In fact, does the French leadership intend to address the problem of the low French birth rate?
I mean their main priority before the Empress came out of the coma was surviving

It will be adressed in future chapters as the international situation slowly develops
 
A powerful throuple
"As paradoxical as it may seem, the three most powerful people in France at this moment are a Spanish empress, an Italian noblewoman and a Polish minister." - Henry Wellesley, British ambassador to France, in a letter to Prime Minister Bethell (07/02/1859)


Excerpt from The Illiberal Empire: France in the Second Half of the 19th Century by Martin Brown

Besides trying not to become addicted to opium and other drugs because of the constant pain, Eugenie's main priority was to hide the severity of her new disabilities. The Empress was willing to admit the loss of her right eye, but not that of the use of her legs.

Not only was the monarch too proud to do so, but she feared that the paralysis would weaken her political position in the Second Empire. The regent therefore sought to hide the fact that she needed a wheelchair as a result of the assassination attempt.

The problem was partly solved through widespread censorship. Beginning in 1859, only a small group of people were allowed to see the Empress up close.

Eugenie accepted to meet her ministers or foreign diplomats only inside the imperial palace, letting them into her offices while she was seated in a regular chair, with her wheelchair tucked away for the duration of the meeting.

Any attempt to discuss or photograph the Empress' new physical condition was also hindered by the Ministry of Police and often punished with the confiscation of property or a one-way trip to Devil's Island in French Guiana.

The Empress's ladies-in-waiting also played a fundamental role in the new life of the monarch. On the occasions when Eugenie decided to wander around the gardens of the palace or had to go outside its walls, the ladies had to sorround her on all sides to prevent strangers from seeing the wheelchair.
Some of them also took on the role of the empress' legs during various pubblic occasions. Thanks to the application of two metal braces applied to the legs of Eugenie and cleverly hidden under her skirt, the regent could pretend to walk by leaning on one of her ladies with her left arm and on a stick with her right one.

Maria Anna Walewski soon became the Empress' favorite “legs”, thanks to her surprising physical strength and the close friendship that had existed between the two nobles already before 1858.

The renewed closeness with the regent was therefore fundamental for the social rise of Anna Walewski and her family. Not only did his children become regular guests of the imperial palace but the Lazian noblewoman also became an important mediator between her husband and the monarch during the crises of the following years.


Excerpt from Blood and Iron: the history of Europe in the second half of the 19th century by Edward Connors

Spain unexpectedly became a notable source of tension between empress Eugenie and Alexandre Walewski.

The regent of France wanted to assist her native country economically and politically in the hope of legitimizing the Napoleonic dynasty internationally through good relations with the Bourbons of Spain.
In contrast, Walewski had an unflattering opinion of the Spanish kingdom. According to the Foreign Minister, Spain was “An annoying ulcer, forgotten by God and men” and any economic or military aid to Madrid was a useless waste.

The disagreements between the two reached such levels that many members of the court were convinced Walewski would be ousted from the government by the end of February.

As usual, the crisis was averted thanks to the intervention of Walewski's wife. Practically running non-stop from her husband's office to the empress's rooms and vice versa, Anna Maria managed to stop the clash between the two even before it could even begin.

Eventually, Spain did obtain the necessary funds for the modernization of its fleet and political support for its ambitions in Morocco. However, Paris made it clear that in case of conflict with London or Washington, Spain would not receive any help. And obviously Madrid had to open its ports in Europe and in the colonies to French ships in exchange for the aid.

Isabella II of Bourbon readily accepted the conditions of the Second Empire. After all, neither Chile nor Bolivia were part of the British Empire or the United States.

Excerpt from The Polish Bastard: How Walewski Changed Europe by Francisco Diaz

In spite of Walewski's questionable reputation and dubious paternity, it was increasingly clear that Empress Eugenie favored the minister over his collegues due to his ruthleness and apparent devotion to the imperial family.

This became evident with Achilles Fould's political defeat in May 1859, when the politician was sent to Egypt to discuss the construction of the Suez Canal.[1]
Although on paper it seemed like a prestigious role, in reality the visit entailed his removal from the political center of the Second Empire for at least three months.

Worse yet, Fould had no freedom of action. The agreements for the construction of the canal had already been discussed by Ferdinand de Lesseps and prince Ahmad Rifaat Pasha and approved by Empress Eugenie via telegram the previous week.

The Prime Minister then only had to sign a series of documents and supervise the start of construction works. Meanwhile, its institutional roles in France would have been assummed by Walewski and the other ministers.


Excerpt from The Industrial Revolution and its consequences by Henry Ford

Hiding the Empress's new physical condition wasn’t enough for the government of the Second Empire. It was also necessary to reassure the French people of the optimal physical condition of the woman. The field of photography offered the perfect solution. The Empress could pose as if she was still able to stand on her own and the photos could be spread throughout France and Europe.

Under the promise of lavish rewards, Joseph Plateau, Antoine Claudet, Niépce de Saint -Victor and other photography experts agreed to move to Paris to enter in the service of the Empress.

An unexpected effect of this policy was the transformation of Paris into the European capital of photography. Eager to imitate the new fashion created by the Empress, French high society in turn began to hire photographers and finance their experiments and laboratories.

Photography soon replaced painting as the favored medium of French nobles to represent the wealth and businesses of their families.

The new French love for photography also laid the foundation for the future creation of the Lumiens.[2]

Fascinated by the possibility of being able to show their movements in photographs, the wealthy French also began to finance Antoine Claudet's experiments with stereoscopes, mirrors and photos It would take Claudet and his successors almost twenty years to obtain the desired results, but their experiments were ultimately successful.

The first Lumien “Soldiers marching to victory” was shown in Paris on January 7, 1875.



[1] OTL Napoleon III was hesitant to support the project for years out of fear of alienating the British, in spite of Eugenie’s support for the project. ITTL she is in charge of France and she doesn’t have great opinion of England.

[2] From the French "lumières mobiles"("moving lights"), aka the name of the films in this TL.
 
American Troubles
Excerpt from Before the Storm: the United States between 1856 and 1863 by William Howard Taft

Once they left Europe, the first priority of the so-called "refugees of 1858" was to find a new nation in which to take refuge. Many of them chose almost immediately to travel to the United States. The nation was a popular destination because of the many immigrant communities already present in New York and other American states. Many members of these communities were also veterans of the 1848 revolutions who were willing to welcome the new European exiles.

The initial lack of real immigration laws (as long as the immigrants were white) also facilitated the arrival of many of the European revolutionaries.

The problems began almost immediately. Many Southern governors were furious at the arrival of so many Catholics and numerous riots broke out in New York itself at the hands of various extremists.

The real problems began when some of the revolutionaries became interested in the issue of slavery in the Southern states. Like the revolutionaries of 1848 and many citizens of the Northern states, the refugees of 1858 considered slavery to be barbaric. However, the newcomers were distinguished by their radicalism as they were firmly convinced that slavery had to be destroyed as soon as possible or they would be forced into exile once again.

It was for this reason that Istvan Turr, a veteran of the Hungarian Revolution and Garibaldi's comrade-in-arms, headed for Kansas.

Excerpt from The Unstoppable Rage of John Brown by Thomas Woodrow Wilson

Under normal circumstances, the meeting between Turr and Brown would have been impossible. The former was a Hungarian republican and a follower of Mazzini's anticlericalism, while the latter was a man perhaps a bit insane, convinced that God had chosen him to destroy the sin of slavery.

However, what was happening in Kansas was certainly not a normal circumstance. For more than two years the state had been dilaniated by armed clashes between Northern abolitionists and Southern slaveholders, intent on influencing the constitution of the new state in their favor.

Brown was already infamous among abolitionists and slaveholders alike for having killed five slave hunters and for trying unsuccessfully to defend the abolitionist community of Palmyra from a siege two years earlier. Perhaps it was Brown's fame and Frederick Douglas's recommendations that prompted Turr to travel to Kansas to seek him out.

According to Watson Brown, his father considered the arrival of Turr and a dozen other men a genuine divine sign. According to legend, John Brown announced Turr's arrival with "A Catholic has seen divine enlightenment as I have. Perhaps now all men will unite in the fight against the worst sin." For his part, Turr was less impressed with Brown's plans ("It would be a pity to lose such a peculiar man in such a stupid plan." was one of his laconic comments after his first meeting with Brown).

In fact, Turr suspected that the death of one of his sons and the destruction of Palmyra were subconsciously driving Brown to suicide.

What was happening in Europe eventually deterred Brown from pursuing his plan to assault a federal arsenal in Virginia. After all, Orsini's actions had not ended the Bonapartist monarchy but only worsened the situation throughout Europe. In contrast, Brown went along with Turr's requests to adopt a perhaps more prudent but more effective strategy. There were many revolutionaries in the North willing to follow them and even more slaves in the South were ready to fight or die in order to escape their living Hell.

It took several months before all the men and weapons were found, but toward the end of 1859 the death by a thousand cuts of the Southern states began.

Excerpt from Too far from God, too close to the United States: Mexico in the 19th century by Juan Castro

The events in Europe had unexpected consequences in both the United States and Mexico. Unlike President Buchanan, Mexican President Benito Juarez, however, knew full well what would have happened once the refugees of 1858 reached Mexico.Indeed Juarez needed the revolutionary fervor of the various European refugees.

For almost a year Suarez and his government had been fighting Felix Zuloaga and other conservatives, intent on abolishing the recent territorial and economic reforms. While Zuloaga could count on partial support from the French government, Juarez desperately needed means and men to win the civil war. The United States and England were willing to finance his war effort but not to send soldiers in his support.

The arrival of several European revolutionaries represented the perfect opportunity for Juarez. Many of them were veterans or at least already possessed some military experience.

The Juarez government began working day and night to attract the highest number possible of European veterans to Mexico. Minimizing Juarez's own authoritarian tendencies, the Mexican government began comparing Zuloaga and his allies to the absolutist regimes that had forced the various European revolutionaries into exile.

José María Mata, Mexican ambassador to the United States, became a regular visitor to New York at whose ports the many ships from Europe continued to land. The various European refugees were often drafted into the Mexican army as soon as they landed on American soil.

Although this enlistment strategy was criticized by some of Juarez's generals, the arrival of many new volunteers definitely improved the Mexican government's war situation. By the end of the year Zuloaga's forces were forced to abandon many of the territories they held, while some conservatives already began to plan their escape to the United States or Europe.

Excerpt from British Imperialism in the 19th Century by Philip Churchill

Besides the disastrous support for the Taiping, the only other significant event of Prime Minister Bethell's government was his reaction to the construction of the Suez Canal. In fact, the Prime Minister considered the creation of a direct link between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean Sea a threat to British interests.

Egypt was not part of the British sphere of influence and diplomatic relations between England and France had never been particularly peaceful. Bethell therefore suspected that construction of the canal would facilitate a French invasion of British India or at least undermine Lonon's growing influence in the Ottoman Empire and East Africa.

At first, the British government offered to finance the project in exchange for partial control of the Suez Canal Company, obtaining only polite but firm refusals from the Egyptian authorities.

The only other option for the British government then was to strengthen the Cape Route and seek new local allies along the Red Sea coast.

Over the following decades, Bethell's decision would have a significant impact in the Cape Federation, the Sultanate of Zanzibar and even Australia. However, the most immediate effect was felt in South America, specifically in the small stretch of land near the Strait of Magellan.

Although both Chile and Argentina had already claimed the whole of Patagonia as part of their territory, the British Empire in turn decided to colonize part of the desert region to ensure its absolute control of the Cape Route. Thus, one of Bethell's last polical initiatives was to send British ships and settlers to Tierra del Fuego and to build new ports in the Falkland Islands in preparation for the creation of a new British colony.
 

Ramontxo

Donor
Excerpt from Before the Storm: the United States between 1856 and 1863 by William Howard Taft

Once they left Europe, the first priority of the so-called "refugees of 1858" was to find a new nation in which to take refuge. Many of them chose almost immediately to travel to the United States. The nation was a popular destination because of the many immigrant communities already present in New York and other American states. Many members of these communities were also veterans of the 1848 revolutions who were willing to welcome the new European exiles.

The initial lack of real immigration laws (as long as the immigrants were white) also facilitated the arrival of many of the European revolutionaries.

The problems began almost immediately. Many Southern governors were furious at the arrival of so many Catholics and numerous riots broke out in New York itself at the hands of various extremists.

The real problems began when some of the revolutionaries became interested in the issue of slavery in the Southern states. Like the revolutionaries of 1848 and many citizens of the Northern states, the refugees of 1858 considered slavery to be barbaric. However, the newcomers were distinguished by their radicalism as they were firmly convinced that slavery had to be destroyed as soon as possible or they would be forced into exile once again.

It was for this reason that Istvan Turr, a veteran of the Hungarian Revolution and Garibaldi's comrade-in-arms, headed for Kansas.

Excerpt from The Unstoppable Rage of John Brown by Thomas Woodrow Wilson

Under normal circumstances, the meeting between Turr and Brown would have been impossible. The former was a Hungarian republican and a follower of Mazzini's anticlericalism, while the latter was a man perhaps a bit insane, convinced that God had chosen him to destroy the sin of slavery.

However, what was happening in Kansas was certainly not a normal circumstance. For more than two years the state had been dilaniated by armed clashes between Northern abolitionists and Southern slaveholders, intent on influencing the constitution of the new state in their favor.

Brown was already infamous among abolitionists and slaveholders alike for having killed five slave hunters and for trying unsuccessfully to defend the abolitionist community of Palmyra from a siege two years earlier. Perhaps it was Brown's fame and Frederick Douglas's recommendations that prompted Turr to travel to Kansas to seek him out.

According to Watson Brown, his father considered the arrival of Turr and a dozen other men a genuine divine sign. According to legend, John Brown announced Turr's arrival with "A Catholic has seen divine enlightenment as I have. Perhaps now all men will unite in the fight against the worst sin." For his part, Turr was less impressed with Brown's plans ("It would be a pity to lose such a peculiar man in such a stupid plan." was one of his laconic comments after his first meeting with Brown).

In fact, Turr suspected that the death of one of his sons and the destruction of Palmyra were subconsciously driving Brown to suicide.

What was happening in Europe eventually deterred Brown from pursuing his plan to assault a federal arsenal in Virginia. After all, Orsini's actions had not ended the Bonapartist monarchy but only worsened the situation throughout Europe. In contrast, Brown went along with Turr's requests to adopt a perhaps more prudent but more effective strategy. There were many revolutionaries in the North willing to follow them and even more slaves in the South were ready to fight or die in order to escape their living Hell.

It took several months before all the men and weapons were found, but toward the end of 1859 the death by a thousand cuts of the Southern states began.

Excerpt from Too far from God, too close to the United States: Mexico in the 19th century by Juan Castro

The events in Europe had unexpected consequences in both the United States and Mexico. Unlike President Buchanan, Mexican President Benito Juarez, however, knew full well what would have happened once the refugees of 1858 reached Mexico.Indeed Juarez needed the revolutionary fervor of the various European refugees.

For almost a year Suarez and his government had been fighting Felix Zuloaga and other conservatives, intent on abolishing the recent territorial and economic reforms. While Zuloaga could count on partial support from the French government, Juarez desperately needed means and men to win the civil war. The United States and England were willing to finance his war effort but not to send soldiers in his support.

The arrival of several European revolutionaries represented the perfect opportunity for Juarez. Many of them were veterans or at least already possessed some military experience.

The Juarez government began working day and night to attract the highest number possible of European veterans to Mexico. Minimizing Juarez's own authoritarian tendencies, the Mexican government began comparing Zuloaga and his allies to the absolutist regimes that had forced the various European revolutionaries into exile.

José María Mata, Mexican ambassador to the United States, became a regular visitor to New York at whose ports the many ships from Europe continued to land. The various European refugees were often drafted into the Mexican army as soon as they landed on American soil.

Although this enlistment strategy was criticized by some of Juarez's generals, the arrival of many new volunteers definitely improved the Mexican government's war situation. By the end of the year Zuloaga's forces were forced to abandon many of the territories they held, while some conservatives already began to plan their escape to the United States or Europe.

Excerpt from British Imperialism in the 19th Century by Philip Churchill

Besides the disastrous support for the Taiping, the only other significant event of Prime Minister Bethell's government was his reaction to the construction of the Suez Canal. In fact, the Prime Minister considered the creation of a direct link between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean Sea a threat to British interests.

Egypt was not part of the British sphere of influence and diplomatic relations between England and France had never been particularly peaceful. Bethell therefore suspected that construction of the canal would facilitate a French invasion of British India or at least undermine Lonon's growing influence in the Ottoman Empire and East Africa.

At first, the British government offered to finance the project in exchange for partial control of the Suez Canal Company, obtaining only polite but firm refusals from the Egyptian authorities.

The only other option for the British government then was to strengthen the Cape Route and seek new local allies along the Red Sea coast.

Over the following decades, Bethell's decision would have a significant impact in the Cape Federation, the Sultanate of Zanzibar and even Australia. However, the most immediate effect was felt in South America, specifically in the small stretch of land near the Strait of Magellan.

Although both Chile and Argentina had already claimed the whole of Patagonia as part of their territory, the British Empire in turn decided to colonize part of the desert region to ensure its absolute control of the Cape Route. Thus, one of Bethell's last polical initiatives was to send British ships and settlers to Tierra del Fuego and to build new ports in the Falkland Islands in preparation for the creation of a new British colony.
Interesting. Zuloaga is a Basque surname. And one that a classmate for twelve years (more than forty ago) had...
 
Excerpt from Before the Storm: the United States between 1856 and 1863 by William Howard Taft

Once they left Europe, the first priority of the so-called "refugees of 1858" was to find a new nation in which to take refuge. Many of them chose almost immediately to travel to the United States. The nation was a popular destination because of the many immigrant communities already present in New York and other American states. Many members of these communities were also veterans of the 1848 revolutions who were willing to welcome the new European exiles.

The initial lack of real immigration laws (as long as the immigrants were white) also facilitated the arrival of many of the European revolutionaries.

The problems began almost immediately. Many Southern governors were furious at the arrival of so many Catholics and numerous riots broke out in New York itself at the hands of various extremists.

The real problems began when some of the revolutionaries became interested in the issue of slavery in the Southern states. Like the revolutionaries of 1848 and many citizens of the Northern states, the refugees of 1858 considered slavery to be barbaric. However, the newcomers were distinguished by their radicalism as they were firmly convinced that slavery had to be destroyed as soon as possible or they would be forced into exile once again.

It was for this reason that Istvan Turr, a veteran of the Hungarian Revolution and Garibaldi's comrade-in-arms, headed for Kansas.

Excerpt from The Unstoppable Rage of John Brown by Thomas Woodrow Wilson

Under normal circumstances, the meeting between Turr and Brown would have been impossible. The former was a Hungarian republican and a follower of Mazzini's anticlericalism, while the latter was a man perhaps a bit insane, convinced that God had chosen him to destroy the sin of slavery.

However, what was happening in Kansas was certainly not a normal circumstance. For more than two years the state had been dilaniated by armed clashes between Northern abolitionists and Southern slaveholders, intent on influencing the constitution of the new state in their favor.

Brown was already infamous among abolitionists and slaveholders alike for having killed five slave hunters and for trying unsuccessfully to defend the abolitionist community of Palmyra from a siege two years earlier. Perhaps it was Brown's fame and Frederick Douglas's recommendations that prompted Turr to travel to Kansas to seek him out.

According to Watson Brown, his father considered the arrival of Turr and a dozen other men a genuine divine sign. According to legend, John Brown announced Turr's arrival with "A Catholic has seen divine enlightenment as I have. Perhaps now all men will unite in the fight against the worst sin." For his part, Turr was less impressed with Brown's plans ("It would be a pity to lose such a peculiar man in such a stupid plan." was one of his laconic comments after his first meeting with Brown).

In fact, Turr suspected that the death of one of his sons and the destruction of Palmyra were subconsciously driving Brown to suicide.

What was happening in Europe eventually deterred Brown from pursuing his plan to assault a federal arsenal in Virginia. After all, Orsini's actions had not ended the Bonapartist monarchy but only worsened the situation throughout Europe. In contrast, Brown went along with Turr's requests to adopt a perhaps more prudent but more effective strategy. There were many revolutionaries in the North willing to follow them and even more slaves in the South were ready to fight or die in order to escape their living Hell.

It took several months before all the men and weapons were found, but toward the end of 1859 the death by a thousand cuts of the Southern states began.

Excerpt from Too far from God, too close to the United States: Mexico in the 19th century by Juan Castro

The events in Europe had unexpected consequences in both the United States and Mexico. Unlike President Buchanan, Mexican President Benito Juarez, however, knew full well what would have happened once the refugees of 1858 reached Mexico.Indeed Juarez needed the revolutionary fervor of the various European refugees.

For almost a year Suarez and his government had been fighting Felix Zuloaga and other conservatives, intent on abolishing the recent territorial and economic reforms. While Zuloaga could count on partial support from the French government, Juarez desperately needed means and men to win the civil war. The United States and England were willing to finance his war effort but not to send soldiers in his support.

The arrival of several European revolutionaries represented the perfect opportunity for Juarez. Many of them were veterans or at least already possessed some military experience.

The Juarez government began working day and night to attract the highest number possible of European veterans to Mexico. Minimizing Juarez's own authoritarian tendencies, the Mexican government began comparing Zuloaga and his allies to the absolutist regimes that had forced the various European revolutionaries into exile.

José María Mata, Mexican ambassador to the United States, became a regular visitor to New York at whose ports the many ships from Europe continued to land. The various European refugees were often drafted into the Mexican army as soon as they landed on American soil.

Although this enlistment strategy was criticized by some of Juarez's generals, the arrival of many new volunteers definitely improved the Mexican government's war situation. By the end of the year Zuloaga's forces were forced to abandon many of the territories they held, while some conservatives already began to plan their escape to the United States or Europe.

Excerpt from British Imperialism in the 19th Century by Philip Churchill

Besides the disastrous support for the Taiping, the only other significant event of Prime Minister Bethell's government was his reaction to the construction of the Suez Canal. In fact, the Prime Minister considered the creation of a direct link between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean Sea a threat to British interests.

Egypt was not part of the British sphere of influence and diplomatic relations between England and France had never been particularly peaceful. Bethell therefore suspected that construction of the canal would facilitate a French invasion of British India or at least undermine Lonon's growing influence in the Ottoman Empire and East Africa.

At first, the British government offered to finance the project in exchange for partial control of the Suez Canal Company, obtaining only polite but firm refusals from the Egyptian authorities.

The only other option for the British government then was to strengthen the Cape Route and seek new local allies along the Red Sea coast.

Over the following decades, Bethell's decision would have a significant impact in the Cape Federation, the Sultanate of Zanzibar and even Australia. However, the most immediate effect was felt in South America, specifically in the small stretch of land near the Strait of Magellan.

Although both Chile and Argentina had already claimed the whole of Patagonia as part of their territory, the British Empire in turn decided to colonize part of the desert region to ensure its absolute control of the Cape Route. Thus, one of Bethell's last polical initiatives was to send British ships and settlers to Tierra del Fuego and to build new ports in the Falkland Islands in preparation for the creation of a new British colony.
So a British Patagonia? I like that!
 
Just found this timeline, through the Turtledove threads, and have caught up. Very interesting so far. I'm excited to see how all these changes play out.
 
European butterflies
Excerpt from No truce, no peace: the mission for the unification of Italy by Federico Manfredi

Not surprisingly, the first effects of the assassination of Napoleon III were felt on the Italian peninsula.

The new French hostility toward the unification of the peninsula posed a problem for the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia. If until a few months earlier it seemed that an alliance between Paris and Turin was imminent, the political rise of the new French government quickly put an end to that project.

The always ingenious Cavour, however, found a way to use the situation to his advantage. The Kingdom of Sardinia was the first Italian state to pass new laws against the followers of Mazzini and other republican radicals. Cavour had never trusted those political groups and wanted to use the new laws also to diminish Garibaldi's influence at the Savoy court. At the same time, Cavour set to work to seek new allies against the Austro-Hungarian Empire and perhaps also against France. In addition to being able to count on English sympathy for a possible unification of the peninsula, Turin soon found a concrete ally in Berlin.

Garibaldi leaving Piedmont to assist the liberals in the Mexican Civil War was of course the icing on the cake.

In contrast, the domestic policies of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Papal States did not change significantly. By then both Pius IX and Ferdinand II had for years abandoned their initial liberalism, embracing absolutism and repression to prevent a repeat of the 1848 uprisings.

The situation was considerably different in the territories under Austrian control. Emperor Franz Joseph, mindful of the rebellions that had shaken northern Italy and Tuscany ten years earlier, moved to prevent further possible unrest.

In Lombardy-Veneto, the liberal Maximilian of Habsburg was replaced by the more conservative Eduard Clam-Gallas as viceroy. The new viceroy abolished many of his predecessor's political reforms, except for the renewal of the fleet and other military innovations. In the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, Vienna forced Leopold II to abdicate in favor of his son Ferdinand.

Although Ferdinand IV shared his father's liberal inclinations, fear of further unrest prompted him to increase censorship and increase troop numbers in preparation for a new conflict. It was precisely the reluctant repression of the new Grand Duke that laid the groundwork for the Second Italian War of Independence. The sudden abolition of freedom of the press and assembly paradoxically increased the Tuscans' support for the unification of Italy or at least for the expulsion of the Austrians from the state.

On the one hand, Tuscans considered Mazzini's followers the only group truly interested in the region's welfare precisely because they were persecuted in every corner of the peninsula. On the other hand, Ferdinand IV's reluctance to enforce the new repressive laws also meant that Mazzini groups could act with almost no fear. The distribution of leaflets against the grand ducal government and the organization of protests against the government soon became almost daily events in Tuscany.

Tuscany was the only Italian region where radical republican groups were thus strengthened by the new government repressions.


Excerpt from Blood and Iron: the history of Europe in the second half of the 19th century by Edward Connors

Poland soon became the prime example of the contradictions that would characterize the reign of Alexander II.

Indeed, in early 1860, the Tsar announced that the unpopular viceroy Mikhail Gorchakov would be replaced by Aleksander Wielopolski. For the first time since the conclusion of the Napoleonic Wars, Poland would be ruled by a local nobleman instead of a Russian bureaucrat.

Alexander II's choice was due to mostly pragmatic reasons. Despite his Polish origins, Wielopolski had repeatedly demonstrated his loyalty to the Czarist government. The nobleman had condemned the failed insurrection of 1830, arguing that any attempt to rebel against St. Petersburg was counterproductive.

The new viceroy also belonged to the "white" faction of the Polish independence movement, mostly composed of members of the local nobility and upper class. Unlike their more radical compatriots, Wielopolski and his allies demanded no economic reform but only greater internal freedom.

In 1865, Stefan Bobrowski summed up the Polish reaction to the new viceroy's policies with this sentence: "To the Tsar every Pole is a dog. Aleksander and his friends were purebred dogs who were allowed to live in their master's house and receive leftovers directly from the table. I and the rest of Poland, on the other hand, were strays to kick around for the fun of it."

Although the revolutionary's opinion was probably influenced by anger over his exile, there is no doubt that the lack of economic reforms did not help the situation of Poles in any way. Founding new schools and renewing permission to teach the Polish language were futile, as more than three-quarters of the population was illiterate or had no time or money to study.

Likewise the Tsar, self-proclaimed earthly defender of the Russian Orthodox Church, had not softened his stance toward Catholics. The masses of Polish priests were still kept under close surveillance to prevent the spread of ideals contrary to the economic interests of the Russian government.

Even after the partial removal of the Russian courts, the Polish judicial system was still controlled by Russian interests. According to the rulings of judges appointed directly by Moscow, Polish workers were still forced to send most of their savings or crops to St. Petersburg.

While Wielopolski and his subordinates could enjoy considerable autonomy in the late 1860s, the rest of Poland continued to live as before, if not worse.

Both the Tsar and the new viceroy had underestimated how widespread poverty and glaring economic disparities fueled Polish popular discontent against St. Petersburg. The only result of the contradictory and limited reforms in Poland was a strengthening of the "red" faction of Polish independents and a long series of problems that would plague the Russian empire for the rest of the 19th century.


Excerpt from Between Vienna and Constantinople: the Balkans and their history by Nikola Pašić

By early 1859, even Alexander Karađorđević's most diehard supporters knew that his monarchy was on the verge of collapse.[1] The Serbian king's attempts to simply purge his political opponents had backfired, leading to further protests and conspiracies against his rule. His steadfast refusal to condemn the Ottomans' purges against other Serbs in the Balkans had also alienated a good chunk of the army.

Cornered, Karađorđević decided to turn to his Viennese allies in the hope of gaining some military or political support. His expectations were however quickly dashed.

Despite his reputation as a conservative hothead, Franz Joseph knew that supporting the unpopular Karađorđević would have only further jeopardized Vienna's interests in the Balkans. Rather than support a frankly unreliable and useless ally, Austrian diplomatic intervention was primarily aimed at finding a more suitable alternative for the Serbian throne.

Eventually the choice fell on Mihailo Obrenović, a member of the previous Serbian ruling family. Obrenović was very popular among the Serbs and, unlike his grandfather and uncles, was surprisingly friendly with the Austrian government. [2] He may have been too liberal for Franz Joseph's tastes, but the new king could ensure the security of Austria-Hungary's eastern borders while the situation on the Italian peninsula became increasingly complicated

In mid-1859, two dimetrically opposite journeys occurred on the border between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Serbia. Karađorđević and his family left their former kingdom in an anonymous carriage, taking with them a substantial part of the Serbian treasury.

Instead, Obrenović entered Belgrade on horseback, warmly welcomed by much of the city. The new king's inauguration speech contained the usual arguments and promises, often used by politicians of all stripes on such occasions. However, there was one word in his speech that would redefine Balkan history in the following decades.

Theatrically turning his finger in the direction of the border between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire, Obrenović promised that the Slavic compatriots of the Serbs would be soon liberated and he used the term Yugoslavia for the first time.


[1] I immagine the butterflies would allow to remain on the throne a few more months ITTL. However by this point he was already too impopular both inside and outside Serbia for his neutrality during the Crimean War.
[2] Tecnically the throne should have gone to his father. However the Austrian aren't going to give the Serbian throne to an increasingly sick man with unclear loyalties.
 
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