The Nullification War

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Hello all, this is my first foray into alternate history in quite a while, the other timelines being simply projects I wrote for my own personal enjoyment. I've been trying to find a way to come up with a different take on an American Balkanization and civil war without retreading the USA/CSA ground again and so we have this first installment of my new timeline. Fair warning, I'm active duty US Navy and currently deployed, so my research materials consist of intermittent internet access, whatever the ship's library has available and my own recollections and readings over the years. I have a pretty solid idea of where I want the timeline and narrative to go so I will do my best to keep updates coming in a timely and consistent manner but work schedules obviously come first. Without further ado, here we go, comments and criticisms welcomed and encouraged.

POD: The Nullification Crisis intensifies as Andrew Jackson does not repeal the Tariff of 1828, the “Tariff of Abominations” and likewise does not propose the compromise Tariff of 1832. This intransigence is fueled by his personal antipathy towards John C. Calhoun, who has returned to South Carolina and is the leading advocate of nullification and armed resistance to any coercive acts of the US government. After Calhoun’s resignation as Vice President, Jackson further proposes and Congress passes the Force Bill on March 2, 1833. Various attempts on both sides to reach some sort of compromise are forestalled until Jackson, believing that South Carolina’s actions are a clear and present danger to the continued existence of the United States, calls for 30,000 volunteers to restore South Carolina to “obedience of the federal authorities”. This action leads to the other Southern states, up till now mostly indifferent to or at most mildly sympathetic to South Carolina decrying Jackson’s actions as dictatorial and pledging their support to South Carolina should the Federal government resort to armed force. Jackson, utilizing the powers delegated through the passage of the Force Bill, refuses to engage at all with what he contemptuously refers to as “Calhoun’s Cabal”.

During the call up of volunteers the governors of several states utilize the extant state militias, with some agreeing to serve to crush what is beginning to be characterized as “the slaver’s Rebellion” while others refuse, pointing out that Federal volunteers must be paid for and equipped by the Federal government. One state which does utilize a limited call-up of militia is Pennsylvania where a charismatic and frighteningly devout John Brown initially refuses to enlist before receiving what he calls an epiphany from God and enrolls. Elected as captain of his local company, he joins the slowly growing Federal force around Washington DC in the summer of 1833.

The actual raising of volunteers leads to questions throughout the Northern and Midwestern states as the authority exercised by Jackson is questioned in several quarters. In Jackson’s home state of Tennessee the state splits into opposing armed camps, with pro-Jacksonites clashing with pro-nullification groups and leading to ever increasing bloodshed as the crisis deepens.

Increasingly the conflict shifts away from the question of the constitutionality of nullification and towards one of sectionalism and slavery. Abolitionists seize on the resistance of South Carolina and the other Southern states as an excuse to inflame anti-slavery opinion and begin to call for the Federal government to act unilaterally to stamp slavery out. This in turn leads Southerners to shift their strategy from a defense of nullification on abstract Constitutional grounds to a need for the South to unite to preserve their way of life and prevent slave insurrections and the implied massacre of Southern citizenry.

By fall 1833 three camps exist, the first, consisting of New England, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, supports Jackson’s actions and feels that military action is the only thing that will compel South Carolina and by extension the rest of the South into compliance. The second group consists of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana as well as the territories of Arkansas and Florida who increasingly see the Federal government’s call for volunteers as a direct threat to their freedoms and rights that must be met with determination and if necessary force. The third group are those states who for various reasons stand neutral, from the slave-holding states who are not as enmeshed in the nullification debate such as Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee and Missouri and the states of the Old Northwest who still believe the call for armed force is premature.

The tensions on both sides are heightened even further when Calhoun calls on the slaveholding states to send delegates to a Convention aimed at “clarifying the rights, responsibilities and limitations of the Federal powers as they exist vis a vis the individual States.” Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana agree, Maryland, Delaware and Missouri decline and Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina and Kentucky send various observers without empowering them to enter into any negotiations. Calhoun extends the invitation to the Arkansas and Florida territorial governments as well and both these send delegates.

Jackson, upon hearing this news, believes he has his chance to gather up all the “traitors” in one fell swoop. The Convention convenes in Charleston, South Carolina on November 3, 1833. Two days later, on November 5, Jackson authorizes the US Army concentrated around Washington to march South to effect the arrest of Calhoun and the delegates and transport them back to Washington for trial. He issues his Proclamation of Loyalty the same day, stating that the sole purpose of the Army’s movement is to seize Calhoun and his “cabal of treasonous swine.” He further states that the Army will not interfere with the government or institutions of any of the states it must pass through to enforce its’ edict but that any resistance by any of the states will be considered treason and a justification for armed response. The Army marches south the next day, some 15,000 strong led by Major General William Henry Harrison, recalled to duty due to his family ties to Virginia as well as his attachment to the states of the Old Northwest, both centers of moderation.

Accompanying the army south is the newly promoted Colonel of Pennsylvania militia, Colonel John Brown.
 
The move south by the US Army in early November 1833 had as its stated purpose the arrest of former Vice President John C. Calhoun and all the attendees of the States Rights Convention convened in Charleston by Calhoun. From the beginning the Army’s march was plagued by problems. First and foremost was the lack of decisiveness on the part of Major General William Henry Harrison. While Harrison was a competent officer and an able leader, he was not enthusiastic about the task he had been given by President Jackson. He thought, and with some justification, that the Army’s purpose was to defend the frontiers and to win wars, not to engage in domestic law enforcement and political disagreements. Privately, Harrison doubted that the Southern states would resort to armed force unless they were provoked. The mandated march through the south was, in Harrison’s opinion, exactly the one thing that would guarantee armed resistance at some point. Because of this belief, he did his best to control the disparate forces under his command with a heavy hand.

This strategy on Harrison’s part worked, after a fashion. The Regulars under his command responded to his discipline with professionalism. While a few Army officers and enlisted men had resigned or deserted to go back to their home states in the South, the vast majority did not think the confrontation would degenerate into actual combat and thus stayed at their posts. The various state militias for the most part also behaved well. It was the outliers from the militias however which were the source of the problems encountered on the march and which contributed directly to the degeneration of the Army’s march into open fighting. Chief among these were the contingents from Massachusetts and the rest of New England and the Pennsylvania militia commanded by Colonel John Brown.

A more unlikely figure in command could have hardly been imagined, as Brown was a messianic pastor convinced of the utter evil of slavery and total moral degeneracy of slaveholders. While he was possessed of no military education or experience, the force of his personality, almost hypnotic during the nightly prayer meetings and sermons he delivered to his command in the months leading up to the march, had succeeded in radicalizing almost all of his command into Brown’s own violently anti-Southern and abolitionist views. While the orders issued by President Jackson and carried out by General Harrison made absolutely no mention of interference with the institution of slavery and only addressed the “treasonous” Convention called by Calhoun, Brown framed the march as the triumphant progress of armies of God, moving south to free the enslaved masses from the south from cruel masters and allow them to repay in kind all the abuses they had suffered. This attitude quickly infected other regiments who came into contact with Brown and his men. The results, predictably, were chaos.

As the Army bivouacked for the night outside Culpeper, Virginia on November 15, Brown’s men spread across the countryside seeking provisions. Accounts vary on the exact sequence of events but what can be known is that locals refused to provide provender for the troops who then took what they needed by force. Locals responded to defend their homes and property, shots were fired and by the next morning Brown was on a hastily erected platform haranguing thousands of men about the “vile and unforgivable evils of slavery which surround us. Only one thing will teach the slaveholder the error of his ways and that is the gun, the sword, the torch!” At that prompting, the Massacre of Culpeper began. Militia troops, joined by some Regulars, pillaged and burned the town. Locals who tried to hastily organize and resist were blasted out by cannon fire and shot down in the streets. Civilians and noncombatants were rounded up and shot, rapes, looting and murder reigned in the streets. Most ominously, several detachments of Brown’s men took to surrounding plantations, killed the owners’ families and set the slaves free, informing them that they were now part of the Lord’s Army of Freedom. Within two days the surrounding countryside of Culpeper was aflame with violence, looting, burning plantations and farms and slave rebellion.

Harrison, upon hearing what was happening, quickly dispatched trusted Regulars to take Brown into custody and restore order to the army but to no avail. The men under Brown’s command were unwilling to let him be arrested and many of the Regulars so dispatched joined the chaos. Meanwhile, riders quickly spread the news throughout Virginia of the Federal Army’s actions. In Richmond, the governor called the House of Burgesses into special session and asked for a statewide call up of the militia to “repel the Northern invaders.” Under duress from both the Army’s actions and the specter of a slave rebellion across the whole length and breadth of the state, the legislature quickly agreed.

Nat Turner’s rebellion had only been quelled 2 years prior and the memories of that time galvanized opinion in Virginia into quick action. From a willingness to observe neutrality and in general to obey Federal law as it concerned South Carolina and nullification, the actions of the militias under Brown’s sway had turned the state away from the Federal government and towards the other Southern states now meeting in Charleston. The repercussions of this were soon felt throughout the rest of the region and indeed the nation.
 
snip ......Jackson, upon hearing this news, believes he has his chance to gather up all the “traitors” in one fell swoop. The Convention convenes in Charleston, South Carolina on November 3, 1833. Two days later, on November 5, Jackson authorizes the US Army concentrated around Washington to march South to effect the arrest of Calhoun and the delegates and transport them back to Washington for trial. He issues his Proclamation of Loyalty the same day, stating that the sole purpose of the Army’s movement is to seize Calhoun and his “cabal of treasonous swine.” He further states that the Army will not interfere with the government or institutions of any of the states it must pass through to enforce its’ edict but that any resistance by any of the states will be considered treason and a justification for armed response. The Army marches south the next day, some 15,000 strong led by Major General William Henry Harrison, recalled to duty due to his family ties to Virginia as well as his attachment to the states of the Old Northwest, both centers of moderation.

Accompanying the army south is the newly promoted Colonel of Pennsylvania militia, Colonel John Brown.
Given how bad army logistics were in those days, having an army cross your state would be like a swarm of locusts as they tend to "live off the land".
 
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snip

Harrison, upon hearing what was happening, quickly dispatched trusted Regulars to take Brown into custody and restore order to the army but to no avail. The men under Brown’s command were unwilling to let him be arrested and many of the Regulars so dispatched joined the chaos. Meanwhile, riders quickly spread the news throughout Virginia of the Federal Army’s actions. In Richmond, the governor called the House of Burgesses into special session and asked for a statewide call up of the militia to “repel the Northern invaders.” Under duress from both the Army’s actions and the specter of a slave rebellion across the whole length and breadth of the state, the legislature quickly agreed.

Nat Turner’s rebellion had only been quelled 2 years prior and the memories of that time galvanized opinion in Virginia into quick action. From a willingness to observe neutrality and in general to obey Federal law as it concerned South Carolina and nullification, the actions of the militias under Brown’s sway had turned the state away from the Federal government and towards the other Southern states now meeting in Charleston. The repercussions of this were soon felt throughout the rest of the region and indeed the nation.
They should have moved the troops by sea and river and got the navy to do the job or at least transport them and supply them.
 
They should have moved the troops by sea and river and got the navy to do the job or at least transport them and supply them.
Agreed, it would have made the most sense logistically but I went with the overland route for a few reasons. First, Jackson wants to make his point about the Federal government's authority so sends the Army overland to overawe the remaining Southern states. Secondly, he believes that having Federal forces on the ground and present will prevent any other states joining with South Carolina. Thirdly, it fulfills the requirements of the narrative by forcing those Upper South states who would otherwise not be as invested in a fight over nullification feel they have to fight alongside the Deep South if they don't want to be subjected to Jackson's creeping "Imperial" system. Future updates will expand and clarify. Appreciate the feedback.
 
Agreed, it would have made the most sense logistically but I went with the overland route for a few reasons. First, Jackson wants to make his point about the Federal government's authority so sends the Army overland to overawe the remaining Southern states. Secondly, he believes that having Federal forces on the ground and present will prevent any other states joining with South Carolina. Thirdly, it fulfills the requirements of the narrative by forcing those Upper South states who would otherwise not be as invested in a fight over nullification feel they have to fight alongside the Deep South if they don't want to be subjected to Jackson's creeping "Imperial" system. Future updates will expand and clarify. Appreciate the feedback.
Indeed.
Looks like Jackson is going to be given a lesson in the Law of unintended but foreseeable consequences.
I used to live a mile or two from this plaque in Co.Antrim in Ireland.
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The Governor of Virginia, John Floyd, was an old ally of John C. Calhoun, having been selected by the South Carolinian to run as the candidate for the short lived Nullifier Party in the Presidential election of 1832. Though Floyd did not run, and in fact supported Calhoun for the presidency, the two men remained friends when they rejoined the Democratic Party following the election and kept up their correspondence throughout the crisis brought on by Jackson’s refusal to repeal the Tariff of 1828. Though Floyd was an ardent believer in states’ rights, he also was a proponent of gradual emancipation of the slaves, seeing in the institution the seeds which, left unchecked, could lead to the destruction of Virginia, the South and the United States.

In the days following the massacre at Culpeper, all these things seemed to be coming true.

After the news of the massacre Floyd led the push for the House of Burgesses to call out the state’s militia for a period of 90 days. Though he was not in favor of beginning any offensive actions against the US Army at this point, he was unwilling to allow any more offensive actions to be taken against the citizens of his State, and made a point of informing the legislature that any further movements south by the Army would be met by the militia and resisted with all the power at the disposal of the state of Virginia. Further, in the fevered atmosphere of the special session, Floyd recommended and approved the selection of delegates to be sent to Charleston to join the convention of states already in session under Calhoun’s leadership.

These first actions were seen to be in response to the movements south by the US Army and as a direct response to the sack of Culpeper. The second, and to many more pressing issue was the mass freeing of slaves, the murder of their owners and families and the arming of said slaves against the people of the state. Rumors ran wild in Virginia of masses of armed slaves swarming south, east and west with murder and rapine on their mind and weapons in their hands and this existential threat to the way of life of these leading citizens led to drastic actions. In addition to the authorization of the militia to resist any further moves by US forces, it was further moved and enacted that any groups of Negroes found under arms would immediately be treated as rebels and would be arrested and executed without trial. If any resistance was offered the use of whatever force necessary to stop them was authorized, with some impassioned speakers even calling for mass arrests and executions of all Negroes in the affected areas regardless of culpability. Governor Floyd did his best to temper such excesses but he was largely unsuccessful, to the woe of those caught between the US Army and the rapidly coalescing Virginian militia.

As word of what had happened in Virginia spread to other Southern and slave-holding states the reactions were quick and predictable. Maryland and Delaware quickly declared their neutrality in the conflict between the Federal government and the Southern states in convention as did Kentucky. All three of these states likewise called up their militia and promised to resist forces of either side who attempted to breach their borders. North Carolina, caught between wounded Virginia and hotheaded South Carolina, succumbed to the force of events and likewise sent delegates of Charleston on November 22 as well as calling out the militia. Missouri promptly descended into disorder, the pro-slavery and Free Soil settlers of the state taking matters into their own hands. What began as vituperative public and private debate quickly degenerated into armed conflict as Southern and Northern settlers set at one another with a will, each determined to take control of the whole state apparatus for their particular side.

Tennessee was a special case. Home of President Jackson, many in the state still thought of Old Hickory as the ‘Hero’ the victor of New Orleans who had single handedly rescued the War of 1812 from defeat to, if not victory, at least a face-saving draw. Jackson’s support throughout the state was broad, crossing all classes of society and many felt honor bound to support him and his actions against South Carolina and the Nullifiers.

And yet….

Jackson had his enemies in Tennessee as well, and not just a few. Many pointed to his famous volcanic temper and his equally famous imperiousness and high handed manner and placed the blame for the current crisis on his refusal to seek compromise or conciliation when he felt his personal honor had been impugned. Indeed, the whole root of his violent antipathy to John C. Calhoun stemmed from Calhoun’s wife's refusal to accept Mrs. Jackson into polite society in Washington D.C. From such a domestic and seemingly insignificant issue, Jackson had taken offense on his wife’s behalf as a point of honor and would never forgive Mrs. Calhoun and by extension her husband for insulting his wife, whom he loved truly and deeply. Jackson’s detractors, who had already dubbed him “King Andrew the First” for his sometimes dictatorial manner, saw the refusal of Jackson to compromise on the Tariff with the addition of his sponsorship of the Force Bill as the actions of a man tired of being merely President and who would rather be King instead.

The presence of these two opposite camps within Tennessee served two purposes, to paralyze the state government from supporting either Jackson or the Nullifiers and to start an internal private war between the two camps just as in Missouri but with much greater repercussions. Federal law no longer applied in the state as competing state officials sought to bring the state fully onto one side or the other.

When the word of Culpeper arrived in Charleston, along with the news that delegates from Virginia and North Carolina were en route, Calhoun knew that prompt action was necessary before the tide of events swept things beyond his control. He rose on the night of November 29 and gave the most important speech he had ever given in a political career filled with great speeches. He began by pointing out the Constitutional nature of his and South Carolina’s complaint about the Tariff of 1828, cited the many ways South Carolina had attempted to redress the wrong within the framework of the Federal government, listed the ways the Federal government had offended, insulted and damaged South Carolina and gave an impassioned oration on his love for the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the pillars of American law and justice. In his conclusion, however, he set the course of American history irrevocably on a new path when he uttered:

“I conclude this evening, however, saddened by the actions of those in power in Washington City, who have forgotten that they are not monarchs given over to rule by the Divine Will of Providence but instead citizens, chosen by their fellow citizens to exercise a limited and specific authority for a set period of time. Those who have, further, forgotten that as individual States we are not mere provinces of some Oriental empire but sovereign entities with all the duties and rights of independent nations. With that in mind, and given that, far from seeking a dialogue with us to redress our just and legitimate grievances the Tyrant in the White House has instead seen fit to loose an Army against us, an Army which has descended into barbarity not seen since the days of the Hunnic invasion of the Roman Empire we as citizens of free and sovereign States do hereby renounce our membership in a corrupt and corrupting United States and seek our own destiny among the family of nations.”

The applause lasted for ten minutes as the statesman took a humble vow and sat. Immediately after the applause had subsided the delegates from South Carolina stood and moved that the Convention should immediately form a new government, with all the powers attendant upon such a body, that the several states assembled should call their militias, enroll them in national service and march to the aid of “bleeding Virginia”. Carried away by the emotion of the moment, the fiery rhetoric of Calhoun, and the rapidly circulating illustrated pamphlets of the Massacre of Culpeper quickly produced by Calhoun’s backers the delegates voted overwhelming to accept South Carolina’s proposal.

In the early morning hours of November 30, 1833 in Charleston, South Carolina, the Southern Federation was born.
 
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Huh, I had no idea such a thing existed, that's cool.
A lot of US President had roots in Ulster, Ireland
The below is beside when my late uncle lived in Dublin.

Washington Memorial Tower, Belcamp Hall, Malahide Road, BELCAMP,​

Detached two-stage square-plan memorial, built 1778, with corner towers and crenellated parapet. Date given on plaque with inscription 'Washington memorial tower built by Edw. Newenham in 1778 in honour of American Independence restored 1984'. WALLS: Red brick partly rendered; rough cast render. OPENINGS: Pointed arched openings with random stone surrounds.al bars.
 
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Interesting, I know that a lot of the settlers in the Southern states and particularly in the Appalachians were Scots-Irish, I just wasn't aware Jackson's family in particular was from the region. Ironically enough, Jackson was also born in South Carolina (though the exact spot is disputed) so in a sense in this imagined world he's trying to invade his own home state, though he didn't live there for very long.

Up next, the state of things in Kentucky and Henry Clay's reaction to the building crisis.
 
Henry Clay was not a happy man.

Justifiably thought of as one of the main statesmen produced by the United States in its’ short history, Clay was a master legislator and leading architect and advocate of his own idea on how to unite the nation in the so-called ‘American System’. This economic plan called for high tariffs that would then be used to construct internal improvements throughout the nation to facilitate trade, communication and industrial development as well as the establishment of a national bank. Clay also was one of the main proponents and main architect of the Missouri Compromise of 1820 which served to defuse sectional tensions over the balance of free and slave states.

The main opponents of the American System, the Democrats, had found their latest expression in the presidency of Andrew Jackson, a man who had defeated Clay for the Presidency in both 1828 and 1832 and who had further earned Clay’s animus by scuttling Clay’s plans for a compromise tariff to replace the Tariff of 1828, the beginning of the problems which had led to the current crisis. As November came to an end and December began, Clay still remained in Washington D.C. while he tried to put his finger on the pulse of events to decide what his course of action should be.

While he was no advocate of nullification or secession per se, he did think that compromise was the art of the attainable and that Jackson had foolishly let his own personal prejudices taint his judgement in the debates over nullification and the Tariff. Clay saw Jackson as an essentially naïve and uneducated country bumpkin who coupled his ignorance with pigheadedness and an unpredictable and volatile temper. In short, as 1833 drew to a close Henry Clay thought that Andrew Jackson was the most dangerous man in the Union and that his blundering would shatter the nation Clay had spent so much of his lifetime trying to build.

The situation in Clay’s adopted home state of Kentucky mirrored the views of its’ most famous son as those who supported nullification debated those who thought that the Federal government was within its’ rights when it demanded that South Carolina cease its’ agitation over the issue and submit to federal law. Moreover, Kentucky was a slave state and the natural sympathies of those who had economic and cultural ties to the other Southern states did much to sway those undecided that South Carolina and the other states were in the right. Likewise, the news of the slave revolts spreading across northern Virginia and worryingly also to eastern Maryland in the wake of Colonel John Brown’s actions solidified the majority of public opinion behind Calhoun and the nullifiers. The announcement of the content of Calhoun’s speech of November 29th and the formation of the Southern Federation on the 30th struck the state like a thunderbolt and while some opinions were changed the more prominent result was that those who had already picked a camp closed themselves off to the idea of compromise.

Broadly speaking, the state was two-thirds behind Calhoun and the newly established Federation and one third opposed. The precipitate federal actions taken by Jackson and the unintended consequences brought about by John Brown served to sway those who would have otherwise been undecided or would have supported the Federal government had it not appeared that Jackson’s actions had directly led to the slave revolts. With his network of friends and allies across the state feeding him constant updates as to the mood of Kentucky’s citizens, Clay sought the course of action which would be best for him personally and for the United States secondly.

While he was pondering which way to go and attempting to build some sort of consensus in Washington which could effect a compromise between the two opposing sides, events soon overtook his intentions. On December 3rd General Harrison finally succeeded in having John Brown arrested, stripped of his rank and placed under military guard by Regular troops. The general then gathered his forces and moved south, slamming headlong into a blocking force of Virginia militiamen 15 miles southwest of Culpeper on December 5th. The US forces numbered some 12,000, whittled down from straggling, Harrison’s attempt to contain the armed bands of slaves now roaming the countryside and the desertion of a large part of the militia who had been loyal to Brown and who believed the Pennsylvanian’s words that the whole point of the movement into Virginia was to end the slave power in the United States. The Virginia militia mustered some 4,500 and while they stood bravely in attempting to block Harrison were swept from the field after a short but bloody battle which saw some 200 Virginian casualties as against roughly 120 Federals. This relatively minor engagement was in fact more pivotal than it seemed for it showed that both sides were willing to fight and willing to take and inflict casualties. Harrison, pausing to regroup after the unexpected battle was further detained by the steadily worsening weather of winter while the withdrawing Virginians fell back and were joined by another 4,000 hastily mustered and ill-equipped militiamen.

This first spillage of blood between armed forces of the Federal government and one of its’ states totally changed the tenor of the crisis, with moderates on both sides now abandoning any pretense of possible compromise and realizing that a war which had seemed so remote and unthinkable only 2 years before was now at hand. In Washington, the remaining legislators of states which had formed the Southern Federation who had not already left the capital on word of the Federation’s formation left for their homes on December 7th, only just avoiding Army units sent to arrest them by an enraged Jackson. Clay, seeing the writing on the wall and knowing just how much Jackson loathed him, a feeling he fully reciprocated, slipped out of the capital on December 8th and headed home to Kentucky. While his state still wavered, Clay had come to a decision as to what his course of action was going to be.

He had twice now failed of the Presidency of the United States. Now, perhaps, was a chance for him to gain the highest office he so earnestly sought…in a new nation of his own design.
 
Looks like the USA is heading for a messy breakup.
How many parts it breaks into remains to be seen.
 
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As fall faded to winter in the year 1833 the Army sent south by Jackson went into winter quarters near the site of its’ victory over the Virginia militia at Culpeper. To the south of US forces, the militiamen who had responded to Governor Floyd’s call-up likewise went into winter quarters under the command of General John Tyler, a purely political appointee recently given a commission by the Governor to command the armed forces of Virginia in the field. Throughout the winter, despite the weather, the Virginian forces continued to grow as more and more of the militia came in and were dispatched north. US forces were reinforced as well as New England, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania responded to Jackson’s call for a further 20,000 volunteers to quell what he now openly referred to as a rebellion. Outside the Northeastern states, in those states carved from the Old Northwest Territory, response to Jackson’s call was somewhat more subdued as many of the settlers of said states were Southerners and in many cases the populace felt somewhat disconnected from the issues involved. Local issues, such as residual fears of Indian raids from the still sparsely settled Wisconsin and Minnesota territories as well as concerns over the increasingly centralizing tendencies of the Jackson presidency kept Ohio, Indiana and Illinois from responding to Jackson’s call as quickly as the Northeast had.

Still, by late January the US Army has gathered together roughly 30,000 men in addition to the approximately 12,000 encamped in Virginia for the winter. After the debacle encountered in Virginia Jackson determined to use the US Navy to transport an army to the south and land directly on the South Carolina coast, thence to march on Charleston to cut the head off the nascent and unrecognized Southern Federation. The problem of transport for an army of 18,000, the number decided upon by the War Department, was acute but not insurmountable. The bigger problem was the paucity of warships available to accompany the transports, cover their landing and provide fire support in the very likely event that the planned landing would be contested. Naval planners worked with their Army counterparts to try and come up with a workable plan as winter deepened into February.

By this time, another problem for Jackson had reared its’ head, apart from the continuing neutrality of some states, the lukewarm support for his war among significant portions of the country and the public relations disaster of John Brown and the tempest he had ignited with his actions. Several officers from both the Army and the Navy had resigned their commissions to return to their home states the vast majority, though not all, from those states which had formed the Southern Federation and Virginia. Many of those from the Border States and the Midwest likewise found themselves uncomfortable with the roles they were being asked to play in Jackson’s war and quietly resigned and went home, in many cases offering their services in the armed forces of their home states. This led to a slow but steady loss of operational ability in the professional Army which could be only filled by militia and volunteer officers which were of mixed quality. The practice of allowing volunteers and militia to elect their own officers led to many positions being held by men who were rich, popular, locally prominent or powerful but not necessarily suited for command. In fairness this problem was also encountered by the Southern Federation and Virginia and indeed by all the combatant forces which would eventually be formed and serve in the war.

In the Southern Federation many of the same debates were going on as were occurring in the United States. Calhoun had been chosen Provisional Consul of the Federation by the same convention which had voted for secession and had moved to centralize his position, form a legislature and government and to raise military forces for the Federation’s defense. The late arrival of delegates from Virginia and North Carolina highlighted one of the problems confronted by Calhoun and his new government. Virginia, while willing to fight US forces on her own soil and bolstered by the personal friendship between Governor Floyd and Calhoun, was not ready to commit itself to membership in the Federation. During Floyd’s run for the US presidency in 1832 the only electoral votes he had received were South Carolina’s 11, meaning he had not even won his home state. Virginians were Southerners and slaveholders and felt an affinity for South Carolina but the issue of nullification which had begun the whole war was not one which the majority of their population felt passionately enough about to fight for. Virginia was fighting for self-defense, to prevent the imposition of an overly centralized and autocratic government and to prevent any interference with slavery, not for nullification. For these reasons Virginia signed a treaty of alliance with the Federation on December 19th, 1833 but would not apply for membership in the Federation. This disappointed Calhoun bitterly who thought that with Virginia’s population and resources at his command he could end the war in Washington in 1834 and dictate a peace entirely on his terms. It was not, however, to be.

North Carolina, however, after sometimes rancorous debate did apply for membership into the Federation and was accepted on December 27th, along with the Florida and Arkansas Territories who had been part of the Convention from the beginning. To gain their membership the delegates of the two former US territories had insisted that Calhoun admit them both as full-fledged States and he had reluctantly agreed. The necessity for united action if the Federation were to resist the full power of the Northeast and Northwest gave the usually implacable Carolinian reason enough to accede to this request.

The question of an army for the Federation Calhoun solved by the same expedient as Jackson, calling on the several states to call out their militia and pledge a certain percentage to Federation control to serve as volunteers under central government control. The Consul’s original plans of using the militias as wholly volunteer units without recourse to a standing army was one which he held to very dearly as a lifelong proponent of States Rights and lifelong opponent of excessive centralization. More prescient men, however, were able to gain Calhoun’s ear and bring him around to the view that the new nation would not be able to stand against the professional forces of the US Army, diluted though they would likewise be by volunteers and militia, without a regular force of their own. In consequence of this one of Calhoun’s first actions after the new year of 1834 dawned was to establish an Army and Navy of the Southern Federation with an establishment strength for the Army of 25,000, with 17,000 to be infantry, 5,000 cavalry and 3,000 to form an artillery corps. The Navy was empowered to accept any vessels offered by the various state fleets and navies which were in existence as well as allocated funds with which to purchase ships and recruit ratings. Volunteers to man the new professional forces were asked for while simultaneously the returning former US Army and Navy officers were taken in by their home states and offered commissions in the services which were rapidly forming.

In Virginia Governor Floyd was doing much the same, scrambling to forge an army from the several county militias now coming under state control and empowering the sitting legislature to take on the duties of building a nation. The Army of Virginia was officially formed on December 21st with the Navy following on the 23rd. The treaty of alliance with the Federation was formally enacted on the 23rd as well and the two states exchanged diplomatic representatives on January 5th. Planning for joint prosecution of the war was begun in a halting manner as Federation forces were not yet in existence in large enough numbers to be dispatched north.

During all these moves, diplomatic, political and military, the escape of John Brown from US Army custody on January 11th aided by elements of his disbanded militia and several score armed and freed slaves added another dimension to a situation now out of control and headed in directions unforeseen by any of the principal actors when the crisis began.
 
This does seem to be what is going to happen.

Helmuth von Moltke, the elder of the two notable Generals von Moltke and who made his fame in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871, is noted for allegedly describing the American Civil War as nothing but “two armed-mobs” running around the countryside and beating each other up, from which very little of military utility could be learned. https://gettysburgcompiler.org/2015/01/05/a-prussian-observes-the-american-civil-war/

 
This does seem to be what is going to happen.

Indeed, it's a feature of the American system that has always interested me, a lot of manpower (theoretically) available for mobilization but with wildly varying degrees of equipment, proficiency and leadership, as well as being subject to state control. I see the principal combatants being aware of that and seeing the advantages of a professional force but the popular myth of the Revolutionary War having been won by the sturdy Minutemen against the professional Redcoats will still take a while to be debunked.
 
Indeed, it's a feature of the American system that has always interested me, a lot of manpower (theoretically) available for mobilization but with wildly varying degrees of equipment, proficiency and leadership, as well as being subject to state control. I see the principal combatants being aware of that and seeing the advantages of a professional force but the popular myth of the Revolutionary War having been won by the sturdy Minutemen against the professional Redcoats will still take a while to be debunked.
Indeed.
In a conventional fight at the time, you need a professional army.
Unconventional warfare and hit-and-run tactics is a different matter. Those tactics do not win wars. They wear the enemy down until they decide to go home. There is a big price to be paid for that kind of war on civilians.
 
You're right of course, although wearing the enemy out until they decide to go home can win a war it's usually a much longer and messier proposition. I kind of see the 1830's as a midpoint for that, there's enough population in all the warring parties to support standing armies but still enough open space and sparse settlements to allow irregulars to affect the outcome as well.
 
You're right of course, although wearing the enemy out until they decide to go home can win a war it's usually a much longer and messier proposition. I kind of see the 1830's as a midpoint for that, there's enough population in all the warring parties to support standing armies but still enough open space and sparse settlements to allow irregulars to affect the outcome as well.
Unconventional forces lack the high explosives they would have in 50 or more years later. This means IEDs are not as effective. Damaging rails is not as useful due to the lack of railways. The lack of repeating rifles limits the firepower in ambushes. For rapid fire in an ambush, arrows would be better.
 
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