Precarious Heights - a Teutonic Order TL

Chapter 7 - The Three-Popes Controversy

Part Two: 'A Tale of Two Sicilies', or, 'More Than One Way to Claim a Kingdom'


excerpt, translated, from "Ladislao d'Angio-Durazzo, re di Sicilia" by Maxime de Giuli (1919) (1)

"...In 1410, Ladislaus had all but completed his conquest of Central Italy. Rome had fallen in January, and Louis II, en route to Italy with a fleet and Provencal troops with the intent of pressing his claim to the Kingdom of Naples, had been intercepted and captured along with his entire treasure (2). This treasure was used to buy the loyalty of Muzio Attendolo, the allied commander. Antipope John XXIII (3), successor to the late Alexander V, denuded of his loyal allies, was thus prostrate before Ladislaus. John XXIII fled to Pisa, which, along with Siena and Florence, continued to resist Ladislaus' forces. John's crusade was forfeit, and his legitimacy as a papal candidate quashed. Gregory XII, newly reinstated in Rome, reinvested Ladislaus with the Neapolitan crown (4). In gratitude, and desiring that peace return to Christendom, he called for yet another council to settle the Western Schism once and for all. Gregory XII, in no place to dispute his sole protector, reluctantly agreed. Avignon Antipope Benedict XIII also agreed to convene his cardinals at Rome, albeit pending a cessation of all hostilities in Italy, as well as the arrest of the rogue John XXIII.

In late 1410, however, after consolidating his political victories in central Europe, newly-elected Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund I intervened in Italy. In November, Hungarian forces invaded Dalmatia and besieged Friuli, on the Venetian border. Sigismund, holding the Venetian Republic hostage (5), demanded a new council as well, but with the condition that it convene in an Imperial city, rather than one of the Italian city-states, in order to better guarantee the election of a single pope. The Venetians, who were in no position to defend their holdings, as their armies still marched under Ladislaus' banner in Central Italy, offered Ladislaus upwards of 100,000 florins to acquiesce to these demands. Ladislaus agreed, and the Council of Constance was set to convene in spring of 1411..."

~~~~~~~~

1) I want to stress that this author is heavily biased (resulting in a 'selective' telling of history, and somewhat inaccurate), if it is not abundantly clear. I'll make it clear later on as to why this is.

2) This actually happened IOTL

3) A seriously crooked MF-er. We haven't seen the last of him.

4) IOTL, it was John who gave the Neapolitan crown back to Ladislaus. ITTL, the latter's conquest of Italy is achieved much quicker, and Gregory XII actually gets Rome back. Ladislaus was motivated to call a new council for political reasons, rather than moral altruism as it is depicted here. No mention is made of Ladislaus' own shady deeds.

5) Sigismund did attack Venice IOTL, but with much less success. ITTL he is able to push for a new council much more quickly and ably than OTL. Sigismund is portrayed in a villainous light by our author, again highlighting his bias.

~~~~~~~

I'll get back to the Order soon, I promise!

Another quick update. I have got to get better at this. Life, right? Enjoy!
 
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Chapter 7 - The Three-Popes Controversy

Part Three: 'One Night in Constance Makes the Antipope Humble', or, 'Runaway Pope'


excerpt, translated, from "Ladislao d'Angio-Durazzo, re di Sicilia" by Maxime de Giuli (1919) (1)

"...The Council of Constance (1411 - 1415) addressed not only the Three Popes Controversy but also the issues of just war between Christians and the necessity for peace in Christendom, as well as the clamoring among burghers and their allies in the nobility, primarily in England (Wycliffites) (2) and Bohemia (Hussites) for Church reform. Chief among the desires for reform at the time were the matters of the political supremacy of the Papacy and the extravagance of the clergy. Jan Hus, master at Charles University in Prague and the popular leader of a reform movement in that city, in particular opposed sales of indulgence, all manner of crusade, and the temporal power of the clergy (especially the practice of simony) (3). Hus had significant influence within the Holy Roman Empire, especially his home of Bohemia. He traveled to Constance under the protection of Emperor Sigismund in summer of 1412 and made his case before the combined Ecumenical Council, which consisted of cardinals from all three papal claimants' individual councils. Hus had sympathizers among the Council, particularly the cardinals representing Antipope Benedict XIII, but his opponents, who wished to preserve the power of the Church and the clergy, accused him of heresy and demanded he be excommunicated (4). An attempt was made on his life by mercenaries who, it was revealed, were agents of Antipope John XXIII. This sparked an immediate outrage, even among many of Hus' opponents, and the Council dissolved until spring of the next year.

John XXIII fled the Council after his complicity was discovered, with the help of his friend and fellow opponent of Sigismund, Duke Frederick IV of Austria. Both were declared outlaws by Sigismund---surprising, given Sigismund's previous endorsement of John XXIII. Both Frederick and John XXIII were arrested in Breisgau by Ludwig III von Wittelsbach, Elector Palatine, who transported them back to Constance.

Frederick was placed under Imperial Ban, and his lands fell prey to neighbors and kin alike---in particular the Aargau, ancestral home of the Habsburgs, was lost to the Swiss Confederacy. Only Sundgau, Breisgau, and Tirol were retained by local populaces loyal to Frederick, who resisted opportunistic neighbors. Frederick died in captivity at Constance. With no male heir, his lands passed to his elder and sole living brother, Duke Ernest the Iron of Inner Austria (5).

John XXIII was deposed as pope by the Council and tried on charges of heresy, simony, schism, immorality, piracy, rape, incest, and murder---and found guilty on all accounts (6).

Ladislaus took advantage of the chaos to consolidate his position in Central Italy. Opposing factions, especially within Rome, were quashed and titles were distributed among Ladislaus' commanders. His condottiere Carlo I Malatesta and Muzio I Attendolo (7) in particular profited greatly from this, the former gaining the March of Latium and the latter the March of Ancona. These two ruled as Captain-Governors until they were properly invested by Ladislaus after the Council.

When the Council finally reconvened, Hus' position was reconsidered and, again, rejected by the Council. Rather than excommunicate the radical Hus, fearing further upheaval, the Council placed him under house arrest at Constance, in the charge of Emperor Sigismund, for the remainder of the Council (8). Other reforms did make headway at the Council, however: much of 1413 was spent codifying what became ecclesiastic Conciliarism---that is, the formal authority of the Ecumenical Council over the Pontiff. It was clear, in these times, that the pope, or popes, could not be singularly entrusted with the well-being of the Church. While they could not outright strip the pontiff of his secular and temporal position and stature upon his election to the highest of Holy Offices, they could limit his ability to influence and affect Church teaching on matters of faith and the practice of religion. Further councils would develop this concept further, as previous councils had attempted to do so, but it was at Constance that the Church first adopted this most important check against Papal Supremacy, which theretofore had been the norm (9).

In late 1413 Gregory XII, one of two popes left at the Council, fearing Hus would remain a threat to Church authority, conspired to have him killed while in captivity. Guards posted to Hus' residence were bribed to poison his wine. When Hus was discovered dead, the guards were arrested. They gave up Gregory XII under interrogation and afterward were executed. Gregory XII was arrested amid yet another outrage. He, too, was charged with heresy and murder, and found guilty. With his deposition, Antipope Benedict XIII became sole Pontiff... (10)"

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1) This is quite the work, replete with bias and errors though it may be.

2) The followers of John Wycliffe were also called 'Lollards'.

3) Jan Hus, after whom the Hussites took their name IOTL, will receive somewhat -different- treatment as a historical figure, and this will affect the future of the aforementioned movement.

4) IOTL Hus was arrested on charges of heresy, excommunicated, and burned at the stake in 1415 at Constance.

5) IOTL Frederick survived and returned to rule Further Austria until his death in 1439. At this time Habsburg lands were split between two family lines after 1378---Albertine and Leopoldine. Frederick IV and his TTL successor, Ernest, belonged to the Leopoldine line.

6) IOTL the 'more serious' charges of simony and heresy were dismissed.

7) Malatesta was Ladislaus' main commander from the get-go. Attendolo previously fought for Louis II, but defected after it became clear that Ladislaus had the upper hand.

8) TTL's version of the Council is much nicer to Hus. Without his martyrdom by the Council, from where will the Hussites draw their zealous fervor?

9) This is true IOTL; after ending the Schism and Hus' execution, ecclesiastic Conciliarism was probably the biggest contribution to history by the Council of Constance. IOTL it will play a larger role and sooner, given an earlier humbling of the papacy.

10) Ah, there it is. Some things just have a way of working themselves out. Although this way it doesn't seem like such a crime. Perhaps this will inspire a different response from his followers at home in Bohemia...


And that'll do it! Good to be back! The Council concludes next time! Sorry for being dead since March!! Work + getting married will do that to you!
 
Good to see another update! The earlier reunion of the Habsburg domains was quite an interesting twist, with some potentially major butterflies all over the place. The Burgundian purchase of the Habsburg Vorlande comes to mind; it played a big part in antagonizing the Swiss and various other neighbors, which was one of the major causes of Burgundy's downfall. Assuming the Habsburgs don't run into similar money problems as Sigismund Habsburg OTL, that's one less source of conflict for Burgundy in the future.

Hus avoiding the level of martyrdom he achieved historically was also interesting. There will still be outrage, but I can't see it becoming as bad as it did OTL, especially not with the perpetrators punished for their deed.
 
Chapter 7 - The Three-Popes Controversy

Part Four: 'Hell Hath No Fury Like a Bohemian Scorned', or, 'Hussite Fever'


excerpt, translated, from "Ladislao d'Angio-Durazzo, re di Sicilia" by Maxime de Giuli (1919) (1)

"...The arrest of di Cossa (previously John XXIII) and Frederick IV had sparked outrage in Constance and beyond, but this was nothing compared to the conflagration that erupted after Hus' murder and Gregory XII's subsequent arrest and conviction. From late 1413 into early 1414, Central Italy was ablaze---often literally---with riots and revolts, organized and otherwise, of people from all walks of life and protesting all sides of the controversy. Anyone whose purses were lightened by the deposition of John XXIII and Gregory XII was out in the streets of Rome and elsewhere, demanding their reinstatement, or, failing that, at least the deposition of Benedict XIII, the only remaining candidate---these were mostly nobility and bankers, notably the Florentine di Medici banking clan, who had thrown their weight behind Cossa upon his installation as John XXIII (2). Most of the rioters from the lower and middling classes were outraged by the crimes committed by those in the highest of holy offices, demanding the public execution of Gregory XII and John XXIII. These rioting groups collided in various places---those for and against John XXIII and Gregory XII---and wherever they did, much blood was spilled in the ensuing fighting. Benedict XIII fled the Council to his home at Perpignan until the violence ceased. Ladislaus formally relinquished his protectorate of Gregory XII after the latter's deposition, which pacified those Italians demanding the former pope's execution, while his armies contained and quelled the so-called 'Pisans', those supporters of John XXIII who protested his arrest---these happened to be the same Italians who had theretofore resisted Ladislaus' rule in Central Italy, and the protests became a convenient excuse for Ladislaus to rid himself of this opposing faction.

Meanwhile, in the Holy Roman Empire, especially in Constance and Prague, local populations petitioned and protested, demanding action from Emperor Sigismund. Johann Ziska, Count of Prague, risking his good standing with Sigismund, threw in with the petitioners, who began calling themselves 'Hussites' (in the style of the followers of John Wycliffe). Sigismund refused to act against the Council, as the Hussites' demands were unclear and diffuse among different groups. At this, the Hussites simplified their demands: the immediate execution of Cossa and Corraro (formerly Gregory XII) at Constance. Again, Sigismund refused, as Cossa and Corraro were not his prisoners to execute, despite the Council being held in an imperial city, but rather the Council's. The Hussites, under the direction of the Archbishop of Prague, Konrad von Vechta (3), then petitioned the Council for the extradition of Cossa and Corraro to Prague to be formally charged and tried. The Council refused to extradite, citing their authority over the Archbishop of Prague. Thrice refused, the Hussites organized the 'Petitioners' March' to Constance. Von Vechta accompanied the nearly two thousand Hussites. Sigismund, happy to have their anger redirected, guaranteed their passage. At Constance, the Hussites demanded that Cossa and Corraro be handed over to them, and again they were refused. Von Vechta denounced the Council in a letter as a 'body of schemers and profiteers' and demanded that Hus' suggestions for reform be reconsidered.

Archbishop von Vechta was summoned personally by the Council, under the pretense of clarifying Hus' position and calming the Hussites, who were effectively occupying Constance, and for whom he was now responsible. At a meeting on March 4th 1414, Von Vechta was arrested on charges of blasphemy, heresy, and agitation. A week later he was brought before the Hussites, found guilty on all charges, and burned at the stake (4). The Hussites were then declared to be in contempt of the Council and similarly guilty as Von Vechta. The mercenary cavalry and footmen, in the employ of the Council as guards, began to round up and arrest them. Initially paralyzed by horror and agony, the Hussites eventually rallied and began to resist the Council guards. A charge by the guard cavalry broke their hasty attempt at a formation, directed by the Bohemian nobility in their ranks, and the mass arrest quickly became a mass slaughter. Imperial troops stood down, intervening on neither side. Of the nearly two thousand Hussites present, it is estimated that at least half were killed in the melee. The remainder fled to the sanctuary of the cathedral basilica.

Sigismund immediately condemned both Von Vechta's execution and the 'Constantine Massacre' (5), as it became known, as 'unforgivable offenses' by the Council. The Council, fearing reprisal by the Emperor, offered up ten member cardinals who allegedly agitated for Von Vechta's arrest. These, unsurprisingly, were cardinals loyal to Cossa and Corraro, who had set aside their differences to avenge their respective leaders' deposition and incarceration. This was not enough for Sigismund, who, in his greatest exertion of Imperial authority yet, demanded the resignation of all cardinals loyal to Cossa and Corraro from the Council, such that the Council might continue 'unimpeded' by 'such outrageous conflicts' of interest. It took three months and several rounds of arrests to oust said cardinals from the Council (6).

By late 1414 the worst of the violence had passed and an uneasy peace returned. Benedict XIII returned to Constance and was confirmed pope only on the condition that he agree to the terms of the Council. The most relevant of these was Conciliarism (7), or the authority of the Ecumenical Council of cardinals over the pope. This shifted the authority, for example, to call crusades from the office of the pope to the Council, as well as the appointment of future cardinals (8). These reforms were a nod to Hus' original suggestions for reform, which did much to assuage the wounded Hussites. The Council, which now was made up primarily of cardinals loyal to Benedict XIII, remained in negotiation with their leader over the terms of his confirmation as pope well into spring of 1415. Benedict XIII finally agreed to all terms, and the Council was concluded on the feast day of Saint Ladislaus, June 27th of that year, in honor of Emperor Sigismund and King Ladislaus, the primary secular patrons of the Council, who both drew on the legend of the saint for inspiration in their rule as monarchs.

The Western Schism was finally over. Ladislaus was proclaimed Protector of the Papal State once more and retained his possessions in Central Italy. Only Rome and surrounding Latium were returned to the Papacy proper (9)..."

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1) This is the last we'll see from this work for a while.

2) The di Medicis did in fact throw in with John XXIII IOTL, and this divergence might have effects on the family's influence later on...

3) OTL and TTL, Von Vechta crowned Sigismund King of Bohemia. He supported the Hussites IOTL as well.

4) The Council gets its body, and the Hussites their martyr.

5) The Hussites are a much different movement TTL, with backing from Sigismund and their vindication at the Council via concessions and reforms.

6) An error on the author's part. In reality, only a couple dozen were actually arrested. Many of the cardinals who had previously been loyal to either John XXIII or Gregory XII simply denounced them and submitted to the Council (saving face---and their jobs).

7) Ecclesial Conciliarism was one of the major results of the Council IOTL as well, but seems to be playing an earlier and more important role in the Church TTL.

8) No more wanton crusading by morally banpopes! Transparency in the Church! Such reforms, Hus could only have dreamed of! This, as can be expected, will set many butterflies a-flight in the future, especially for our favorite crusading Order.

9) Tl;dr: the Papal States are permanently reduced, and Ladislaus' conquest of Central Italy is successful. Butterflies galore...


Thank for slogging with me through this [rather exhaustive] account of the events of TTL's Council of Constance! Quite a ride, yet necessary to understand events as they unfold in the future, with particular regard to the Hussite movement.
 
That's a very interesting turnout. I wonder if this will result in stronger Imperial authority somewhere down the line? Sigismund seems to be doing incredibly well ITTL.

Ladislaus also seems to be doing well. Might Naples end up being permanently enlarged? If I didn't misunderstand, the Neapolitan borders look something like this now, right? (Ignore the rest, I just outlined the rough borders over a late 15th century map of Italy.)

Untitled.jpg
 
That's a very interesting turnout. I wonder if this will result in stronger Imperial authority somewhere down the line? Sigismund seems to be doing incredibly well ITTL.

Ladislaus also seems to be doing well. Might Naples end up being permanently enlarged? If I didn't misunderstand, the Neapolitan borders look something like this now, right? (Ignore the rest, I just outlined the rough borders over a late 15th century map of Italy.)

Kuld, thank you for being my lone feedback-provider and supporter lo these many months (and to all who have read/lurked/subbed, thanks as well, but please feel free to join in)!

Stronger Imperial authority---definitely, but for how long, and with which consequences? OTL Hussite Wars set back the Empire significantly, combined with the rise of Poland-Lithuania and losses to the Turks and Italians. TTL has no such series of setbacks on the horizon (Hussite movement neutered, P-L strangled in its crib, and we'll see how a strengthened Sigismund handles the Ottomans and Italy). It has been implied in this narrative so far, but the Order and the Empire are much closer diplomatically TTL.

We'll return to the Ordensstaat in a little bit, later today if I can manage it.

And something more like this, actually.

Ky3Jgcm.jpg


[Ignore Milanese borders, this is taken from a c. 1400 map of Europe---Siena and Pisa are quite independent, and allied with Florence against Ladislaus (as well as, though unofficially, the pope, whom Ladislaus protects).]

Romagna, though it's not mentioned in the text, becomes occupied by the Venetians before being ceded to Marquis Niccolo III d'Este of Ferrara (Niccolo OTL married the daughter of Andrea Malatesta, Ladislaus' commander---with his brother Carlo I Malatesta elevated as governor---later duke---under Ladislaus, this could lead to a stronger House d'Este TTL).

Ladislaus is doing -quite- well, yes. An important note---yes, he is still alive! He fell ill OTL in 1414 and died on August 6th that year ("due to unceasing sexual activity" is the direct quote from the source that gives its name to the fictional account used in this narrative). Obviously he has survived TTL and will---hopefully---live long enough to sire a son or two (OTL the Neapolitan Angevin line died with Joanna II, Ladislaus' sister, leading to Naples' inheritance by the junior Angevin line under René).
 
Kuld, thank you for being my lone feedback-provider and supporter lo these many months
Like I said when I subscribed, the 15th century is one of my favorite periods of European history, but it's rarely covered on this site unless it's tied to the Byzantine or Ottoman Empires. It's nice to see a 15th century TL centered on eastern and central Europe for once. :)

Stronger Imperial authority---definitely, but for how long, and with which consequences? OTL Hussite Wars set back the Empire significantly, combined with the rise of Poland-Lithuania and losses to the Turks and Italians. TTL has no such series of setbacks on the horizon (Hussite movement neutered, P-L strangled in its crib, and we'll see how a strengthened Sigismund handles the Ottomans and Italy). It has been implied in this narrative so far, but the Order and the Empire are much closer diplomatically TTL.
The only major external threat to the Empire remaining at the moment is probably Burgundy, which has yet to become particularly strong anyway. Many in the Empire supposedly saw them as foreign invaders of sorts though. There's also France once it gets back on its feet, and Muscovy later on, but that's a few decades off at least.

Sounds like the Empire will do much better in at least the first half of the 15th century. How are things looking for Sigismund's line of succession? (Probably a bit early to say, given that he should have a good 30 years left if nothing bad happens.)

And something more like this, actually.
Ah, I see. That's not too far off from what I figured it would look like.

How are the Visconti in Milan doing, by the way? As far as I can remember, they haven't been mentioned much, if at all, so far.

Ladislaus is doing -quite- well, yes. An important note---yes, he is still alive! He fell ill OTL in 1414 and died on August 6th that year ("due to unceasing sexual activity" is the direct quote from the source that gives its name to the fictional account used in this narrative). Obviously he has survived TTL and will---hopefully---live long enough to sire a son or two (OTL the Neapolitan Angevin line died with Joanna II, Ladislaus' sister, leading to Naples' inheritance by the junior Angevin line under René).
If he manages to secure his line of succession, you'd also avoid the mess of a conflict Joanna created OTL regarding her own line of succession. Aragon might still get involved somehow though.
 
INTERLUDE - The World So Far

"The Monastic State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia in the Middle Ages is an odd entity. Born out of the Northern Crusades, of which the Teutonic Knights were the chief executor, the state was similar to those controlled by the Knights Templar and Hospitallers in the Holy Land. The princely rights to any lands captured by the Order in the course of the crusade were granted by the Golden Bull of Rimini in 1226 and confirmed by the pope in 1234. The Christianizing effort of the crusade took slightly less precedence to the military effort, and the conquest of Prussia by the Order was complete by 1283 with the death of the Order's tenth Hochmeister, Hartman von Heldrungen. By winter of 1410, the Order stood at the height of its power, with nary a challenger to their supremacy in Eastern Europe and the Baltic. However, with the pacification of Lithuania at last achieved, and the Christianization of their subject peoples all but complete, the purpose of their continued presence in the region became a matter of serious concern and doubt among the Order-state's neighbors and patrons, particularly in the Empire, upon which the Order still relied for support."

- from "The Rise of the Modern Prussian State", Kristoff Klark (1)


It is late 1415, and the aging Hochmeister of the Teutonic Order, Ulrich von Jungingen, concerns himself with the future of both his order and his state...

To the south, the Holy Roman Emperor, Sigismund I von Luxemburg, having just overseen the successful conclusion of the Council of Constance, busies himself at home with the continued consolidation of his greatly expanded realm. Challenging his rule in Poland are the Mazovian Piasts, the sons of Siemowit II, Janusz I of Warsaw and Siemowit IV of Plock. In the Luxemburg hereditary lands, the Emperor's agents too have grown strong---Jan Zizka of Prague and Stiborici Stibor of Transylvania---and Imperial Germany has never known such prosperity...

The addition of the Lithuanian March effectively extends the Order-state's boundary eastward to butt up against the much-enlarged Grand Principality of Muscovy, and southeast to the infantile Grand Metropolis of Kiev. Both Russian states consolidate their power and tensions remain high between the Grand Prince in Moscow and the Grand Metropolitan in Kiev...

Far to the east, the Golden Horde has turned inward to settle the matter of the succession---Jalal al-Din ibn Tokhtamysh, rightful heir to the throne, perished at Grunwald under Vytautas, and Edigu Nogai has proclaimed himself khan (2). He is challenged by a smattering of Genghisid princes and seeks to solidify his control over the Horde...

Far to the west, the English victory at Agincourt has the French reeling. John the Fearless of Burgundy, who had remained neutral and whose forces did not participate in that battle, seizes the opportunity to renew hostilities with the much-weakened Armagnacs, who had provided much of the French force that fought at Agincourt. John musters his armies and marches on Paris (3)...

In Italy, the victorious Ladislao I of Naples consolidates his kingdom and looks for opportunities to expand further...


~~~~~~~

1) I'm working on consolidating my list of TTL sources (someone please get the reference)

2) This is the first we're hearing about the Golden Horde, but it won't be the last.

3) Same goes for Burgundy...

~~~~~~~

A quick little update...just got back from honeymoon so updates will resume with some regularity.
 
Chapter 8 - The Order-State, pt. 1

"As a warring holy order, the Teutonic Knights in Prussia needed enemies to fight in order to justify their continued presence in the region. However, this meant that there was precious little time to consolidate between fighting. This made the normal administrative work of the Order nearly impossible to accomplish, given that nearly all of the senior leadership normally responsible for such tasks would be with the army during times of war, which was often. The elderly and ailing Ulrich von Jungingen, himself capable neither as administrator nor diplomat, eventually realized, after some years of peace following his victory at Grunwald, that a choice had to be made between Order and State---either the Order would continue its Christianizing efforts as a single but fluid body, as an instrument of both emperor and pontiff, or the State that the Order had come to occupy would necessarily become a secular polity, not unlike the feudal principalities that bordered it. The Knights had succeeded in bringing Christianity to the pagan Baltic, that much was sure, either directly or indirectly, but the future of the Teutonic Order-State lay in the realm of secular politics, not holy warring and crusading. Enemies of the faith remained a threat, certainly, but not as they were. Civilization had come in the wake of the Mongol Hordes' retreat from Eastern Europe, and orders militant such as the Teutonic Knights were no longer so sorely needed to preserve and expand the reaches of Christendom. To avoid obsolescence, and retain their hard-won territory and status, the Order under Ulrich and his successors needed to keep pace with their secular neighbors, particularly their greatest patron, the Holy Roman Emperor..."

- from "The Rise of the Modern Prussian State", Kristoff Klark​


The years since Grunwald have been unkind to the aging and ailing Ulrich. Though his chivalrous and cunning mind remains sharp, his body fails him with each passing day. He is fifty-five, and nearly at his death bed. His successor has been all but named, his right-hand, the able Kuno von Lichtenstein, who is the same age as Ulrich though not nearly so bowed by illness. Centuries later, medical scientists will deduce that Ulrich suffered from gallstones, same as his elder brother, Konrad. His immune system is so weakened that he catches pneumonia in his fifty-fifth year. It is October, and he is a week away from death.

His personal notes and journals will reveal, when they are opened before his funeral by the Generalkapitel, that he was a precocious, rash, but well-meaning man who constantly lived in the shadow of Konrad. Ulrich had joined the Order with his brother and followed him to Prussia. Both achieved glory as Hochmeister, though perhaps Ulrich's legacy will shine brighter than Konrad's---Konrad led the Order to the height of its power, and Ulrich oversaw its vindication at Grunwald.

In his last will and testament, Ulrich lays out a rudimentary plan for reforming the Order such that the state might be retained by it, even though there be no Crusade or Christianizing effort that demands their presence. The Order is to be reorganized, according to Ulrich, into ordained and lay components: the Hochmeister (Grandmaster) will remain an oathed position, without hereditary rights, and elected by the Generalkapitel (General Chapter); his subordinate Großgebietiger (High Offices) will still be appointed by him, and the various Commandries thereafter; the business of the state, however, will be separated from the business of the monastic order---those ordained brothers will continue their good work while the brothers militant and lay brothers will assume all administrative duties related to the function of the state. Their respective Commandries and titles will become hereditary after their fifth year in that faculty, becoming Landkomtureien (Landed Commandries), and can then thereafter be inherited by their male issue upon their death. The titles of any Landed Commander who passes on without fulfilling the requirements for hereditary succession, or who has no male issue eligible for inheritance, will be reappointed.

Kuno swears an oath to the dying Ulrich to carry out his will. It may just save the Order and its State...
 
Chapter 8 - The Order-State, pt. 2

[Author's note: "Another update, in honor of this 605th anniversary of the Battle of Grunwald! Enjoy!"]


"The Teutonic Order-State eventually succeeded in reforming its political structure as a medieval polity and geographical entity, such that the question of its existence or relevance fell into the margin of contemporary thought and opinion. The 'Posthumous Reforms', as they have since become known, due to their being included in the last will and testament of Ulrich von Jungingen and thus not enacted until after his parting, represent in hindsight the Order's first step toward this end of establishing a modern state. Proclaimed formally in 1416, on the sixth anniversary of the fateful Battle of Grunwald (1), although there is evidence that some were put into practice well beforehand, these began to codify the secular state that had grown up around the Order's lands accrued through their conquest of the Baltic. These lands had been consolidated under the Order, yet the cities along the Baltic coast had remained imperial free cities, paying minimal taxes to the Order, and usually only then in times of war. These cities had enjoyed the Order's protection for nearly two centuries, yet by and large many---most notably the Hanseatic ports of Danzig, Thorn, Elbing, and Königsberg---continually refused to acknowledge the leadership of the Order. Beyond the issues of succession and restructuring the Commandry system, the Reforms settled the question once and for all regarding the 'free cities' of Prussia: with the Emperor's accession to the granting of a princely rank to the Grandmaster (non-hereditary, secondary to that of 'Grandmaster', and attached to it), the imperial cities in Prussia were forced to swear fealty directly to the Grandmaster, as 'Margrave of Prussia' (2) and agent of the Emperor . This marked the beginning of an enduring conflict between the Order and the cities' erstwhile patrons, the Hanseatic League."

- from "The Rise of the Modern Prussian State"​


It is certainly rare for the Order to amend its code and law, but these are changing times: gone, virtually, is the threat of pagan incursion into Christendom; the Russians, who are not necessarily heretics, yet do not recognize the pope, are preoccupied with their own affairs; and the Order's biggest regional threat, the Polish-Lithunian Union, has all but ceased to exist---the Polish Crown is now worn by an ally of the Order, Emperor Sigismund I, and the much-reduced Lithuania is a vassal of the Order. The Order's State's continued existence had depended on the finding of a new threat to combat, or, failing that, the granting of a secular title and, thus, rights to the land it occupies.

Kuno von Lichtenstein, Grandmaster of the Teutonic Order, Margrave of Prussia, Komtur of Königsberg, Malbork, and Ragnit(3). He truly seems more a prince of the Empire than Master of the Teutonic Knights. He quickly realizes the controversy of holding both a monastic and secular title and ensures that the latter is attached to the appointment of the former. This becomes codified as an amendment to Ulrich's will, which itself has been added to the Order's Code.

Kuno begins his tenure by officially repealing the war tax provision on his new vassal-cities. This lightens permanently the tax burden on the cities and wins favor among the burghers. In place of the war tax, Kuno announces a protection of grains farming and fishing in Prussia and Terra Mariana (territory yet under the government of the cadet 'Livonian Order'), granting preferred status to the King of Poland. This, over time, leads to an agricultural boom along the Weichsel River (4) valley in Prussia, due to a subsequent increase in the institutionalization of regional trade and innovations brought by the Dutch. Prussian grains become the premier regional crop, in no small part due to the drop-off in Polish grain farming after their defeat at Grunwald (5), and the increase in fishing under these protections boosts domestic timber and lumber production as well.

Kuno also begins a modest restructuring of the army. The lack of cohesion at Grunwald had been pronounced and obvious, even given the ample preparation time in advance of the battle. Thus, the banners that made up the combined Teutonic army would be split into dismounted and mounted components---the main contingents of conscripts, dismounted men-at-arms and mercenary infantry, especially crossbowmen (and most especially those prized Genoese crossbowmen, when present) (6), would fight under independently organized commands from their mounted counterparts; the mounted component, i.e. knight-brothers, nobility, sergeants and men-at-arms, would have their own formations under their respective banners. In this way, no longer would banners fight in a battle semi-autonomously, but rather, infantry and cavalry components from each banner would fight together as cohesive units, respectively. This will lead to a rise in the prominence of the role of infantry and the innovative use of combined infantry tactics independent of the mounted cavalry (7). Further, native Prussian and other Baltic nobility are invited to join the Order as lay brothers, in order to replenish the ranks of the Order, which lost many good knight-brothers in the last war. The establishment of new commandries in Order-occupied Lithuania and Samogitia and the prospect of new and existing commandries attaining landed rights make this extremely attractive to the Christianized native nobility, who had fallen by the wayside in the 'Germanization' of Prussia and Terra Mariana (8).

Settlement incentives are also expanded under the new peace, and these begin to bring a new influx of German craftsmen, traders and peasants alike, from across the Empire, to settle in the Order's lands.

Soon, however, the increasing tensions between the Hansa and the Order would come to a head...


~~~~~~~


1) Grunwald aka Tannenberg, still not sure which these very obviously German sources should be using to refer to the battle.

2) The March of Prussia is created by Sigismund to compensate the Order for the lack of Imperial participation in the war---and to reward the Order for indirectly bringing the Polish Crown to the House of Luxembourg.

3) Ragnit/Ragnety, have not found a good translation for this to its German counterpart.

4) Weichsel = Vistula

5) Refers to the general collapse of Polish agriculture after the deaths of many Polish nobility and peasantry at the battle, and the subsequent [relative] anarchy that ensued after Sigismund's election and Ruthenia's revolt away from the crown.

6) Genoese crossbowmen were prized by monarchs everywhere, even after their notorious defeat at Crecy. Prussian crossbowmen are beginning to compete TTL, however, after the victory at Grunwald, and will be developed to form their own companies.

7) An earlier, Prussian 'infantry revolution'? Looks like it!

8) Refers to Medieval Livonia, and is inferred to include as well, in this case, Estonia, the Archbishopric of Riga, and the Bishoprics of Dorpat, Ösel-Wiek, and Kurland
 
"The Rise of the Modern Prussian State", Kristoff Klark (1)

1) I'm working on consolidating my list of TTL sources (someone please get the reference)
Sounds like a reference to Christopher Clark's "Iron Kingdom" book. It's been a while since I read the entire thing, but it's quite handy to look things up in.

Far to the east, the Golden Horde has turned inward to settle the matter of the succession---Jalal al-Din ibn Tokhtamysh, rightful heir to the throne, perished at Grunwald under Vytautas, and Edigu Nogai has proclaimed himself khan (2). He is challenged by a smattering of Genghisid princes and seeks to solidify his control over the Horde...
I doubt the Golden Horde was in a position to recover its former glory at this point, but it's still before many of the most devastating defeats and splinterings of OTL. The situation at hand might result in an earlier splintering of the Golden Horde, but it could also end up smashing so much of the opposition that it's strengthened in the long run.

In Italy, the victorious Ladislao I of Naples consolidates his kingdom and looks for opportunities to expand further...
The wealthy Tuscan cities seem like they would be a good target. Sicily would be easier to justify though.

Chapter 8 - The Order-State, pt. 1&2
These reforms sound interesting, but also quite radical for the time. Will we be hearing more about the internal and external opposition to them in the future? There are a number of issues other than conflicts with the Hansa that should probably be addressed.

First one that comes to mind is the part about so suddenly granting native elites relatively easy access to the Order. I can't imagine that would go over well with the entrenched German elites in Prussia, for one.

I am also a bit confused about how easy it seemed to be to (mostly) secularize Prussia when the Livonian Confederation remained the miniature HRE it was OTL. The Livonian Order, and the Confederation by extension, didn't have all that much autonomy, even if it was officially separate, so were there at least attempts to turn the Terra Mariana into a more cohesive unit?

The widespread support for army reform is also a bit hard to believe. Wouldn't it be thought by many that, since the old way won them the day at Tannenberg, there's no real need to change? Obviously there'd be quite a bit of support as well due to the reasons you mentioned, but the way you put it made it sound like there was no real opposition.
 
Sounds like a reference to Christopher Clark's "Iron Kingdom" book. It's been a while since I read the entire thing, but it's quite handy to look things up in.

Right you are! It's a direct homage.

I doubt the Golden Horde was in a position to recover its former glory at this point, but it's still before many of the most devastating defeats and splinterings of OTL. The situation at hand might result in an earlier splintering of the Golden Horde, but it could also end up smashing so much of the opposition that it's strengthened in the long run.

Just keep the GH situation in mind when we get back to Russia eventually. Jalal al-Din's death will change things there.

The wealthy Tuscan cities seem like they would be a good target. Sicily would be easier to justify though.

If I answer to this, it will spoil things, but these are solid guesses. Best to let things play out.

These reforms sound interesting, but also quite radical for the time. Will we be hearing more about the internal and external opposition to them in the future? There are a number of issues other than conflicts with the Hansa that should probably be addressed.

First one that comes to mind is the part about so suddenly granting native elites relatively easy access to the Order. I can't imagine that would go over well with the entrenched German elites in Prussia, for one.

The widespread support for army reform is also a bit hard to believe. Wouldn't it be thought by many that, since the old way won them the day at Tannenberg, there's no real need to change? Obviously there'd be quite a bit of support as well due to the reasons you mentioned, but the way you put it made it sound like there was no real opposition.

You're right to question the seeming ease of these reforms! Kuno died OTL at Grunwald, and there's very little information surrounding his person. I've decided that, inspired by his election as 'Hochmeister', he should try to reform the antiquated Order. His early career as master-at-arms, plus his status as right-hand-man of Ulrich lends some legitimacy to this. Heinrich von Plauen OTL was successor to Ulrich and had too much on his plate post-Grunwald to do much about the state and whatever limited modernizing may have been possible. I'm taking some liberty to suggest that, without the crushing defeat at Grunwald, the Order -would- have began reforming to keep pace with its secular neighbors.

It's not like I'm having him free the serfs or sign a constitution (although the 'Generalkapital'/General Chapter -was- something like a board of trustees, with appointment and veto powers, and their decisions did have the effect of law) or anything like that. Altering the tax code, introducing trade protections, restructuring the army---these were all typical reforms-du-jour for the period, and there's no reason to think that an 'Ordensstaat' that just got done destroying their largest rival wouldn't consider using the peace to get some serious you-know-what done domestically.

However that's not to say that it won't meet any resistance.


I am also a bit confused about how easy it seemed to be to (mostly) secularize Prussia when the Livonian Confederation remained the miniature HRE it was OTL. The Livonian Order, and the Confederation by extension, didn't have all that much autonomy, even if it was officially separate, so were there at least attempts to turn the Terra Mariana into a more cohesive unit?

TTL the Livonian Confederation hasn't formed yet, because the Livonian Order hasn't broken away, because its parent order didn't lose at Grunwald. It's still the Livonian Order (cadet branch of the Teutonic Order) and the various listed ecclesiastic holdings. Estonia is controlled by the TO as well at this point, still. There's nothing to say that the Livonian branch won't attempt to assert itself, but it's position is weaker TTL relative to the Teutonic Order simply because, again, no defeat at Grunwald.

The granting of the secular 'March of Prussia' served simultaneously, as I mentioned in footnotes, as both compensation and reward from Sigismund, who failed to provide the Order troops to fight at Grunwald, yet gained the Kingdom of Poland as a result of that battle. Granting the Order what amounts to landed rights to its territory is a bit of hasty backtracking on Sigismund's part. The Order has not secularized---the Order-State's highest title of Grandmaster is still oathed and non-hereditary and must be approved by the Generalkapitel---and will not secularize as long as there isn't a good reason to. OTL's secularization was the result of the Grandmaster converting during the Reformation. The Order split in two---secular, Protestant Prussia and the assembly of still-monastic, still-Catholic bailiwicks and baronies throughout the HRE, and the seat of the Grandmaster moved to Würtzburg. Nothing like that is occurring TTL. Simply, the Order now owns the rights to its territory, at least in Prussia.
 
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Chapter 9 - The Teutonic-Hanseatic War, pt 1

Part 1: The Danzig Confederation

"The theretofore Imperial free cities within the lands of the Teutonic Order, having had their vassalage shifted from directly to Holy Roman Emperor now to the Order-State under Imperial Edict in 1415, now faced a dilemma. Previously, they had enjoyed significant protection and relative autonomy under the Hanseatic League, which bargained collectively with the Empire on behalf of the member cities for favorable trade conditions, tax exemptions, etc. They had payed taxes to the Order in war-time, but otherwise remained largely independent of the Order's administration. Now they owed allegiance solely to the Teutonic Order and its cadet branch, the Livonian Order in Terra Mariana. This worried the merchants and guilders, who called upon the Hanseatic diet in Lübeck to challenge the edict. This resulted in the League invoking the alliance of the old Confederation of Cologne---of the original confederation, only the Hanseatic members assented to the invocation, as well as new members: Hamburg, Visby, Danzig, Riga, Reval and Dorpat joined what became known as the Danzig Confederation, for the first Prussian city to call for the Edict's repeal."

- from "The Rise of the Modern Prussian State" (1)


Prelude to War

Hockmeister-Prinz Kuno von Lichtenstein, at the start of his tenure in early 1416, had hoped that the repeal of the war-tax provision and introduction of new protections under the Order would assuage the cities, but he had not counted out the possibility of a refutation of his policy. However, he had not anticipated an outright revolt by the League's member cities, much less the formation of a proper alliance against the Order. Now the Order, whose recent expansionism and record of past treatment of the Hanseatic cities within its lands painted for itself a not altogether flattering picture, becomes an easy target for the cities' angst and outrage at the Edict. Of course, Emperor Sigismund intervenes in short order, for the refutation was in actuality less a domestic upheaval within the Order-State but rather more so a direct affront to imperial authority.

The League is well-known for its history of directly and indirectly influencing imperial policy and authority within its member cities and abroad. They have in the past used military force with extreme prejudice in order to secure favorable trading rights and privileges, most recently against the Kingdoms of Denmark and Sweden and their privateer agents. However, now the full weight of the Empire and her chief regional proxy, the Teutonic Order, bears down upon them (2).

Opening Moves

c667yKa.png


The conflict opens into hostilities in March of 1416 when the Confederation's member cities close their harbors and ports to imperial and Teutonic merchants and ships. In Prussia, Kuno receives the authority from the Generalkapitel for a limited summons of the army. Banners from Prussia's commandries begin to converge, careful to avoid interception by rebels, near the loyalist capital of Königsberg.

The Teutonic fleet, moored at Danzig, is seized by the rebels. Not only removed from play, the fleet, its station and garrison caught off-guard and captured, becomes a major asset for the Confederation. The Order theretofore had fielded the largest single fleet in the Baltic---some fifty cogs and round ships of varying sizes, with which the Order had commanded the Baltic since the 1390s (3). Now that fleet joins the Confederation's combined flotilla, and with it, supremacy in the Baltic. The Order is thus forced to wage a ground campaign.

April begins with the siege of Elbing, in Warmia province. So close to the Order's capital, and thus under significant pressure, it capitulates within the month. The seasonal rains only aid the sieging army, as a torrential downpour prevents Hanseatic fleet detachments, replete with supplies, from nearing the harbor. On April 29th, the city leadership surrenders to the Order---renunciation of and resignation from the Hanseatic League, pledging their full support of the Edict and swearing fealty to the Order-State. These terms are kind for an unconditional surrender---Kuno wishes, after all, to bring the cities to the Order's fold, not make enemies where he does not have to, and thus avoids the opportunity to 'make an example' of the first city to surrender.

The Livonian Order fares worse in its campaign to suppress the Hanseats within its lands. For the first year of the conflict, rebels in Riga, Reval and Dorpat, aided by the supply-bearing Hanseatic flotilla, would break and repel every Livonian siege attempt. On one occasion, in late June, Hanseatic forces in Riga sally out at the Livonians, bringing bombards to bear against them, and completely rout the latter. The surrounding towns eventually join the Hanseatic cause, them being sympathetic to their plight, which they see not as an affront to the Empire but rather as a fight for their existence as free cities. In this way, as the Livonian Order loses ground to the rebels, the Terra Mariana becomes a Hanseatic stronghold and symbol of resistance of imperial authority.

The Siege of Danzig

In Prussia, the Hanseats fare far worse, as the Teutonic army besieges the rebel cities along the Weichsel. Starved of supplies and reinforcements, as the Order controls the river south of Danzig, the Hanseatic garrisons at Kulm and Thorn eventually surrender, on the 14th and 30th of June, respectively. These cities suffer far worse at the Order's hands, and surrender under the same terms as those at the surrender of Elbing. Casualties to the Order's forces are significant, inflicted by disease and during assaults on both city's walled and well-defended centers, but not so high as to forbid further campaigning. It is, thus, with a sort of 'victor's high' that the remaining Teutonic force marches north on Danzig, joyful and singing, sure of their eventual triumph. The Hanseats there have had time to consolidate their hold of the city and prepare for a long siege. Having received word both of their brethren's successes in the northeast as well as defeats to the south, they steel themselves with resolve and determination.

On the sixth anniversary of the Order's victory at Grunwald, the Teutonic army announces the beginning of its siege of the Confederation's namesake city, and offers the defenders the same terms of surrender forced upon the defeated Elbingers---kind of the Order, and generous, but the Danzigers refuse. Thus begins a siege that would last the rest of the campaign season.

Danzig has 3,000 defenders at the beginning of the siege and a small wing of cavalry, numbering some 400. A further 4,000 Hanseatic infantry and crossbowmen will arrive via flotilla during its course.

The Teutonic army at the outset of the siege has twelve banners from as many commandries---a force of 3,500 men-at-arms, 3,000 crossbowmen, and a further thousand peasant levies and conscripts outfitted as spearmen and skirmishers comprise the infantry. Fifty-four knight-brothers and a further five hundred half-brothers, sergeants, squires, and mounted men-at-arms make up the cavalry component. Over the course of the siege, the Order will add a further eight banners (some 4,000 infantry and another 500 mounted cavalry) to these numbers.

Both forces bring artillery pieces to bear on one another: the defenders twelve bombards, and the Order eight. These are used to some effect by both sides, inflicting several casualties, and suppressed only by inclement weather. However, these crude bombards are used more for their intimidation factor than their actual damage-dealing potential. Noteworthy, though, is the role of the Teutonic bombardment in finally opening the city.

July ends with a stalemate. The defenders are too well-prepared and the Hanseatic flotilla keeps them well-supplied and reinforced. The Teutonic reinforcements are quick to arrive from loyalist towns and commandries south and east of the city. August, too, ends after multiple attempts by both sides to decide the matter, each enduring significant casualties, each failing to achieve anything meaningful or decisive. September brings more rain, and two more major attempts by Teutonic forces, their commanders growing impatient, particularly the increasingly frustrated and upset Hochmeister Kuno. With casualties beginning to mount, Kuno calls for increased reinforcement---five banners, re-routed from their original objective north in Livonia, to decide the matter. When this force arrives in early October, another massive assault on the city is mounted, with Kuno at its head.

The Battle of Danzig

GdgUpJe.jpg


The initial bombardment and assault on the main gate, at dawn on October 8th, proves successful in opening the city and gaining the gatehouse, but a counterattack pushes Teutonic forces back, across the bridge and outside the walls, under a hail of missiles. Spear-armed militias and guards, the stout defenders, form a shield wall at the mouth of the ruined gate, already ruined by bombard fire and set alight and burning by a Teutonic vanguard before they are surrounded and killed by the counterattacking Danzigers. Four knights are killed in this melee, alongside twenty or so sergeants and men-at-arms.

The mounted Knights attempt to charge the hastily-formed wall of men, but break off under sustained missile fire, unable to break the bristling formation. Kuno and his commanders are forced to regroup and change tactics mid-assault. The defenders meanwhile erect a barricade from the ruined gate and gatehouse to prevent further entry and charge attempts.

On the Teutonic left flank, under Marshal Albrecht von Schwartzburg, the Knights enjoy more success. Two hours into the battle, heavy infantry, followed by crossbows, gain a section of wall with bridges, ladders and ropes. This force pushes along the battlements, through the broken defenders there and toward the barricade, which has become the center of the defense. The right flank, led by the valiant Frederic von Wallenrode, slayer of Vytautas and hero of Grunwald, enjoys similar success and begins to clear defenders from bastions and battlements along the southern estuary They are repulsed, however, and sustain such casualties that the entire right flank falls back outside missile range. Frederic is wounded by bolts in his left shoulder and thigh, and his aides drag him to safety.

At mid-morning with the situation at the center grinding to a stalemate, Kuno, desperate to break the city, leads three thousand infantry and knights in a charge on the embattled right flank. This renewed assault breaks the beleaguered defenders and pushes into the city, overtaking the city on and south of the Mottlau (4). His advance is only halted when he attempts to cross that river by crossbowmen and scratch companies of civilians, roused to action by the defenders, on the north bank. The bridges crossing the Mottlau are blocked or otherwise rendered inaccessible by these new defenders, and Kuno is forced to consolidate his captured, rather empty portion of the city and reconnect with the rest of his army to the west.

By mid-day, the Order's left, right and center finally link up and begin the final assault on the town center. Having finally gained the main gate from the tiring defenders, the Teutonic main battle, under the joint command of Marshal Heinrich von Plauen and Tomas von Merheim, pushes in through Danziger and Hanseat defenders alike. Kuno finally gains the northern bank of the Mottlau and continues north through the city. The Teutonic left consolidates and pushes south and east. The defenders and what remains of the citizenry, completely broken, fall back to the Marienkirche at the town center (5). Civilians are rushed inside the partially-built cathedral church while the Hanseatic remnants form up outside.

Kuno rides down the Hauptstraße at the head of a much-battered Teutonic army in the early afternoon. The city is all but his. He is relieved to see the white flag of surrender flying over the poorly-assembled barricades outside the cathedral. The scene---the defenders standing or kneeling, leaning on each other for support, barely holding their pikes and spears erect, the cathedral rising above them; the sounds of wailing women and children echoing from the unfinished, tall windows of the church, all but crowding out the noise of hasty, desperate last orders and encouragements shouted by Hanseat commanders---moves him greatly and, exhausted, he almost falls off his horse, in tears.

The city's unconditional surrender is given by the city's surviving leadership and accepted by Kuno and his officers. The terms offered at the outset of the siege remain---Danzig formally accepts the Order's lordship and renounces its patrons, the Hanseatic League.

The War Continues

The defeat at Danzig is a severe blow to the Hanseatic war effort. The Danzig Confederation is immediately renamed the Baltic Confederation. This new incarnation would continue the war effort through the winter and into the next year...

~~~~~~~

1) This source is, retroactively, the main fictional source from which this narrative is derived.
2) Closer and closer ties between the Emperor and the Order...the Order-State is being recognized as an official princely agent of the Emperor.
3) Estimated fleet size; the Order -did- have the biggest fleet in the Baltic OTL, pre-Grunwald.
4) The Motlawa River---Danzig/Gdansk sits on both rivers, but the Vistula/Weichsel is the main economic artery.
5) 'St. Mary's Church, Gdansk', construction commenced in 1379, hence it is here described as 'unfinished'.
6) Yes, I realize the map of Danzig/Gdansk featured here is a much more modern one (20th century I think). I also resized it, as the original is much larger. Sorry if it is hard to read.


~~~~~~~

[Author's note: This felt really good to write, and I think this will be the style I write in from here on out. Thanks for bearing with me as I 'find myself' as far as the writing style/process goes. Enjoy!]
 
Another solid update; I also like this style of writing.

It seems Prussia is mostly safe from the League at this point, but the loss of their fleet, and Livonia succumbing almost entirely is quite worrying for the Order. Would the Order even be capable of enforcing the return of their fleet? Even if they defeat the Hanseats in Prussia and Livonia, it seems like it would be difficult to threaten the rest of the League enough to make them return it.
 
Another solid update; I also like this style of writing.

It seems Prussia is mostly safe from the League at this point, but the loss of their fleet, and Livonia succumbing almost entirely is quite worrying for the Order. Would the Order even be capable of enforcing the return of their fleet? Even if they defeat the Hanseats in Prussia and Livonia, it seems like it would be difficult to threaten the rest of the League enough to make them return it.

A good point! But remember the Order isn't the only entity the League ticked off. Sigismund will want satisfaction for his Edict. An affront to his authority will not go unpunished, as he demonstrated during the Council.
 
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Chapter 9 - The Teutonic-Hanseatic War, pt 2

Part 2: Imperial Intervention

"The emperor's intervention against the theretofore Free Cities of the Hanseatic League, now outlaws in the eyes of the Empire, was swift and decisive. This action, which did not come until spring of 1417, consisted of a mixed Hungarian-Bohemian force and replete with mercenaries, commanded by the son of Stibor Stiboricz of the old Polish Ostoja clan, also named Stibor (de [of] Beckov) (1). Stibor carried his father's heavy and prestigious mantle well---he was as able of a commander and diplomat as his father, perhaps yet more so. Emperor Sigismund was like a second father to him, being so close with Stibor. These actions against the rebellious Hanseats marked the beginning of his illustrious career."

- from "The Rise of the Modern Prussian State"​


Imperial Authority Shaken

The Edict of 1415, at the Council of Constance, had nullified the war debt clause of the Treaty of Thorn; the secular March of Prussia was considered to be 'full and fair payment' of the debt 'owed' to the Order by the Polish crown, now worn by Sigismund, after Grunwald and the conclusion of that war. Sigismund, retaining those monies, as well as those gained from taxes on the Polish and Bohemian lands, is all the more able to enforce his rule and begins a long campaign of consolidating control over the Empire and beyond. The first action, against the Venetians, had been a strategic success---if a tactical loss, as no lands were transferred to the Empire---as it had forced the issue of the Council of Constance and the subsequent resolution of the Western Schism, the results of which were extremely favorable to Sigismund and the Empire. The second of these actions, against the Hanseats, has the potential of eliminating the tax exemptions for the rebellious cities of the Confederation, as well as for establishing a new rule of order within the Empire: direct rule of the cities by the emperor.

The Hanseatic Rebellion had shaken Sigismund, whose Empire theretofore had been relatively peaceful and stable. He knew his decrees at Constance were not popular, but he, like his ally, Kuno, had not anticipated outright revolt by the cities, going so far as to declare war on the Teutonic Order---and, by association, the Empire.

Sigismund authorizes direct military action against the rebels in the wake of the Teutonic Order's successes against rebels in their own territory, and the latter's intentions to move north to retake the Terra Mariana. The emperor had been the erstwhile ally of the Order under Konrad von Jungingen and his brother Ulrich, though only nominally with the latter (2). Sigismund and his vassal (and close friend and adviser), Stibor Stiboricz, had in fact conspired against the Order to bring themselves great financial gain in anticipation of a Teutonic loss against the Polish and Lithuanians. This, of course, had failed to materialize, and, following the total Teutonic victory, Sigismund and Stibor---and, now, Stibor's son and heir---have since reconfirmed their alliance with the Order. It is worth noting that Sigismund had held off on intervening directly until the Order proved successful in their own campaign.

Stibor de Beckov and Jan Zizka

Stibor II Stiborzci 'de Beckov' (Voivode of Transylvania, Prince of Galicia, 'Lord of the Vah' [Slovakia]) shares his father's lack of sympathy and in fact resentment of the Teutonic Order, particularly the Order under Ulrich (3). Kuno von Lichtenstein has proven himself to be a much more able diplomat and administrator than his predecessor, yet shares the latter's anti-Polish sentiments, though he is much more tactful and polite in dealing with the Polish under Sigismund than Ulrich with Jogaila (who was very anti-Teutonic Order) and his court. Still, Stibor serves Sigismund and, as a young magnate of imperial lands, has much to prove. He takes command of the Imperial Army at Prague in March of 1417, and, at Sigismunds suggestion, makes the 'Count of Prague' Jan Zizka his right-hand and second-in-command.

The army, some twenty-thousand strong, sets out from Prague in late March for the Hanseatic capital of Lübeck. By the 20th of April the army has made camp near Lauenburg, just south of the city, and begins preparations for a summer siege. Zizka and Stibor deliberate over the best plan of attack---the city, Lübeck proper, lay at the center of a network of towns and fortresses that made up, collectively, the Free City of Lübeck. Reinforcements from Bohemia, Zizka's own companies of mercenaries and 'Hussites', were due within a month (4), but Sigismund had been clear---the League's capital and power-base must fall this campaign season; winter would freeze the waterways and take the Haseatic flotilla out of play, but would also make a sustained siege much more difficult. The commanders finally settled on a deployment of mobile cavalry and infantry in war-wagons. Cavalry would chevauchée, and the wagon-mounted infantry would then occupy each successive town. The main body of the army would then pacify the conquered territory and outlying lands, and restore imperial rule.

The 'wagenburg' tactic, pioneered by Zizka, involved forming a circle of these large wagons, in which handgunners and crossbowmen could take cover and fire missiles at enemy formations. Additional soldiers armed with pikes and flails assisted in defense of the formation. The Bohemian and Moravian Hussites were quick to adopt this tactic as a sort of 'national' form of warfare. This tactic is used to great effect during the Northern Campaign, as it later becomes known, particularly in defense against Hanseat relief forces and popular revolts during the occupation and restoration effort.

The Siege of Lübeck

By mid-May the 'outer' towns south and west of the city are under imperial control. Zizka's mobile raid-and-occupy tactics prove extremely effective in rapidly subduing the rebels. Fortifications, improvised and purpose-built alike, are blasted with bombards and rudimentary cannon, reduced with rams and catapults, even mined and burned by sappers. Stibor's Imperials defeat numerous attempts by the Hanseats' own combined militias and mercenary forces---a mish-mash of hired muscle from northern Germany, much of which was sympathetic to the Hanseatic cause, but also England, Scandinavia, and even as far as Russia---at relieving the occupied towns. The Hanseats are effective at skirmishing the Imperials, whose large columns are slower to react. Yet, whenever Stibor can force a pitched battle, and can bring the Hungarian professionalism and skill---particularly the heavy cavalry---to bear, he triumphs decisively against the looser, less-organized Hanseatic formations.

Zizka's raiding and occupation drives out local populations, causing those within the 'inner' towns and the city proper to swell dramatically. June brings the summer heat and damp; and these, pestilence. The great Hanseatic flotilla keeps the city well-supplied and evacuates as many sick and, indeed, dead as its commanders are able, yet still thousands perish from plague within the city walls. In July alone as many as [edit]five thousand[/edit] men, women and children die from plague alone. By August the inner towns, too, start to fall to the Imperials, and the siege of the city proper begins in earnest.

The conditions in the city continue to worsen; the plague is now claiming the upper echelons of the citizenry and nobility as well as the commonry. Smoke rises from parts of the walled city---not from any bombardment or other siege activity, but from great pyres of the dead, desperately lit to prevent the further spread of the plague. These only succeed in compromising the city's defense by making entire sectors inaccessible and, thus, indefensible. The flotilla ceases all but basic supply runs to the city, for fear of compromising the ships' crews with plague. Indeed, a number of ships are taken out of commission after their contamination by the plague victims they had been transporting out of the city to quarantine camps outside of Visby (5). [edit]The remainder of the flotilla is used throughout the siege to evacuate the non-combatant citizenry, especially the nobility and merchant class, to occupied Livonia[/edit].

Imperial Rule Restored?

By mid-September the city capitulates under severe internal pressure for a general surrender. Stibor receives the city's surrender on the third Sunday of that month, after a mass of blessing over the victors. The Imperials are slightly worse for wear, having suffered some two- or three-thousand casualties over the course of the campaign. Overall, it is a resounding success. Lübeck's surviving leadership renounces the League and acknowledges the lordship of the emperor. Further, the activity of the political governing body of the Hanseatic League, the Hansetag, is suspended pending the eventual capitulation of the rest of the Baltic Confederation's member cities.

What becomes tantamount to a martyrdom of the Hansa of Lübeck, rather than paralyzing the rest of the Confederation with fear and forcing their surrender, emboldens the remaining cities and drives them into closer alliance. The flotilla, still largely intact, allows supremacy of the Baltic---and thus nearly continuous communication and cooperation between the cities, whose plight engenders the sympathies of local populaces and nobility, particularly in northern Germany, whose princes all but throw themselves in with the cities, stopping short of declaring their full support: the sons of Swantibor, Casimir V and Otto II, co-ruling as Duke of Pomerania-Stettin; the sons of Barnim VI, Wartislaw XI and Barnim VII, co-ruling as Duke of Pomerania-Wolgast; and the Livonian nobility and citizenry of the Terra Mariana, rallying under the newly-appointed Archbishop of Riga, Johannes Ambundii, forming what becomes known as the 'Livonian Confederation' (under the parent Baltic Confederation) that replaces the ailing Livonian Order as the dominant temporal power there (6). Consequentially, what remains of the Hansetag, [edit]having been transported from Lübeck[/edit], reconvenes at Riga in late 1417, and Riga becomes the new de-facto political center of the League (the commercial hub of Hamburg, up to this point, is still the economic 'capital' of the League, after the seizure of Lübeck by the Empire) (7).

Emperor and Hochmeister, Allies at the Edge of Chaos (8)

The Livonian Order is reduced, by this point, to the Bishopric of Dorpat and its holdings therein; supplied and reinforced via Estonia to the north, this is a solid and defensible position, but not one that lends itself to reconquering lost lands. A few exclaves, mostly Teutonic-built commandries, still hold out under sporadic siege attempts by the Livonian Hanseats, but cannot endure for long. Thus the Teutonic Order under Kuno, who is desperate to prevent the prolonging of this conflict, having regained lost strengths from the previous year's campaign, and bolstered by imperial reinforcements, marches north in strength through Samogitia to retake Livonia. If these losses cannot be made up, if the flow of commerce cannot be restored to the Order-State's lands, then Kuno will be forced to exact high war-taxes on Prussia's cities to make up for the lost revenues---exactly what he had just promised to never again do, not yet two years ago.

Sigismund's priorities going into the campaign season of 1418 are thus: order and Imperial rule (intermediately under the Teutonic Order-State, he eventually decides, is appropriate) must be restored to the Terran Mariana; the Hanseatic League must be broken once and for all; finally, the imperial free city system must be reformed to prevent this from happening again. Else, imperial rule means nothing, and the empire itself might as well be dissolved. Sigismund, conscious of the various other threats to the Empire, and particularly to own his yet-vulnerable realm, communicates his firm resolution in putting down the rebellion to Hochmeister Kuno von Lichtenstein. Kuno, reluctant to waste the good will earned in his just treatment of the Prussian rebels, yet hardened by what he has heard of events in Livonia, agrees and accepts the emperor's offer of continued cooperation and mutual support for the coming campaigns...

~~~~~~~

1) Introducing the son of Stibor Stiboricz, Stibor 'de Beckov' (for Beckov Castle, home of the Stiborczi branch of the Ostoja clan after 1388). His inheritance encompasses much of OTL Slovakia, Galicia and Transylvania, making him the largest single land-holder in all of Europe. His father passed away as in OTL in 1414. His son, Stibor Jr. had no male heirs and his father's amassed lands and fortunes were split up after his death OTL.
2) Sigismund and his agent, Stibor, had anticipated the OTL Teutonic defeat at Grunwald and engineered the aftermath, such that much of the Order's war debt was somehow transferred to the Hungarian crown and thus themselves, consequently making Stibor not only the most-landed man but also one of the richest in Europe. Without this massive wealth inheritance ITTL, his son has to seek fame and fortune elsewhere; hence, his command of the Hungarian army against the Hanseat rebels.
3) Ulrich was infamously and very publicly anti-Polish, which made him very unpopular with the Polish and their allies and sympathizers. Stibor was from a Polish noble family, and thus had allegiances not only to Sigismund but also to the Polish crown---now both one in the same.
4) 'Hussites' ITTL refers to the quasi-military outfit that emerged from the violence and drama at the Council of Constance. They are led, as in OTL, by Jan Zizka, and employ the same tactics made famous during OTL Hussite Wars.
5) Visby, too, rebels and joins the Confederation's cause after the seizure of the Teutonic fleet.
6) Introducing also the Livonian Confederation, although unlike its OTL counterpart it is -not- at all loyal to the HRE.
7) The Hansetag TTL replaces the Landtag that formed the governing body of OTL Livonian Confederation.
8) Edgy! I love poetic B.S. like this.
 
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Deimos

Banned
[...]In July alone as many as fifty thousand men, women and children die from plague and other ailments. [...]

Luebeck had only around 24,000 inhabitants (including the usual 30% non-registered citizens) in 1400 AD. 50,000 plague victims even counting refugees and mercenaries sounds far too high.
 
Luebeck had only around 24,000 inhabitants (including the usual 30% non-registered citizens) in 1400 AD. 50,000 plague victims even counting refugees and mercenaries sounds far too high.

I'll change it, thanks for the tip. I did mention that there were droves of refugees from he surrounding towns driven into the city, but it does seems artificially high, you're right.
 

Deimos

Banned
I'll change it, thanks for the tip. I did mention that there were droves of refugees from he surrounding towns driven into the city, but it does seems artificially high, you're right.

The ships doing the supply runs are empty on their way back. It would be easy for them to ship at least part of the refugees somewhere else. Moving these refugees might explain the strength of the Livonian Hanseats who have been bolstered by those robbed of their homes by the HRE?
 
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