlisted. Deserted, 05 Jul, 1916. ACPF - RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 5004 - 5
Karuk, Fred 199155 Private 94th Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Fort Frances, 43 years old, married and was a farmer when he enlisted. Previous service, 11th Army Corps, Russian Army, 3 years and 8 months. Did not go overseas with unit. ACPF - RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 5004 - 45
Kosala, Aksili 199148 Private 94th Btln, Private: Remarks He was from Morgan Siding, He stated that he was 19 years old, single and worked as a labourer. Discharged, 19 May, 1916, Under Age.

The 66th (Edmonton) Battalion which recruited mainly during the second half or 1915, was a typical “Prairie” Battalion and contained at least 13 immigrants born in Norway, Sweden, Iceland, or Denmark (mostly Norway). There were also at least 5 Finns, of whom two were killed at the front. This was in no way a "Scandinavian" battalion but was a fairly typical Canadian battalion. The following Finnish soldiers are commemorated on the Menin Gate.

ASPLUND, Private, HUGO, 6706. 15th Bn. Australian Infantry, A.I.F. 15th October 1917. Age 30. Son of Josefina Elisabeth Haapaniemi, of Helsingfors, Hoosgatan, 19/21 Makivens, Skydds, Finland. Native of Wasa, Finland.
PUURUNEN, Private, A, 267937. 28th Bn. Canadian Infantry (Saskatchewan Regt.). 6th November 1917. Age 26. Son of Anna Puurunen, of Fisalmi, Ruotaonmaki, Finland.
SANDHOLM, Private, JULIUS KONSTANTIN, 10495. 2nd Regt. (Inf.). South African Infantry. 20th September 1917. Age 23. Son of Maria Julina Sandholm, of Ulverso, Aland, Finland.

Next: The Second Wave of Finnish Immigration to Canada: 1920-1931
 
Awesome Update! Glad to see that mention was made of the Winnipeg Falcons!!!:D

Hey, you're welcome. And not to forget Albert Pudas, first Finn to play in the NHL (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert_Pudas)

That aside, I seem to recall a bit of discussion about possible sources of Canadian volunteers and potential senior officers for a Canadian Volunteer Brigade from quite a while ago but I can't track them down. Anyone have any suggestions to throw in the pot?
 
Whoops :D Forgive me, that's what happens when trying to be funny and not speaking the language :eek:

Yet, the basic point stands...
 
Hey, you're welcome. And not to forget Albert Pudas, first Finn to play in the NHL (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert_Pudas)

That aside, I seem to recall a bit of discussion about possible sources of Canadian volunteers and potential senior officers for a Canadian Volunteer Brigade from quite a while ago but I can't track them down. Anyone have any suggestions to throw in the pot?

Wow, and here I'd always been led to believe that Matti Hagman was the first Finn to play in the NHL!
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matti_Hagman

Perhaps you could make a shout out to my fellow Manitoban, and distinguished member of the OTL 'Devil's Brigade', Tommy Prince (one of the most decorated First Nations soldier in Canadian History):
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tommy_Prince
http://www.badassoftheweek.com/prince.html

EDIT: HERE's some websites that could help with finding info on Canada in WWII; IDK how useful it will be for finding Officers:
http://www.canadaatwar.ca/
http://www.canadiansoldiers.com/history/wars/secondworldwar.htm
 
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Wow, and here I'd always been led to believe that Matti Hagman was the first Finn to play in the NHL!
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matti_Hagman

Perhaps you could make a shout out to my fellow Manitoban, and distinguished member of the OTL 'Devil's Brigade', Tommy Prince (one of the most decorated First Nations soldier in Canadian History):
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tommy_Prince
http://www.badassoftheweek.com/prince.html

EDIT: HERE's some websites that could help with finding info on Canada in WWII; IDK how useful it will be for finding Officers:
http://www.canadaatwar.ca/
http://www.canadiansoldiers.com/history/wars/secondworldwar.htm

Thx Shapur, much appreciated!
 
The Second Wave of Finnish Immigration to Canada: 1920-1931

By the 1920s, Canada’s Finnish immigrant communities were well structured with networks of newspapers, mutual-aid and temperance societies, congregations, social and sports clubs, and co-operatives. Universally literate Finns were active participants in political debate and strong supporters of the Canadian union and suffrage movements. In 1921, according to Census Canada, there were 21,494 people of Finnish origin living in Canada. Newly independent Finland recognized the importance of good relations with Canada and its growing Finnish immigrant population. On January 23, 1923, Akseli Rauanheimo was appointed Finnish Consul in Canada (1923–1932) and a Finnish Consulate was opened in Montréal. This coincided with the heaviest period of Finnish immigration to Canada. After the United States passed restrictive immigration legislation in 1922, the annual numbers of Finnish immigrants to Canada soared. Between 1923 and 1930 nearly 35,000 Finnish immigrants landed in Canada. Ably assisted by his wife Betty Järnefelt-Rauanheimo, Consul Rauanheimo coped with the steady stream of immigrants who sought assistance. In 1925, the office was upgraded to a Consulate General and by the end of the decade it had obtained a vice-consul and administrative staff.

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Akseli Rauanheimo, Finnish Consul in Canada (1923–1932): Rauanheimo was an exceptional man, affectionately called the “shepherd” of the Finnish immigrants. He successfully lobbied Canadian private companies, particularly the Canadian Pacific Railroad, and the Seamen’s Mission in Finland for funds to establish a Finnish Immigrant Home and a Seamen’s Mission in Montreal.


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Montrealin Suomi-Seuran huoneisto, Suomen itsenäisyyspäivänä 1936

In April 1927, the Rev. F. Pennanen arrived from Finland to take on the duties of pastor in the Seamen’s Mission. In September 1927, the Finnish Immigrant Home accepted its first registered guests. At its busiest period the 26-room home squeezed 5-6 beds per room allowing thousands of immigrants to find refuge in the temporary “home” that also served as a soup kitchen, employment office, and a place where newly arrived or itinerant immigrants could pick up their mail. The establishment of two government supported expatriate organizations in Finland in 1927 signaled yet again the desire by Finland for active contact and cultural exchange with Finnish immigrants abroad. After a difficult start, The Finland Society took over the mission of bridge building between Canada and Finland by organizing cultural tours, providing reliable and positive information about Finland, and by welcoming ex-patriots back to their homeland. For those emigrating from Finland to Canada, Rauanheimo’s informative book, Kanadan-Kirja (The Canada Book) (WSOY, 1930) was an invaluable guide. Betty Järnefelt-Rauanheimo also published a book of short stories, Vierailla Veräjillä (At Strange Gates) (WSOY, 1928). The stories portrayed real immigrant experiences and depicted the emotional cost of immigration.

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Akseli Rauanheimo’s book “Kanadan-Kirja” (The Canada Book) (WSOY, 1930) was an invaluable guide to Canada for would-be Finnish immigrants

Although the total number of persons leaving Finland after the war drastically declined from pre-war levels, most of them were destined for Canada, because the United States had placed a severe quota on Finnish immigrants entering that country. As a result, Canada was inundated by a second great wave of immigration from Finland that was wholly comparable to the first. Seared by memories of the recent turmoil in the Old Country, the newcomers reinforced and enlarged the splits between the "Red" and "White" factions in Canada. The intense rivalries issuing from this dichotomization of the community greatly accelerated the growth and diversification of Finnish organizational structures and activities during the inter-war period.

Once buttressed by the battle-hardened veterans of the Red Guard newly arrived from Finland, the majority of socialist Finns were propelled into the "Communist" camp. Under the leadership of A. T. Hill, the PSOC was transformed into the Finnish Socialist Section of the Workers' Party of Canada (FSS/WPC; in Finnish: Canadan Työläispuolueen Suomalainen Sosialistijärjestö) in 1922. Because "Communist" organizations were still forbidden to operate openly at that time, the Workers' Party of Canada then served as the "A" party or above-ground "mass" organization for the underground Communist Party of Canada (CPC) - code-named the "Z" party-that had been founded in Guelph, Ontario, in the previous year. The FSOC, in becoming an integral component of the Worker's Party, subjected itself to that party's discipline, policies and objectives as enunciated by the leadership of the "Z" party.

A small minority of Finnish labour radicals, who had become enthusiastic supporters of the One Big Union (OBU) and Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) during the wartime hiatus of the FSOC, refused to submit to "Communist" control. Instead, they stubbornly clove to the IWW and its "revolutionary" principles. Even after the IWW folded, that organization's
Finnish section continued to operate independently for several decades under its former name-the Canadan Teollisuusunionistinen Kannatusliitto (CTK Liitto; Support League of Canadian Industrial Unionists). In time, however, the radicalism of its adherents tended to moderate, and the locally based "socialist clubs" of the CTK Liitto gradually evolved into "social clubs."

Meanwhile, the FSS/WPC, in seeking to distance itself from rival socialist groups like the CTK Liitto, expunged the word "Socialist" from its own name in 1924. Thereafter, it officially became known as the Finnish Section of the Workers' Party of Canada (FS/WPC; in Finnish: Canadan Työläispuolueen Suomalainen Järjestö). Then, in 1924, the FS/WPC adopted a new identity as the Finnish Section of the Communist Party of Canada (FS/CPC; in Finnish: Canadan Kommunistipuolueen Suomalainen Järjestö). With the "bolshevization" of the Party in 1925, all of its foreign-language sections were dissolved. In response to this, the FS/CPC transferred its social, cultural and educational operations to the Finnish Organization of Canada (FOC; in Finnish: Canadan Suomalainen Järjestö), Inc., a corporate body that originally had been established under federal charter in 1923 to serve as the legal owner of record of the FSOC's considerable assets. However, on becoming the central cultural institution of the Finnish-Canadian working-class movement, the FOC quickly grew to include nearly a hundred locals spread across the country from Quebec to British Columbia.


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Suomalaisen sosialistijärjestön urheilujuhlat. Cobalt, Ontario. 1916

Among its many social, cultural and educational undertakings, the FOC established a play rental agency, the Canadan Suomalaisten Järjestön Näytelmävarasto (FOC Play Inventory), in the mid-1920s and later sponsored play-writing contests to encourage the flowering of Finnish-Canadian theatre. In 1934, the FOC nurtured the development of the Youth Clubs of the Finnish Organization (YCFO; in Finnish: SJ Nuorisoklupit). The following year it saw to the incorporation of Vapaus Publishing Company Limited, first, for assuming responsibility for the FOC's own "in-house" publishing arm and newspaper, Vapaus, and secondly, for initiating new ventures such as the publication of Liekki (The Flame), a literary weekly. Throughout the late 1920s and the 1930s, the FOC also actively supported the involvement of its membership in the activities of such organizations as the Canadan Suomalaisten Työläisten Urheiluliitto (Finnish Canadian Workers' Sports Association) and its successors, the Workers' Co-operative of New Ontario Limited and the Lumber [and Agricultural] Workers' Industrial Union of Canada, as well as other organizations associated with the radical left in Canada.

The heavy influx of new arrivals from Finland (which ended in 1930 with the worsening of the Great Depression) also included a large contingent of former adherents of the White Guard, most of whom were absorbed into the conservative faction of the Finnish-Canadian community. The presence of these new "White" Finns sparked a revival of religious interest and activity in the community that manifested itself in the establishment of new congregations belonging to the Suomalainen Evankelis-Luterilainen Kirkko (Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Church), that is, the denomination that represented Finland's state church in Canada. The "White" newcomers also spearheaded the founding of locally based Suomalaiset Kansallisseurat (Finnish National Societies) during the late 1920s. By the early 1930s, these nationalistic societies managed to unite themselves under the umbrella of the Central Organization of the Loyal Finns in Canada (later renamed the Loyal Finns in Canada; in Finnish: Kanadan Kansallismielisten Suomalaisten Keskusliitto [originally, Keskusjärjestö], and subsequently, Lojaalien Suomalaisten Keskusliitto) as their means for combatting the influence of the "Red" FOC and securing employment exclusively for their "reliable, `White' membership" in times of severe economic depression, unemployment and radical agitation across Canada during the "Hungry Thirties."

The number of Swedish-speaking Finns in Canada also increased as the result of the great tide of inter-war immigration from Finland, particularly on the West Coast where Swedish-speakers tended to gravitate. Like many of their Finnish-speaking compatriots who arrived here at that time, these newcomers also displayed a heightened sense of Finnish nationalism. The effect of that patriotic fervour was shown in the dramatic spread into Canada from the United States of the Order of Runeberg, a Swedo-Finnish organization that soon was able to boast of thriving member lodges in Vancouver and many other parts of British Columbia. Indeed, the intensity of Finnish nationalism felt by both Finnish-speaking and Swedish-speaking "White" Finns was such that the two groups were sometimes persuaded to forget their age-old linguistic antagonisms in favour of sponsoring a variety of co-operative endeavours as a viable alternative to the attractions of the FOC, as they did, for example, with their fielding of a joint athletic club in Vancouver.

Finland's "White" government also sought to nurture the rising spirit of Finnish patriotism and conservatism sweeping through the Finnish-Canadian community during the inter-war years. Its base of operations in Canada was the consulate that it had established in Montreal during the early 1920s and upgraded to the status of consulate general in 1925. Akseli K.L. Rauanheimo, who served first as consul and then as consul general until his death in the early 1930s, became the chief instrument in achieving his government's aims. For example, he championed the establishment of the Montrealin Pyhän Mikaelin Suomalainen Luterilainen Seurakunta (St. Michael's Finnish Lutheran Congregation of Montreal) and Montrealin Suomalainen Seura (Finnish Society of Montreal). He also enlisted the aid of the Suomen Merimieslähetysseura (Finnish Seamen's Mission Society) in Helsinki, which complied by sending Pastor Frithjof J. Pennanen to Canada in 1927 with a mandate to establish and maintain a Suomalainen Siirtolaiskoti (Finnish Immigrant Home) in Montreal. Because Montreal was the major port of entry and stopover for incoming Finnish immigrants, these institutions effectively served as purveyors of official Finland's religious and political ideologies to the new arrivals who, once resuming their journeys to other parts of the country, would then propagate these views across Canada.

The political authority of the FOC was challenged from another quarter as well. A small group of social democrats led by Reinhold Pehkonen and Bruno Tenhunen broke away from the FOC and Vapaus in 1931, eventually establishing their own publishing house with its newspaper Vapaa Sana (Free Press). The leadership of that group also tried to associate itself with the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), a new Canadian political party that was based on social-democratic principles. They, especially through their control of Vapaa Sana, succeeded in establishing themselves as the primary opposition to the FOC in the community by the outbreak of World War II.


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Joukkueita marssimassa juhlakulkueessa

Finnish Immigrants to Canada in the 1920’s – a couple of examples

The Olkinuora Family


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The Olkinuora family arrived at Pier 21 in Halifax November 24, 1928. On leaving the SS Polonia and seeing Pier 21, their tiny daughter began crying and sobbing, "Ei tama olle Helsinki." - "This is not Helsinki." They had made arrangements to live and work in a lumber camp. Mr. Olkinuora would work as a lumber-jack and his wife would cook for all of the men. They knew that it would be a difficult life but hopefully it would only be temporary. There would also be friends, most Finns who came to Canada from the same communities in Finland remained friends and visited in each other's homes. The family had a friend who was already working at the lumber camp so at least there was that to take comfort in.

Wilhelmina Mirja


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In 1929, Wilhelmina Mirja was eighteen years old and convinced that there was a world beyond her native Finland. She arrived at Halifax’s Pier 21 without knowing a soul but there was a small welcoming party of Finnish Haligonians to greet her. A handsome young member of the welcoming party carried her bag. Little did Wilhelmina know but her plans to board a train for Toronto were about to change. Within an hour, she had been hired to work in a Halifax bakery and her lodgings at a boarding house had been paid for a month. Three months later she would marry the handsome young man and later she herself would volunteer to welcome Finnish immigrants and to help them settle in Halifax


The Great Depression

The Canada of the 1930’s was a very different place to the Canada of today. There were roughly 11,000,000 Canadians, almost half of whom lived on farms or in small towns or villages. Fifty Five percent of Canadians thought of themselves as British in origin, thirty five percent French and the rest were heavily European, including Finnish Canadians in their number. As a country which was by and large heavily dependent on the extraction and sale of natural resources, Canada suffered during the Great Depression. Farms, mines and forestry were all hit hard, Conservative estimates were that twenty five percent of the population was unemployed. Whole areas of Saskatchewan were depopulated. Farmers were reduced to subsistence level. Middle-class families sank into poverty and many lived on handouts.


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Kanadan työttömiä protestimatkalla menossa Ottawaan. Regina, Saskatchewan. 1935.

The Great Depression itself, of course, wreaked hardship on the Finnish-Canadian community. The most recent newcomers from Finland were most affected by the economic crash, for they had not yet had time to learn either the English or the French vernacular and otherwise adapt themselves to the needs of a shrinking employment market. Rather than waste away in bread lines and soup kitchens, many of them abandoned Canada for supposedly "greener pastures" in the United States or returned in disgust to Finland. The Finnish-Canadian working-class
movement was particularly hurt by the re-emigration phenomenon of the 1930s, for, in addition to those losses of its members to the United States and Finland that it shared with the rest of the community, it also suffered the further loss of some 2,000 of its most active and dedicated veterans, who emigrated to Soviet Karelia between 1930 and 1935 in the belief that they could find a better future in the "building of socialism in one country" there. It also lost some of its most promising younger members to the Spanish Civil War - those who had voluntarily enlisted in the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion to fight and die on behalf of the doomed Republican government in its losing campaign of 1937-1938.

Canada introduced restrictive immigration policies in 1931 and the immigration flow reversed as many unemployed Finns returned to their homeland. The depression struck a heavy blow to the Finnish immigrant communities in Canada and Rauanheimo empathized with the hungry and the sick. He kept up an active correspondence with the Canadian government urging it to take responsibility for the sick, injured, and hungry. He personally helped many immigrants in distress and was known to have given even his own coat to a returning immigrant. After nine years of dedicated service in Canada, Consul-General Rauanheimo died in 1932. Despite the depression, immigrants pooled their resources to erect a gravestone with the epitaph: “Akseli Rauanheimo - Father of the Immigrants”.

During the Depression many of the left-wing Finns who remained in Canada participated in demonstrations, hunger marches, and strikes. Many supported socialist movements, particularly the Finnish Organization of Canada (FOC) and its newspaper, Vapaus. Their activities were monitored and censored by the RCMP. Many Finnish Canadians, including editors, union leaders, and ordinary poverty-stricken individuals were deported. The FOC was banned in 1940, its property confiscated and its halls closed until 1943 when the ban was finally rescinded. Rauanheimo was replaced as Finnish Consul by Aaro Johannes Jalkanen (1932-1939), who reported that in 1932 about 10,000 people visited the Consulate to take care of passport matters alone. The same year lack of funds forced the Finnish Immigrant Home to close its doors. Jalkanen concluded that one of his important missions in Canada was to support the patriotic and conservative activities of the Finnish Civil War veteran organization in Canada, the “League of Loyal Finns in Canada” and also the Finnish Lutheran congregations as alternatives to the strong socialist movement.

Jalkanen gave numerous patriotic speeches and wrote the lyrics to the patriotic movement’s theme song, “Isänmaan ääni” (Voice of the Fatherland). The new conservative organizations established strong links with the Finland-Society. These networks were used to publicize the planned Helsinki Olympic Games in 1940, in which the Canadian-Finnish newspaper, “Kanadan Uutiset” also played a part. “Kanadan Uutiset” was published in Thunder Bay, dated back to 1915 and was close to the League of Loyal Finns (a right wing Finnish organization in Canada, opposed to the socialist Finnish Organization of Canada). Nationally, Kanadan Uutiset was a competitor to the Toronto based “Vapaa Sana” (founded in 1931). Notable cultural exchanges included the Finlandia Male Chorus Tour and Finnish Exhibitions in Toronto and Vancouver. Finnish politicians and individual artists also toured Canada. The impact of these efforts was to achieve a much greater Canadian awareness of Finland, its culture, sports, and politics.


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Pastori Juho Yrttimaa työhuoneessaan. Montreal, Quebec. 1934

The 1940 Olympics

Also increasing this awareness of Finland was the holding of the 1940 Summer Olympics in Helsinki. In 1936, Tokyo had been selected for the 1940 Olympics, the first non-Western city to win an Olympic bid, but in mid-1938, the Japanese Government announced the forfeiture of the Games. The IOC then awarded the Games to Helsinki, Finland, the city that had been the runner-up in the original bidding process. Finland began enthusiastic preparations to host the 1940 Olympic Games with an organizing committee presided over by banker J. W. Rangell. Preparations continued even after the outbreak of WW2, with Uusi Sumoi on Sunday 3 September 1939 announcing “No Stop to Olympic Preparations.” Rangell is quoted as stating “The Organizing Committee will naturally follow the situation, but at the same time we continue with the preparations as before. For the moment, no reasons of such a gravity have been presented which automatically would interrupt the present, well progressing preparations. There still is a possibility that the international situation could ease up. The state authorities and the city board of directors will give orders to stop the preparations if needed.” The General Secretary of the Games, Lieutenant Colonel V. A. M. Karikoski told that the present situation has some effect on the arrangements only in a few cases.





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In the event, Finland’s enthusiastic planning for the Olympics came to a sudden halt when the Soviet Union attacked on November 30, 1939.

As it did with other countries, Finland had dispatched a small Valtioneuvoston Tiedotuskeskus Information and Purchasing Team to Canada in late 1938, shortly after the Munich Crisis as Finland increased its military spending and preparations substantially. As we have seen in an earlier Post, this had resulted in a contract being signed in early 1939 for the construction of 1,000 MSM (Maavoimien SotilasMalli) Trucks. Finland had increased the overall size of the order to 2,500 trucks in August 1939, and then to 5,000 in December 1939, only days after being attacked by the Soviet Union. In Canada, as elsewhere, public support for Finland was, as we will see, both widespread and deeply felt and there was public demand to support Finland. The end result was that while Canada did not have any immediate “military” manufacturing capability with which to assist Finland (and in any case weapons were in such short supply that anything that could be produced immediately went to the Canadian military) trucks were another matter. The Finnish truck order was confirmed and at the same time, as has been mentioned in the earlier Post, the Finns licensed manufacturing rights to the trucks to both Ford and General Motors for construction for the Canadian, Commonwealth and US militaries.

The trucks for Finland were manufactured by the Chevrolet division of General Motors of Canada Ltd and by the Ford Motor Company of Canada. The Canadian subsidiaries of the two largest American vehicle manufacturers were able to rapidly ramp up their production because of an unusual degree of inter-company collaboration, the use of interchangeable parts, and because of the large amount of idle production capacity that was a lingering result of the Great Depression. Skilled labour was easy to rehire and Canada’s limited mobilization had not impacted the manpower available for industrial expansion in any way. As a result, ramping up was not hindered by personnel bottlenecks as it was in countries where there was a heavy demand to conscript manpower for the military. Various models were built – Heavy Utility Trucks, Artillery Tractors, Fuel Tankers, Armoured Trucks, Command Trucks, Radio Trucks, Ambulances and an innovative Finnish-designed Armoured Personnel Carrier version (the Sika), of which some 400 were specially ordered, constructed and which arrived in Finland in June 1940 together with a further 200 Armoured Cars (the Kettu), also based on the same chassis.

The MSM Trucks, Sika’s and the Kettu Armoured Cars were the only significant military assistance that Canada would provide, but even this was of substantial assistance. The large numbers of MSM Trucks would significantly enhance Maavoimat logistical capacity, while the “Kettu” Armoured Cars would enable the Maavoimat to keep strong armoured reconnaissance units in being throughout the duration of the war. The limited numbers of Sikas would be also be used with great effect as Finland mounted an aggressive defence, using mobility to great advantage. The placing of these orders in early 1939, well before Canada even contemplated preparing for war, generated some additional employment in the Canadian motor vehicle manufacturing plants and generated considerable good-will, particularly among the communities beneficially impacted.

Also, with rather larger numbers of Finnish immigrants in Canada than in other Commonwealth countries, the Valtioneuvoston Tiedotuskeskus team had a rather easier job of establishing contacts within communities across Canada, with various community organisations and with the Canadian Press. Here, the awarding of the upcoming 1940 Olympics to Finland proved particularly beneficial, generating numerous positive articles regarding Finland and at the same time allowing contacts to be established and cultivated. In this, a small number of well-known Canadian-Finns such as Albert Pudas, the coach of the Port Arthur Bearcats and also the coach of the 1936 Canadian Olympic ice-hockey team, were recruited to help the Finnish cause. As concerns within Finland regarding the intentions of the Soviet Union grew, the Valtioneuvoston Tiedotuskeskus team was reinforced and a higher emphasis placed on cultivating politically influential supporters of Finland. In this, the isolationism of the Liberals under Mackenzie King was a major hindrance.

King had first come to power in 1921, at a time when Canadians were bitterly divided over issues that had emerged during WW1, or as a result of the War. In the immediate aftermath of WW1, labour fought capital, farmers battled the cities and western Canadians battled with eastern Canada. None of these schisms however were as serious as the chasm that had opened between French-Canadians and English-Canadians after the introduction of conscription in 1917. King saw himself as a man with a sacred mission to reunite Canada and he would do everything in his power to ensure the fissures opened during WW1 never opened again. He refused to allow Canada’s diplomats to be active on the world stage. King made it a policy to say and do as little as possible that might give Quebecois the notion that the government was preparing for another foreign war. But King was also playing a double game, knowing English-Canadians would insist on going to war of Britain did, by forestalling preparations for war that might divide the nation in peacetime, he made sure that if Canada did go to war, it would do so as a united country.


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Canadian Prime Minister Willian Lyon Mackenzie King (December 17, 1874 – July 22, 1950), also commonly known as Mackenzie King, was the dominant Canadian political leader from the 1920s through the 1940s. He served as the tenth Prime Minister of Canada from December 29, 1921 to June 28, 1926; from September 25, 1926 to August 7, 1930; and from October 23, 1935 to November 15, 1948. A Liberal with 22 years in office, he was the longest-serving Prime Minister in Canadian history. A workaholic and technocrat, Mackenzie King lacked charisma, a commanding presence or oratorical skills. Cold and tactless in human relations, he had allies but very few close personal friends and never married. He led the Liberal party for 29 years and played a major role in laying the foundations of the Canadian welfare state.

The corollary of this lack of preparation however was that in late 1939, Canada was completely unready for war. The superbly tough and battle-hardened Canadian Army divisions of WW1 had withered away through the 1920’s and 1930’s. Canadian politicians forgot, if they ever knew, that a modern well-trained military force, using up to date equipment, cannot be plucked from a tree. It takes time to build a capable military, and a sustained effort to inculcate the knowledge, traditions and professionalism in an Officer and NCO corps. Successive inter-war Canadian governments believed that the Canadian military should consist of a small core of professionals whose main job was to train a non-professional militia along with air and naval auxiliaries. The professionals were supposed to keep up with improvements in tactics and technology; it was understood that if Canada fought another war, it would do so as part of the British Empire as it had in WW1.

The reality was rather different. Incessant budget cuts meant there were far fewer professionals than the military needed to run its training. Modern weapons were scarce and the quality of the militia training was low. During the Depression years, defence budgets were slashed to the bone, with no branch suffering more than the Canadian Army. Training consisted largely of Drill and marching, uniforms and weapons were from WW1, exercises were rudimentary and shooting practice was largely conducted in Drill Hall basement shooting ranges, often with .22 target rifles. The militia was supposed to be 135,000 men; it was 51,000 strong. The backbone of the Army, the Permanent Force, was supposed to be 6,925 men but in 1931 there were only 4,000. The chief-of-staff from 1929, and the man who dominated the inter-war military, was Major-General A G L McNaughton, a WW1 militiaman, an artillery officer and an engineer by trade.

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Major-General Andrew George Latta McNaughton (25 February 1887 – 11 July 1966) was a Canadian scientist, army officer, cabinet minister, and diplomat. McNaughton joined the Canadian militia in 1909 and served with the Canadian Expeditionary Force in France. While there he helped make advances in the science of artillery, inventing a target detection technique using an oscilloscope which was the forerunner of radar. In March 1916 he was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel and returned to England to take command of the newly arrived 11 (Howitzer) Brigade RCA, taking it to France in July. In early 1917 he was appointed the Counter Battery Staff Officer of the Canadian Corps. On the day before the armistice he was promoted to Brigadier-General and appointed General Officer Commanding Canadian Corps Heavy Artillery.

In 1920 McNaughton joined the regular army and in 1922 was promoted to Deputy Chief of the General Staff and Chief of the General Staff in 1929. He returned for a few years to civilian life and from 1935 to 1939 was head of the National Research Council of Canada. McNaughton went into World War II commanding the First Canadian Infantry Division, after which he commanded the Canadian Corps. After resigning from the Army in December 1943 under pressure from critics and also with health problems, McNaughton was appointed Minister of Defence in 1944, a position he resigned from in August 1945.

McNaughton believed that the proper basis for educating Canadian Officers was to teach them how to think scientifically in Canada and then send them to a British Staff College. He seemed to believe that military knowledge and experience was something that an officer picked up, denying that there was something that might be called a profession of arms. McNaughton’s ideas on officer training ensured that when Canadians first went into battle, they would be led for the most part by men who had no business being on a battlefield at all, let alone in command of units thrown into combat. Only a handful of Canadian officers, such as E.L.M. Burns and Guy Simonds, gave any thought to modern tactics in the interwar period, or shared their thinking with their fellow officers. But then, there were only 446 officers in the Canadian Army.

In 1935 Mackenzie King returned to power and modest increases to the defence budget began. However, most of the new money was directed to the Army and Navy. By 1939 however, the Army’s budget had doubled from that of 1935 but it was still in a deplorable state. There were, for example, only 23 Bren Guns, four anti-aircraft guns, five mortars, eighty two Vickers machineguns and two light tanks in the entire Army. As late as September 1938, the airforce had fewer than 1,000 personnel and was little better than a flying joke. No. 1 Fighter Squadron for example was equipped with Armstrong-Whitworth Siskin fighters, purchased from the RAF in the late 1920’s and early 1930’s. The Siskin was a biplane with a top speed of 190kph at a time when the Luftwaffe was already flying Me109’s. In early 1939, 20 Hawker Hurricane’s were acquired from Britain. The Navy consisted of four modern destroyers, two older ones and four minesweepers, most positioned on the West Coast. As the lone Finnish military attaché in the small embassy in Ottawa reported back to Helsinki, “….there is a dearth of equipment, and of that, much of the equipment to hand is out of date….. there exists only a small core of professionals …. the training and skill levels of the militia are patchy and inadequate … there are no modern uniforms, no combat boots, no field equipment, no overcoats, no modern artillery or tanks ….the navy and airforce is next to non-existent….. in the event of a war, we can look to no tangible assistance from Canada.”

When Canada declared war on Germany in September 1939, a Canadian Active Service Force of two Infantry Divisions and ancillary units was in the process of being established. Canada’s three Permanent Force infantry battalions were mobilized, with one battalion in each Brigade of the 1st Division to give that Division a professional core. The best fourteen militia regiments from across Canada were also mobilized to form the balance of the two Divisions. Leading elements of the 1st Division left Canada for the UK on 10 December 1939. The Cabinet had first met on September 15th to prepare the war program. Horrified by the cost, the Government cut the Army’s plan for three Divisions to two, only one of which was to be sent overseas. Of the 1st Canadian Division of 18,376 men, there were 8,418 infantry, 2,122 artillery, 1,269 Service Corps, 959 engineers, 945 medical personnel, 784 electrical and mechanical engineers, 743 signalmen, 721 anti-tank artillery + others. A Canadian Division had far fewer combat troops than even the Americans and was thus far weaker in overall fighting strength than other allied formations, an imbalance that would hamper the Canadian Army throughout WW2. Again, to quote the Finnish military attaché in Ottawa, who made a point of ferreting out such information, “Bluntly, there are far too many cooks and bottle-washers and far too few riflemen in a Canadian Infantry Division…. Most of the officers are militiamen and far too old and unfit for combat….while many officers have had good technical training, almost none have command experience with units larger than a platoon…”

This then was the situation in Canada as the country embarked on WW2 in September 1939.

Next: Valtioneuvoston Tiedotuskeskus and Canada.....
 
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*snip*

Farms, mines and forestry were all hit hard, Concervative estimates were that twenty five percent of the population was unemployed. Whole areas of Saskatchewan were depopulated. Farmers were reduced to subsistence level. Middle-class families sank into poverty and many lived on handouts.

*snip*

Conservative is spelled with an "s", not a "c", at the 4th letter.

Other than that, great update.
 
One thing that is new there is the pic of Soviet aerosani...

A couple of pics of such a machine captured by the Finns during the Winter War, from sa-kuva.fi, notice the Red Cross markings.

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These machines were later used by the Finns with swastika markings similar as on tanks, known as moottorireki, kiitoreki, or lumikiituri. There must be more pictures on the site, the problem is locating them with the right search terms.
 
Conservative is spelled with an "s", not a "c", at the 4th letter.

Other than that, great update.

Thx :) - spelling corrected! (I tend to ignore spellcheck, flags every non-english word as a spelling mistake, and there's also the English-English vs US-English conundrum. So these things creep through...)

Re Aerosan's, been thinking about how to throw these in along with snowmobile's (Bombardier and the Canadian/Quebec link...). Still thinking on that one.....perhaps a few drinks over Christmas will help clarify the thoughts...
 
Snowmobiles: The unknown military link between Canada & Finland

In many ways, Finland is similar to Canada, being heavily forested, having numerous lakes and waterways and in winter, an abundance of snow and ice. In both countries, there existed the challenge of transporting people cross-country during the winter season. In both countries, the forestry industry was an important part of the economy and solutions that worked in one country would more often than not be applicable to the other. The emergence of the snowmobile in Canada and the northern USA in the early years of the twentieth century was one such solution.

The origin of the snowmobile is not the work of any one inventor but more a process of advances in engines for the propulsion of vehicles and supporting devices over snow. It parallels the development of the automobile and of aviation, in each of these areas, inventors often turned the same components to a different use – and the snowmobile experience was similar. It was the challenges of transporting people and their possessions cross-country during the winter season that drove the invention of the snowmobile, an all-terrain vehicle specifically designed for travel across deep snow where other vehicles floundered. Rapidly evolving designs produced machines that were most commonly two-person tracked vehicles powered by gas engines that enabled them to tow a sled or travel, initially at low-to-moderate speeds, depending on snow conditions, terrain and the presence of obstacles protruding above the snow, including brush and trees.

The first U.S. patent awarded for a power sled was on March 24, 1896, to Moses, William and Joseph Runnoe of Crested Butte, Colorado. Their power sled had an endless track of chain and eight steel crossbars supported by spring straps. The cleats had spurs on the outer edges for traction. Bear in mind that 1896 was only one year after the first U.S. automobile patent was issued to George Selden in 1895. This was 21 years before U.S. involvement in World War I and merely 20 years after Custer’s Last Stand! Experimentation continued in the first decade of the twentieth century at roughly the same time in Canada, Minnesota, Michigan and Wisconsin. In the early 1900′s, “Ski Kits”, chain-driven paddlewheels and track conversions of various configurations were appearing on various automobiles and motorcycles.

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Snowmobile coming down the Mississippi River to Hastings, Minnesota, 1910

Wisconsinites experimented with over-snow vehicles before 1900, experimenting with bicycles equipped with runners and gripping fins and even with steam-propelled sleighs. In 1914 Frank and Howard Sawyer of Jackson, Minnesota built a snowmo-cycle with skis and side-by-side seating. The rear wheel was positioned between the passengers and it was powered by a twin cylinder Excelsior motorcycle engine. Ray H. Muscott of Michigan was issued a Canadian patent for his motor sleigh – "traineau automobile" in 1915. The following year, the first United States patent for a snow-vehicle using the now recognized format of rear track(s) and front skis was issued to Ray H. Muscott of Waters, Michigan, on June 27, 1916. In 1917 Iver Holm of St. Paul, Minnesota built a similar machine powered by a four cylinder Henderson motorcycle motor. In October 1921, Charles H. Young of Norway, Maine, filed for a patent on a motor- driven sled. His machine had an endless belt on an independent rear suspended power unit and a curved front with skis for steering, forerunning Eliason and others. He received his patent on March 17, 1925. In the 1920’s numerous Model T Fords converted with rear tractor treads and skis in front. In the first races held near Three Lakes in 1926, 104 of these "snowbuggies" started. This inventiveness was not unique to North America. In Europe too, inventors were at work.


Sourced from: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9 ... f1.highres
Traineau automobile construit sur les plans de M. Legrain (vu de côté) : M. Legrain

In Russia while working for Tsar Nicholas II of Russia between 1906 and 1916, Adolphe Kégresse designed an original caterpillar tracked system, called the Kégresse track. These used a flexible belt rather than interlocking metal segments and could be fitted to a conventional car or truck to turn it into a half-track, suitable for use over soft ground, including snow. Conventional front wheels and steering were used but the wheel could be fitted with skis as seen in photo below. Kégresse applied these tracks to several cars in the Royal garage including Rolls-Royce cars and Packard trucks. Although this was not a snowmobile, it is an ancestor of the modern concept. Developments in Russia however, would play no part in the Finnish experience up until the capture of Russian aerosan's in the Winter War, where they were looked upon with some bemusement.

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A 1916 Packard Twin-6 touring car used by Tsar Nicholas II of Russia equipped with a Kégresse track system (1917).

More directly relevant to our subject, while the relatively dry snow conditions of the United States Midwest suited the converted Ford Model Ts and other similar vehicles, they were not suitable for operation in more humid snow areas, such as southern Quebec and New England. This led Joseph-Armand Bombardier of the small town of Valcourt in Quebec, Canada, to invent a different caterpillar track system suitable for all kinds of snow conditions. Before developing tracked vehicles, Joseph-Armand Bombardier had experimented with propeller driven snow vehicles (similar to the Russian aerosans) and this work with “snowplane” designs can be traced back to before 1920. However in the early 1920’s he abandoned his efforts to develop a snowplane and turned his inventive skills to tracked vehicles.

As a boy, Joseph-Armand Bombardier showed remarkable curiosity for everything mechanical, disassembling and reassembling a variety of mechanisms. At 13 years old, he manufactured one of his first mechanical toys ­ a miniature locomotive driven by a clock mechanism ­ and paints the object in great detail, showing his advanced sense of both the mechanical and aesthetic. Other mobile toys, such as tractors and boats, soon result from Joseph-Armand's fertile imagination, to the immense pleasure of his brothers, sisters, and friends. He also built a steam engine out of old sewing machine parts. With permission from his aunt Marie, he mounted the engine on her spinning wheel, and to the boy's great joy ­ and his aunt's distress ­ the experiment worked: the wheel spun faster and faster…. Joseph-Armand took great pleasure in dismantling and reassembling his father Alfred Bombardier's car motor, so to keep him away from it, Alfred gave his son an old Model T Ford motor considered "irreparable." With the help of his brother Léopold, Joseph-Armand nevertheless fixed it and soon incorporated it into a vehicle of his own design. Shortly afterwards, in the winter of 1922, at the age of 15 he made his first snow machine with the “irreparable” car engine his father had bought him.
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Sourced from: http://www.bombardiermuseum.com/en/cont ... 922P45.jpg
Steered by cotton rope and using a propeller, this was Joseph-Armand Bombardier’s first foray into snow vehicles

At age 17 he obtained his father's consent to quit college and begin an apprenticeship at Gosselins's Garage in South Stukely in the spring of 1924. He then left to work in Montreal where he took night-school courses in mechanics and electrical engineering. He also took english courses and read all the science and technology publications he could get his hands on. He returned to Valcourt in 1926 and opened his own garage at the age of 19. While working in his garage, he continued to work on snow machines over the next 10 years.
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1928 vehicle, with a metal track on the two rear wheels

Car motors were too heavy for the light vehicles he wanted to design, so in 1933 he built a lighter 45-kg motor fitted on new prototypes designed to carry one or two persons. But the new motor tended to overheat, and he returned to using car engines ­ and designing heavy vehicles. Joseph-Armand's son Yvon died of peritonitis at the age of two in the winter of 1934, when the family was unable to get him to the hospital for treatment. Urged on by the pain of his loss, Joseph-Armand increased his efforts to overcome rural isolation in winter. In 1935 he used a cogged gear wheel, the sprocket made of wood covered with rubber, to pull the track. The latter was comprised of two rubber bands connected by steel cross-links. This revolutionary sprocket wheel/track system was at long last the solution for snow travel.

Bombardier had already begun building "metal" tracked vehicles from 1928, but his new and revolutionary track traction system (a toothed wheel covered in rubber, with a rubber and cotton track that wraps around the back wheels) was his first major independent invention. Being aware of its importance and familiar with trade laws, he requested a patent from Ottawa on December 19, 1936 which was given on June 29, 1937 by the Patent Office. Rather than sell the patent to an automobile manufacturer, Bombardier decided to manufacture vehcles using his patented design. The Garage Bombardier was expanded and transformed into a production plant with the first seven production snowmobiles emerging from the new factory over the winter of 1936-37. He called this model the “B7”, the B for Bombardier and the 7 for the amount of people it could hold. Each snowmobile cost $7500. The first buyers of the B7 were country doctors and ambulance drivers but quickly expanded to retail businesses, transportation companies, mail carriers, and more


Sourced from: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/c ... rdier_(PSF).jpg
Early drawing of the Bombardier B7. These vehicles were powered by Chrysler flathead six-cylinder engines and 3-speed manual transmissions with wooden bodies.

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One of the early B7’s

Here, in 1937, we will temporarily leave Joseph-Armand Bombardier and return in time to the 1920’s, and to Carl Eliason of Sayner, Wisconsin. Carl Eliason built his first snowmobile in a small garage behind his general store over a two year period during his spare time. Carl's efforts included a lengthy train ride to Milwaukee to purchase bicycle parts required for the drive train and track assembly. The small 1924 snowmobile displayed a front mounted liquid cooled 2.5 HP outboard engine, slide rail track guides, wooden cleats, rope controlled steering skis and two-up seating located over the track. The running boards were each made of two downhill skis, neatly contoured into the belly pan. One quarter of a Ford Model T radiator was placed in the front for cooling the outboard motor. Machine operation required that the floating tracks be elevated, the engine started and revved to speed as the spinning track gained momentum. Then, the track was gently lowered to the snow surface to start the snowmobile in motion. The amount of track slippage determined the vehicle speed. He patented this design in 1927.

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Sourced from: http://www.eliason-snowmobile.com/galle ... /carl1.jpg
Modern snowmobiles are directly traceable to the original hand built 1924 Carl Eliason

Continuing development and refinement during the 15 years of production at Sayner lead to generally larger models of Motor Toboggans. As many as 40 snowmobiles were built and sold with no three being exactly alike. Trial and error refinements were important to success but the track and suspension concept was carried over on all units. Both two cylinder and four cylinder motorcycle engines were used as the snowmobiles grew to three and four-up tandem seating capacities. Eliason models of the 1930's incorporated the twin cylinder 12 HP Excelsior engine. Both the Excelsior, and the later Indian 45 CID 25 HP motors were preferred and used over the Harley-Davidson engines since they came with a single cast unit for engine and transmission. Weight, space and installation ease were important even back then. The two cylinder motorcycle engine models sold for $350 while the four cylinder version cost $550. Marketing was aimed at hunters, utility workers and outdoor winter types. The Eliason Motor Toboggan slowly became known around the world.

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Sourced from: http://www.eliason-snowmobile.com/galle ... hase1f.jpg
Four seater Eliason Motor Toboggan

Production facilities were limited, with Carl producing only eight or nine Motor Toboggans a year. In the early 1930’s, the Finnish Army evaluated the machine and placed an order for 200 units. This was beyond Eliason’s capacity. At the same time the large order convinced the Four Wheel Drive Auto Company of Clintonville to take over Eliason snowmobile production, with Carl as a prime consultant. FWD had Carl's latest Sayner design revised slightly and all related patents updated. Four different models are documented as having been built at Clintonville. The 200 unit Finnish order was shipped in 1934, but no further orders from Finland were received. The US Army later purchased 150 all white Eliason/FWD Motor Toboggans for use in the defense of Alaska.


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Sourced from: http://www.eliason-snowmobile.com/galle ... hase2k.jpg
The Eliason/FWD Motor Toboggan purchased by the Finnish Army in 1934

OTL Note: The Finnish order was real, but fell through. The US Army did indeed purchase 150 /FWD Motor Toboggans for use in the defense of Alaska.

A group of Russians also visited Clintonville's FWD plant and test drove the Motor Toboggans up and down the Pigeon River. They borrowed a machine gun from the local library, mounted it up front, and, while running the river, sprayed imaginary bullets at the river banks. The Clintonville Motor Toboggan models were designated as A, B, C and D with A being the oldest and D being the most advanced. Steering, a continuing problem, varies with all four models. The version built for Finland featured two seat backrests, a tool box aft of the second seat and a tiller steering handle with an Indian motorcycle twist grip throttle mounted over the ten gallon fuel tank. A separate vertical oil tank was attached to the engine. Shorter, improved skis were also added, a cover fitted for the exposed engine and enclosing the track assembly. Weight was about 600 pounds. An Indian 45 engine was used with a three speed transmission, giving a speed of 35 miles per hour. They came with a 91 page Manual.

In Finland, the Eliason/FWD Motor Toboggans proved a great success with Border Guard units operating throughout the country in the winter months. The motor toboggans greatly improved the mobility of the Border Guard patrols and, particularly in the Arctic, allowed greater distances to be travelled while carrying heavier loads. After only one winter in service, they proved highly popular and there was also increased interest from civilians who had seen the machines in operation. In early 1937, a small private company, Velsa Oy, was set up in Kurikka to manufacture similar machines. The “Ilves” (Lynx) proved to be highly popular, and was also sold in “kit” form. The Army placed orders for an additional 200 Motor Toboggans in mid-1937, and again early in 1938, placing the small company on a secure financial footing. Hundreds of civilian orders were also placed.

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Velsa Oy Manufacturing Plant, Kurikka, Finland, circa 1938
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Illustration for an advertisement for a Velsa Oy “Ilves” Motor Toboggan, circa 1938

In 1938, a further development took place which would prove to be of critical importance in the Winter War campaign in Lapland. This was a design change by Velsa Oy, where a rear-mounted engine was introduced. The rear powered unit had the engine weight placed directly over the track while the driver sat up front and steered small flipper skis via a steering wheel. At the same time, work was put into sound suppression for the engine to reduce the noise signature of the Motor Toboggans. While not eliminated, engine noise was significantly reduced. Prototype work was carried out very quickly indeed and by the end of 1938, a two-seat, rear-engined military model with highly steerable front-skis and a helical spring suspension was in production. The these Velsa Oy Motor Toboggans were able to tow a sled carrying significantly more equipment than a soldier on skis could carry and were rather easier to steer. In addition, a lighter engine was being used which reduced the overall weight somewhat.

An order for 500 units was placed in early 1939 after military trials had been completed. In addition, the government gave all purchasers of the Motor Toboggans a tax-break in return for registering the Motor Toboggan with the Suojeluskuntas for military use in the event of war. Civilian orders were in the high hundreds before the end of winter. With the threat of war looing every greater, the Army placed an order for an additional 500 units in mid-1939, while Suojekuskuntas units in the north of the country and in Border areas placed their own orders. By the time of the outbreak of the Winter War, some 3,000 Velsa Oy Motor Toboggans were available within the military and from civilians. An additional 1,500 of the earlier Elisasson-FWD design were also requisitioned.


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Velsa Oy Rear-engined Prototype during trials, Winter 1937

Other developments were directly related to Bombardier. In 1937, the Finnish Military Attache in Canada visited the small Bombardier workshop in Valcourt, Quebec and closely examined the Bombardier B7 and its track design. With some very limited familiarity with the Eliasson Motor Toboggan, the Military Attache sat down with Joseph-Armand Bombardier and sketched the outline of a Finnish military requirement for a machine capable of transporting troops and military supplies in snowbound operational zones. The result was a design for what would be designated the BF-Mk1, a lightly armoured tracked snowmobile capable of operating in deep snow and marshy ground while carrying 10 soldiers plus their equipment and weapons. Having already seen the mobility advantages conferred by the Motor Toboggans, and having a small team closely examine the B7, Finland placed an order for 190 of the BF-Mk1’s in late 1937, with an order for 75MkII’s following. The only significant difference was the enclosed cabin of the MkII. Both the MkI and MkII were capable of towing cargo-sleds in series, dependent on the snow conditions. The use of ice-roads also meant that significant amounts of supplies could be moved very quickly.


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Here, a group of BF-Mk 1 Armoured Snowmobiles on an arctic warfare exercise in winter 1938. The 190 BF-Mk1’s in service gave the Finnish Army a tactical advantage in the fighting in Lapland early in the Winter War
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Here, a small group of BF-MkII’s on the same exercise. Only 75 MkII’s were in service at the time of the Winter War.

Taken in total, some 4,500 Motor-Toboggans (each a 2 seater) and 265 BF-MkI and II’s were in service on the outbreak of the Winter War. On the outbreak of the Winter War, fund-raising campaigns to assist Finland would raise a large amount of money, some of which would go to the purchase of further BF-MkI machines from Bombardier. The Quebecois workforce at Valcourt, many of whom were farmers who worked their fields in summer and in the factory in winter, put in a great deal of overtime to ensure delivery of these additional machines to Finland in the shortest possible time. In this way, some 200 further MkI’s were delivered, unfortunately only arriving in April 1940, too late to be of use in the Winter War. However, a small number of civilian B7's were donated and all those B7's on hand in the plant and in dealerships were purchased and shipped to Finland, with some 50 being delivered in this way in January 1940. These machines would generally be used for the rapid movement of troops and supplies.

The mobility and logistical advantages offered by the existing machines however was significant and played a major part in the early Finnish successes in the North and in the drive to the White Sea further south.

OTL Note: In 1987 Velsa Oy was acquired by Bombardier and moved to the Lapland capital, Rovaniemi.

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