I. DEUTSCHE VOLKSPARTEI
The year 1880 marked the start of perhaps the most loathsome period of human history up to that point. The world was on the edge of a knife’s blade after the Austrians defeated their upstart rebellions, only to plunge once more into the abyss in pursuit of the revolutionaries whom were rattling their cages in Bosnia.
In the years leading up to the Great War, the ideological blocs of the Saviet Union and their moderate approach to the world revolution, and the French, whose ambitions of world revolution were far more like the Jacobins of days’ past, began to clash with each other over the ideological orthodoxy that the people of the left would adhere to.
In 1876, the Deutsche Volkspartei, a broad-tent leftist political organization, took hold, under the leadership of self-professed Radnicite-Teslaist, adhering to the political ideology of the General Secretary of the Saviet Union, and her moderate “three advancements” ideology of expanding the nation’s strength and power. They wanted to balance the advancement of technological innovation, agricultural power, and industrialism—at least in the hopes of quelling class warfare and preventing it from escalating to a point of inexcusable need for violence.
The leader of this half of the movement was Erwin Gerhard Schröder, a moderate labour leader from Hanover—and a man of middle class disposition and a decent education from one of Germany’s Universities.
The opponents of the Teslaist faction, was the Passatist faction, led by a radical, yet, in many cases, well-intentioned extremist, named Meinard Kerwer. Meinard wanted to see the dissolution of the pre-existing German states, and their unification into what he saw as a “Pan-Germanic Revolutionary State” to take a step up over France’s abilities, and to rapidly industrialize and “export the revolution in all directions to assist in the emancipation of mankind”.
Erwin, however, highlighted a more “Germany-first, Socialism-second” solution, in which he believed that socialism should be an extension of the nation, and not vice versa. Many of Erwin’s supporters became known as “National Socialists” (Nationalsozialist), while Meinard’s supporters were labeled as “Elsässer” due to their “Franco-German” ideological heritage; this was largely diminutive, and they were still often called “Deutsche-Passatistschen” in the press.
In 1878, after two years of back-and-forth between the two factions of the party, the DVP fractured into two pieces—with Erwin’s followers forming the National Socialist German Labour Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei; NSDAP), and Meinhard’s supporters forming the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Germany (Revolutionäre Sozialistische Partei Deutschlands; RSPD).
The two conflicting parties attacked each other on many issues, lending to the democratic government’s jubilance—if the leftists were divided, then they could never hope to get their heels dug in. However, the Saviet Union’s machinations to seed revolution in a covert manner were beginning to work their way north—throughout the South Slavic realms, 90% of the “leftist” revolutionary movements were subscribers to the USSR’s variant of the Communalist ideological orthodoxy.
The USSR, interested in preventing France from masterminding the creation of a German communalist state in the heart of Europe; and instead wishing to make their own ally in this method, began to draw up connections to labour leaders in the Three Germanies to seed their orthodoxy.
The NSDAP was instrumental in this, as they began to spread their word of revolution into the Kingdom of Swabia and the Kingdom of Bavaria—both of whom were intensely conservative regimes, far more than the German Confederation, which was quite liberal and moderate in its approaches to the citizenry. In an 1878 publication, the NSDAP circulated the “Basic Law for the People’s Republic of Germany” (Grundgesetz für die Volksrepublik Deutschland), in which they gave an early example of their planned reforms.
While they admonished the idea of “total representative democracy” as an “unnecessary distraction of state”, they openly embraced the idea of “all citizens working together in socialist fraternity”—explicitly mentioning that women, men, boys, girls alike, should be given a “fair chance at life”. The Article of Rights explicitly mentioned the “right to employment,” and “the right to free press,” and “the right to a home to call your own,” and outlined their plans for reforming Germany into a bastion of unorthodox liberty, without the trimmings of democracy. The Grundgesetz as well, outlined how democracy was, ultimately, unnecessary, if every cog in the state continued to roll in a line.
When the Grundgesetz was translated into English and published in the Commonwealth of Rhodesia, initial response was one of interest—the principles outlined in the document were interesting, but the premise of abolishing democracy was an unforgivable one. How could liberty exist, without the institution of democracy?
But nobody forgot the document and the certain outlines within it.
II. THE ALLIANCE SYSTEM
While Rhodesia is, by and large, excluded from the information of the world leading up to the Second Great War for good reason (neutrality, civil war, distance from European territories); the Europeans did not stop in their pursuit of one-upping their continental rivals and allies during the 19th century.
The Saviet Union, despite its communalist leanings, was completely and utterly opposed to anything other than a cordial relationship with France. Instead, in the 1870s, the Saviets and Poles signed a treaty of alliance. The Intermarine Kingdom saw the opportunity of the Saviet Union’s knife in the belly of Austria as a way to keep Austria away from Polish interests.
This odd-ball alliance was further expanded upon, including the United Kingdom and Italy. The UK had agreed to this alliance due to the lack of regard the French showed for the status quo and balance of power—attempting at every corner to usurp and undermine British power. The Italians joined into this alliance on the premise of reducing the Balkan power of the Turks and Austrians—much as the Saviet Union had intended for many years. Portugal was also a member of this alliance, largely motivated due to the high influence Britain had on their affairs.
EAST-WEST ALLIANCE
Union of Socialist Council Republics (Belgrade)
Intermarine Kingdom (Warsaw)
United Kingdom (London) + Dominions
Italian Empire (Rome)
Portugal (Lisbon)
Countering them, was the Zollverein alliance. While the Three Germanies were their own entity, Austria had a long-standing customs union with them. The Zollverein had evolved into a military alliance, largely motivated by the four countries desires to keep the various “radical powers” of Europe away from them. Swabia, Bavaria, Germany and Austria intended to preserve the status quo, and were joined by Romania, the Greek Empire, the Ottoman Empire, the Netherlands and Spain—all of whom feared the communalist powers.
ZOLLVEREIN
German Confederation (Oldenburg)
Kingdom of Swabia (Stuttgart)
Kingdom of Bavaria (München)
Austrian Empire (Vienna)
Romania (Bucharest)
Empire of the Hellenes (Athens)
Ottoman Empire (Constantinople)
Spain (Madrid)
The Netherlands (Amsterdam)
Two neutral powers in this alliance system were unexpected ones, and ones that the two alliances would spend most of their time during the war attempting to woo into joining.
III. THE NEUTRAL POWERS
The Union of Scandinavia was a neutral power—largely formed due to the growing geopolitical danse macabre that seemed to be growing more and more dangerous with the passing years. The Scandinavians were not overly fond with each other, but the Danes, Norwegians, Finns and Swedes all saw a use in banding together for the sake of keeping foreign nations from running over them with guns and warfare.
Taking shape in the early 1870s, the Union was intended to be a balanced one, with four capitals, each taking control of a major tenement of state—with whatever agreements and balances were necessary to ascertain peace and freedom between all the states of the Union.
The other neutral power—surprisingly, was Russia. The Russian Empire was prosperous, but not entirely prosperous. They were dealing with a large amount of social decay, and an unstable environment that just begged to be seeded with communalist revolutionaries. The Tsar, in all his wisdom with regards to Europe’s wars, decided to stay out of any alliances that did not directly benefit Russia’s internal position—instead focusing on the matters of settling new people East, the Jewish client state in the Central Asian region, and focusing on weakening the power of the Mongol Khanate which was making life for the Trans-Siberian Railroad difficult.
Despite attempts by both the Zollverein and the East-West Alliance to convince both powers to join, both would remain neutral throughout World War II—preferring to focus on internal measures, or on following Rhodesia’s example of bankrolling one side or the other, over sacrificing precious manpower on a war that they stood to gain little in.
IV. THE ULTIMATUM
Much to the surprise of the nations of Europe—World War II did not begin in the Balkans, where tensions between Austria and the Saviet Union had been at an all-time high—but instead, the war began with the French.
In 1880, the French issued an ultimatum to the Zollverein—surrender control of Wallonia, Luxembourg and Alsace-Lorraine, or face the revolutionary might of the people. The French reasoned that their Francophonic populations simply meant that they were destined to join the Revolution, and that any attempts to refuse this natural demand would be an act of war.
Of course, as could be expected, the Zollverein openly rejected this ultimatum, stating that they would never capitulate to communalists. France, obviously having known this would happen, all things considered, launched an invasion into Dutch Belgium, and into the Three Germanies.
What followed was an interesting one—the Austrians accused the Saviet Union of covertly supporting the French, and demanded they stop inciting revolt in Bosnia or face war. The East-West Alliance warned the Zollverein that doing so would result in a war for them as well.
After the USCR did not respond to the demands, the Bosniak Revolutionary Army destroyed an armory in Sarajevo, forcing the Austrians to put down a temporary insurrection. Outraged, the Austrians bombarded Belgrade from across the Danube, and attempted to invade from two directions, aided by Romania and Greece. Attacked on all sides, the Saviets were initially pushed back, but resolved to fight until the end.
By the fall of 1880, the entirety of Europe, save for Switzerland, Scandinavia and Russia, was at war with each other, the sounds of artillery and the march of men off to war echoing in their ears. Britain’s dominions and colonies, honor-bound to answer their motherland’s call to war, eagerly followed—except for Rhodesia.
Rhodesia, always an oddity in the British echelons of power, did not join World War II, instead issuing a statement of armed neutrality. This did not endear Southmere to London, whom felt that their wayward colony was getting a little… too wayward. Discussions began on how best to deal with this, but before Britain could possibly get around to punishing Rhodesia, other events distracted their mighty Empire from the war in Europe, and from the resistant little bastards in Southmere…