12. "THE GUAYANAS QUESTION"
The most controversial topic referred by the Crown of Portugal regarded the “Guayanas colony”, which comprised the former French and Dutch provinces in the northern part of the South American continent. These regions had been officially ceded by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to the Kingdom of Portugal in the Congress of Vienna of 1814, in exchange for the recently acquired Portuguese cities of Dadrá e Nagar Haveli in India, and also as a compensation of sorts for the immense destruction wrought by the British Royal Navy. Nevertheless, despite belonging de iure to the Kingdom of Portugal, these provinces had been under undisputed Luso-Brazilian control since 1809. The local garrisons did not partake in the War of Independence, and thus surrendered to the republican forces in 1820, the year in which these territories were formally annexed to the Free State of Brazil.

King João VI of Portugal, in the agreement by which his nation ceased hostilities, made a formal complaint demanding the Guayanas as rightful colonies of the Portuguese Empire, but made no serious effort to retake them by force, and thus they remained in Brazilian control until 1829.

At the time, the Guayanas were sparsely inhabited by European-descended colonists, ruling over a large African slave population (Afro-Guyanese peoples) and aboriginals from the Arawak and Carib ethnic groups. Most of the colonial population lived in the coastal region, where a stretch of sugar-cane plantations produced the basic product of the region. Even if sugar trade was experiencing a decline since its heyday in the 17th Century, the Portuguese still desired to exploit this resource, now that they had lost the profitable sugar enterprises of Portuguese America.

In December 1829 – the first year of King Pedro IV of Portugal’s reign – a diplomatic crisis occurred when Portuguese military ships sailing in the western coast of Africa raided the Brazilian civilian ships, targeting especially slave transports coming from Gabon or Congo, and merchant vessels that crossed the Cape of Good Hope coming from the long voyage to India. An ironic vengeance, considering that for centuries Portugal had profited from the extraction of African captives to serve as work force in their colonies – even now, they continued to do it in their remaining colonies in Angola and Moçambique – but it actually used the pretext of Great Britain’s prohibition of the slave commerce to attack the Brazilian vessels. Considering that slave trafficking itself was a very profitable enterprise, and that the Brazilian society as a whole saw slavery as a necessary institution, an immediate uproar surged against Portugal in former colony.

In April 1830, after the arrival of various alerts about the constant Portuguese aggression, the recently elected President of the Federation declared war on the Kingdom of Portugal. Besides the systematic attacks near the African continent that basically interrupted commerce in that zone or into the Indian Ocean, the Crown of Portugal organized a raiding expedition to harass the northern Brazilian coast between July and September 1830, bombarding São Luís do Maranham and Belém do Grão-Pará, and recaptured the cities of Paramaribo and Stabroek in the Guayanas in August 1830, which they claimed to be their own colonies.

Nevertheless, because Portugal had succeeded in restoring a fraction of its navy since the Napoleonic Wars, while the immense nation of Brazil had a negligible power projection in the sea, this new Luso-Brazilian conflict was waged mostly in the Atlantic Ocean – and thus it became known as “South Atlantic War”, even if the pretext was the acquisition of the Guayanas by the Kingdom of Portugal. The diplomatic crisis would only be solved about three years later, in the Treaty of London (1833).
 
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13. NEW REPUBLIC, NEW RULERS, NEW FLAGS
I. The First Brazilian Flag

Concomitantly with the debates of the Constituent Assembly, the political representatives of the Parliament of the Republic also had to decide what would be the official Brazilian flag. So far, there were various flags used by the revolutionary factions, like that used by the Mineiros and the Baianos, both of which recalled the regional revolutions that had occurred in the very end of the 18th Century. The flag used by Gen Mena Barreto – which was actually the unofficial flag of the province of Rio Grande de São Pedro – was temporarily used by the combined 1º Exército Brazileiro in its campaigns in Northeastern and Norther Portuguese America.

Thus, in 1819, as the draft of the constitutional text neared approval, and the first presidential elections had already been convened, the deputies found the time to be right to appreciate the proposals of some of its members regarding the official ensign to be adopted in national and international representations of the Free State of Brazil.

In the end, the most favored design was the simple red-white-black tricolor flag (Image 1, below), whose symbolism was allegedly to invoke the days (white) and nights (black) during which the Liberators fought the War of Independence, shedding their blood (red) for the motherland. The peculiar color scheme would, even in the 1820s, and well into the 20th Century, receive other interpretations regarding its symbolism: the three colors were supposed to represent the three races whose mixture formed the Brazilian people (the red Indians, the white Europeans, and the black Africans); or, as one Minister of Finances would jokingly affirm in the 1850s:

The colors are supposed to represent the riches created by the Brazilian earth: the crimson-tint of the brazilwood trees; the white sweet powder of sugar-cane; and the pitch black and tepid coffee… but then you realize that the flag lacks any kind of reference to our precious gold… that’s because the rare metal from our land was stolen by the cursed Lusitanians!”


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Flag of the First Brazilian Republic


Besides, the red and black colors were endeared due to its strong revolutionary flavor. Indeed, it is no wonder that it came to be very similar to the flag of France and the revolutionary republics that it created in the end of the previous century, a design that likewise inspired the flags of the La Plata Federation and of the Andean Republic. The vertical-tricolor design was seen to be a perfect and simple representative of republicanism, and its colors represented a marked contrast with the flags associated with the Kingdom of Portugal – notably white and gold, with the famous armillary sphere that represented the Portuguese Empire’s global span. The more republican elements in the Parliament of the Republic, notably the military upper officers and urban intellectuals of Rio de Janeiro, as well as the representatives of Minas Gerais, São Paulo and Bahia, wanted to avoid any of the symbols related to Portugal, such as the armillary sphere, the Cross of Christ (whose inclusion was suggested by Bishop Alberto Maciel of Bahia, to represent the official communion of the nation with God), which was notoriously monarchical and dynastic symbols.

For the same reasons, any suggestions that came with the combination of green and blue colors were rejected, due to its obvious association with the colors of the Bragança dynasty (whose coat of arms features various blue shields and two green dragons) [1]. Likewise, yellow colors were disliked for being too bright, remembering the banners carried by the warlords of far Asia...

Interesting proposals that were rejected include the blue flag with the symbol of the Southern Cross (Image 1, below); the two tricolor flags with the golden armillary sphere (Images 2 and 3, below); and the simple blue flag with the armillary sphere (Image 4, below); and the model inspired in the flag of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (no images survived), but this one also had little approval due to the unfortunate association with the British colonial dominion.


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“Southern Cross Proposal”, had little adherence


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The two opposite tricolor-models with the armillary sphere. Both were praised for the beautiful design, but in the end, due to the incessant lobby of the more emphatically Republicans triumphed, as the “simplistic” tricolor model, like that of France and the Dutch Republic, represented a complete ideological and symbolic shattering with the metropolitan regime


The supposed preference for the golden armillary sphere owed to the fact that, until the War of Independence, all the trade and military ships coming from Portuguese America were required to wave the white flag containing the gold astrolabe used by the Portuguese dynasty of the Braganças. Thus, the deputies associated with the merchant class, especially in Northeast Brazil, were more used to that symbol, despite its obvious remembrance as a Portuguese ensign.



II. The First Elections and the Establishment of the Republican Government


The Brazilian Constitution of 1819, in one of its last articles, determined that the presidential, gubernatorial, parochial and judicial elections are to be held in the month of October of the final year of the current term, and, specifically regarding the year of the promulgation of the Constitution (that is, 1819 C.E.), the elections will be held immediately after the approval of the whole constitutional text. This meant that, exceptionally, the very first federal and state electoral procedures for the offices of the President of the Federation and of the State Governors were initiated in August 1819, and immediately after the constitution of the regional governments, there would be elections for the urban districts and rural parishes (the municipal-level polities), as well as for first degree judges. All the elected candidates are then to be vested in their offices in January 1st, 1820. According to the constitutional provisions, all these elections are indirect, meaning that only the members of each of the State Parliaments will vote.

The presidential election of 1819 was concluded by the deputies of the Parliament of Rio de Janeiro in 6 October 1819, and resulted in the decisive victory of General José de Abreu Mena Barreto, who then became the first President of the Brazilian Federation.


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Portrait of José de Abreu Mena Barreto, painted in the end of his first presidential term (1824)



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[1] This is why the OTL-Brazilian flag (whose republican design succeeded directly the monarchical one) adopts a green and blue combination: it was supposed to represent the Braganças dynasty whose scion was D. Pedro I, and the yellow lozenge was a homage to the Habsburg dynasty, due to the fact that Queen Maria Leopoldina (daughter of the Austrian Emperor Francis II) was married to Emperor Pedro I. Anyways, it has nothing to do with the “natural riches” of Brazil, as some claim (i.e. the green forests, yellow sun and blue waters).
 
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Red, white and black, interesting colors there. Also interesting to see a "pure" tricolor, and furthermore a horizontal one -- whereas the rest of the Latin Americas had some symbols and mostly vertical tricolors.

And Barreto is President!
 
Red, white and black, interesting colors there. Also interesting to see a "pure" tricolor, and furthermore a horizontal one -- whereas the rest of the Latin Americas had some symbols and mostly vertical tricolors.

And Barreto is President!

Actually, these black-red-white color schemes were really proposed IOTL, in 1890, soon after the Empire was abolished in favor of the Republic, including one that basically copied the flag of the USA. You can see them here, if you want. One of these rejected proposals was chosen to be the Flag of the State of São Paulo.

Also, I did some research, there is but one "vertical tricolor" design using red-white-black, the short-lived Napoleonic Roman Republic. In addition, I avoided using the "horizontal stripes" version because it surely might confuse with the flag of the German Empire.

Good updates.

Wonder how Barreto's presidency turns out...

Thanks, Unknown! I'll have some three chapters to address Mena Barreto's presidency.
 

Deleted member 67076

So Brazil is independent at last. :biggrin:

Couple things come to mind: What will be the Republic's immigration policy? Given the demographics of the state at the time, its going to need plenty of labor and with Britain (alongside the negligible navy) tilting towards abolition, obtaining slaves will be much harder than before. Will the state then focus on obtaining cheap labor from Europe? Or perhaps Asia?

Also, you've mentioned Mexico and Central America managed to be retained by the Spanish. How's that working out? Aside from the stability and population growth, which can and will lead to economic growth by virtue of avoiding the turmoil of the 1830s, which means Mexico is going to catch up to the Metropole very quickly. Spain may or may not like that.

And is the rest of the Spanish Caribbean- Cuba, Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo administratively part of New Spain proper? Because if so, then this will benefit them quite a lot, if only because immigrants from New Spain will provide the much needed labor force to jumpstart their development.
 
So Brazil is independent at last. :biggrin:

Couple things come to mind: What will be the Republic's immigration policy? Given the demographics of the state at the time, its going to need plenty of labor and with Britain (alongside the negligible navy) tilting towards abolition, obtaining slaves will be much harder than before. Will the state then focus on obtaining cheap labor from Europe? Or perhaps Asia?

Also, you've mentioned Mexico and Central America managed to be retained by the Spanish. How's that working out? Aside from the stability and population growth, which can and will lead to economic growth by virtue of avoiding the turmoil of the 1830s, which means Mexico is going to catch up to the Metropole very quickly. Spain may or may not like that.

And is the rest of the Spanish Caribbean- Cuba, Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo administratively part of New Spain proper? Because if so, then this will benefit them quite a lot, if only because immigrants from New Spain will provide the much needed labor force to jumpstart their development.

Very interesting questions. I have some of these points worked out in my head, but I would leave to address them in later periods.

1) Immigration policy will become a hot topic in the middle and late 19th Century in Brazil. There will be an active government policy towards immigration of Europeans, and, indeed, it will be fostered earlier than IOTL (which got off only in the 1860s and 1870s) due to the increasingly greater scarcity of slave labor, even more considering that I'm working out plans to abolish slavery earlier than IOTL (... which doesn't says much, considering that historically Brazil was the last western country to do it). That said, the immigration patterns will have parallels to OTL - mainly, there will be large immigration waves towards the Americas in periods of armed conflict in the old world, or natural disasters such as the Irish Potato Famine - the same appliable to Asia. What I want is to create different "national minorities" inside the American countries, so the cultural clashes between immigrants and natives assume different colors (... no puns intended).

2) I have short and medium term plans for New Spain. In fact, I was already writing a chapter especific around the Latin-American nations, but it's unfinished. It will be the only mainlaind Spanish colony that survives the onslaught of the Hispano-American independence wars. Yet, I've some ideas for a... interesting revolution to affect New Spain that will profoundly alter its relationship with Spain itself, and with the other new world countries. Without giving spoilers (and also because I might change ideas in the future, so I don't want to antecipate the writing itself), but try to picture which was the most significant European war in the 1830s.

Regarding the Spanish Caribbean, my intention was for them to be integrated into the New Spain administration, indeed.
 
14. The Brazilian Constitution of 1819
I. The Constituent Assembly


The Constitutional Assembly was first convened in December 1817, a month after General José de Abreu Mena Barreto restored the Parliament in Rio de Janeiro and was proclaimed Defender of the Free State of Brazil. It was presided by Carlos Afrânio de Valença, a deputy from Rio de Janeiro and a defender of the federal system. The constitutional debates were suspended at the behest of Gen. Mena Barreto in 1818, when it came the notice that the deputies of the Municipal Chambers of the Northeastern Provinces would participate of the elaboration of the constitution. The Assembly was reinitiated in early 1819, and it finished the draft of the supreme law in June of that year.

It was composed by 82 deputies from the states of São Pedro do Rio Grande, Santa Catarina, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo, Minas Gerais, Bahia, Alagoas, Pernambuco, Ceará, Parahyba and Piauhy, in proportionate numbers according to the regional population. This meant that, while some states like Espírito Santo contributed with only one or two members, others like Minas Gerais, Bahia and Pernambuco sent fewer or more than ten deputies. This information is essential to comprehend the outcome of the debates, as the “majority” resulting from the voting of the deputies tended, to every clause of the constitutional text, to tilt to the interests of one or another region, if no clear majority or unanimity was reached regarding the topics of debate.


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Some of the deputies in the inauguration address of the Constituent Assembly


Profiling the members of the convention remarks the ubiquitous presence of plantation owners, high clergymen, former colonial administrative authorities, lawyers and physicians, as well as a notorious participation of high-ranking military officers.

With the sole exception of the Bahian deputy Francisco Nascimento de Jesus – a career military officer whose African ancestry was well known – all the members were persons of clear European descent, even if not of noble blood, and composed the conservative élite of the Brazilian society. There were but a few Portuguese-born persons (alledegly pro-emancipation); no women (as they were not even eligible to become deputies), and no persons representative of the working class. Even if not all of them were actually educated, it is not a stretch to claim that they also comprised the intellectual strata of the period.


2. The Ideological Patterns


In the debates, from 1817 to 1819, these deputies coalesced in various groups of interests, but the majority of the deputies eventually saw themselves agglutinated into three distinct ideological programs: the Liberal, the Traditionalist and the Monarchist with other smaller groups with less defined projects. We commonly see them systemized along these lines:

  • Liberal Party = adoption of federalism and republicanism, it emphasizes the restriction of government powers, with weak Executive and Judicial branches, and the Legislative with rigidly defined attributions, a comprehensive charter of citizen rights (like freedom of religion, speech, and press), and the concession of every other political and jurisdictional powers to the individual States.
  • Traditionalist Party = adoption of federalism, but with a much stronger central government to prevent the fragmentation of the republic and preserve the internal order and national interests against the colonial powers (which meant essentially the protection against slave uprisings and foreign invasions), and the restrictions of some rights in favor of the public interests (like the freedom of press). It also showed a clear communion between the State and the Catholic Church, to preserve national order and morality;
  • Monarchist Party = a loose coalition formed by the few members who advocated the adoption of a constitutional or parliamentary monarchy, with much less defined goals in other respects, but overall they favored a more centralized government and an approximation of the government with the Catholic Church. Considering that their members eventually came to defend the offering of the prospective crown of Brazil to one of the male relatives of King George IV of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, they became jokingly referred as Afilhados do Rei Jorge [“King George’s Godchildren”].
To this day, the historians make a vain effort to include the members of the convention in one or another category, but the truth is that these categories were very fluid – in some points were not incompatible – and with some exceptions the deputies were attracted to one or another ideological sphere according to the current topic of debate. In this regard, the representatives of the military were the best example of how these ideas were weirdly mixed and not seen as incompatible: they were vehemently anti-monarchist, thus favoring a republic, but due to the necessity of preserving order and national integrity, tended to favor a stronger central government, but also desired the due respect for regional autonomy of the constitutionally define States. Regarding the charter of citizen rights, those related to equality and republicanism were applauded, while the principles related to personal freedom were seen with reservation.

Some political compromises prevailed in the end, namely the adoption of a federal state, of clericalism, and of separation and restriction to the government powers.



III. Key Points of the First Brazilian Constitution

The final text of the 1819 Constitution resulted, overall, from the accommodation of the interests of those related to the Liberal and Traditionalist ideological spheres, with the clear submission of the pro-monarchy members. One can notice the obvious influence of the Constitution of the United States of America, as well as the English Bill of Rights of 1689.

A couple years after the promulgation of the Constitution, the nominated Minister of Commerce, Felisberto Ribeiro de Resende, an ardent supporter of liberalism, would lament that while the “Lampiões” [“Lamps”] [1] had triumphed in the declaration of the civil rights, the “Cães de Guerra” [“Dogs of War”] [2] gained the whole government. His statement meant that the Constitution of 1819 emphasized the Liberal project in the charter of rights, because many liberties were recognized, while the Traditionalist project, mainly represented by the military and public servants was the one that defined the norms regarding the governmental powers. Thus, we had:


1) Sovereignty

The very first article of the Constitution emphasized the self-declared independence from the Kingdom of Portugal, as well as the self-determination and sovereignty of the Brazilian race.


2) Republican and Representative Regime

Due to the majoritarian repudiation of the monarchical regime, the Constituent Assembly made it clear in the text that the political power to define the fate of the Brazilian race came from the citizenry protected by God, and not from any king or bloodline. The citizenry comprised only the free men and women born in Brazilian soil and/or from Brazilian parents, and their collective power would be vested in political agents of the three branches of the state. It is interesting to note that, even if the free women were recognized as a part of the citizen corps, the Constitution did not extend suffrage to them, and neither to minors.

The right of suffrage (both the one to vote and to be voted) was linked to ownership of a minimum patrimony, in varied degrees according to the level of the public office. Being an indirect elective system, this meant that the first degree voters and candidates (in parochial or district level) elected the members of the State Electoral College (whose number is proportional to the number of parishes and districts in the State), and the members of the College elected the representatives of the Federal and State Parliament, with increasing demand of property ownership and age (with the Presidential, Parliamentarian and Judge of the High Court offices being restricted to men older than 35 years).


3) Federal System

The suggestion for adopting a unitary, centralized state was discarded after the initial debates, since the vast majority of deputies favored an "autonomist" or "regionalist" regime. The main discussion topic, actually, involved the way by which the State power would be spatially divided.

The former colonial provinces that had sent deputies to the Constituent Assembly were recognized by the Constitution as Member States, while every other province of Portuguese America – even those that were not yet under Brazilian control, such as Goyáz and Matto Grosso – was denominated as a Non-Autonomous Territories, and their sum comprised the Federal Union (considered by the Constitution as a separate "political entity" in relation to each one of the Member States).

The States and Territories’s were divided in six great divisions, called Departments, that served no political, electoral or even administrative purpose but only had relevance in regards to the federal taxation system and to the Armed Forces, whose global force would be distributed to each Department. Thus, we had:
  • The Southern Department = Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul (renamed from the province of São Pedro do Rio Grande) and the former Portuguese polities of the Banda Oriental, expressly claimed as a “natural patrimony of the Brazilian race”;
  • The Central Department = São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro (with the former province of Espírito Santo having merged inside Rio de Janeiro), Minas Gerais and Bahia (included in this group due to the lobby of the numerous Bahian deputies);
  • The Amazonian Department = the Territories of Maranham, Grão-Pará and Rio Negro, and the Guianas, occupied by the Brazilian military forces, despite being still claimed by the Kingdom of Portugal.
  • The Equatorial Department = Pernambuco, Alagoas, Rio Grande do Norte and Parahyba and Ceará, as well as the Territory of Piauhy;
  • The Western Department = the unconquered (still declaredly loyalist) Territories of Goyáz and Matto Grosso;

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Map of the Brazilian States and Territories in 1825. By the time, Matto Grosso and Goyáz had been effectively annexed as Territories after short campaigns, but Guianas remained a disputed territory with the Kingdom of Portugal


Concerning the division of legislative and administrative attributions, the Constitutional Text preferred to define clearly the competences of the Federal Union and thus concede to the States every other attribution not pertaining to the national government. Thus, the Federal Union was given powers to promulgate and execute laws related to the Armed Forces; currency; interstate and international commerce; diplomacy; interstate finances and communication (including national rivers, roads and the littoral).

The Parliament of the Republic is responsible for the resolution of conflicts arising from the attributions between each of the States, and between the States and the Federal Union (with the Territories comprehended into the Federal polity).


4) The Separation of Powers

The Brazilian Constitution of 1819 clearly favored the Executive branch, due to the influence of the military and the bureaucrats, with very significant attributions vested into the Presidential Office, and a rather handicapped Judiciary, with a functional Legislative.

The Legislative Branch, in an obvious inspiration of the British system, was represented in national level by the Parliament of the Republic (in Rio de Janeiro), whose members – officially nominated “parliamentarians” – were divided in two chambers: the [Upper] House of the States, with the same number of members (colloquially called “senators”) for each State | and the [Lower] House of the Citizens, whose number of members would be proportional to the citizen corps of each State. The Parliament was organically divided in various committees and headed by the Prime Minister, who lacked substantial powers in the context of the 1819 Constitution.

The Executive Branch, on the other hand, was clearly inspired by the North-American system, headed by the Presidential Cabinet (comprising the President and the State Council) and his appointed Ministers, as well as by the hierarchically structured Public Bureaucracy, with numerous agencies. The President of the Republic accumulated the functions of head of government (by which he was the ultimate authority in the administrative structure) and head of state (by which he was vested with significant powers to represent the Brazilian people and held the command of the Armed Forces).

The Judiciary Branch had but a few attributions defined in the Constitution of 1819, like the specification that the first degree judges are to be elected in the parochial level (the very first degree of the electoral system), and the judges themselves will be able to elect the second degree judges by a special election. The members of the High Courts of Justice, including the Supreme Court, will be appointed by the President and sanctioned by the Parliament.


5) The Charter of Citizen Rights

The greatest triumph of the Liberals, thus, was the definition of the citizen’s rights and liberties. Expressly recognized in the Constitution are:
o The rights of property (urban and rural, mobile and immobile, with a clause expressly authorizing slave-holding), of contract, of moving in national territory in peacetime, of bearing arms, of reunion and creation of private enterprises;
o Civic principles such as the right to vote and to be voted (with pre-fixed age, gender and property requirements), as well as freedom of speech and press, to be exercised according to the federal laws on the matter;
o Due process of law as a requisite for privation of personal freedom and property, related to crimes and other offenses, including the trial by jury, and the prohibition of retroactive legislation;


6) Religion

The Roman Catholic Christianity, due to the powerful influence of the clergymen and other Traditionalist groups, is recognized as the official religion of the Brazilian State, with some privileges awarded to the Catholic entities, such as reduced taxation and the prerogative to institute schools and universities, and to sanction public and private ceremonies, such as elections and marriages.

Nevertheless, some measure of religious freedom was recognized, by the express allowance for the members of the some Protestant Churches, such as the Anglicans and Calvinists (so as to be compatible with the presence of British subjects and North-American citizens), but imposing restrictions towards the Jews and Muslims.

_______________________________________

[1] The Lampiões [lit. meaning “Lamps”] was the nickname given to the Liberal Party in the early phase of the Republic. It was a jest related to the fact that many Liberals, proclaiming to be the representatives of the Enlightenment ideals, proclaimed themselves the “lights fated to guide the nation out of the darkness”, which led to the idea of “lamps”.

[2] The Cães de Guerra [lit. meaning “Dogs of War”] was the nickname given to the Traditionalist Party in the early phase of the Republic. It had to do with the fact that, in the first decades, there was a strong identification between the traditionalist ideology and the military officers elected as deputies in the Parliament of the Republic, and their tiringly repetitive “we must preserve order and righteousness” rhetoric.
 
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My friends and readers, this past month I've managed to post various chapters in a relatively quick timespan because I've been enjoying some vacations (and I love writing in my spare time). As of monday, however, I've resumed my morning classes and my job, which are rather time consuming, but I can promise you that this TL will remain active as far as I manage, even if by now the updates might get a bit slower than I'd like to. My initial purpose was to at least finish the "Independence War", so the story might have some sort of a conclusion if I were to abandon it, but I'll try to keep going until at least the end of the 19th Century, as I have some ideas for this period.

Any updates will of course be announced in the title of this thread. Hope to see you guys around on the next one.
 
Thank you for the warning, and I must congratulate you again about this timeline and hope to see this for much more time, brazilian timelines are always good.
 
Very well, after almost two months of hiatus, its time to resume this thread. First of all, we'll deal with the very last remnants of the Portuguese colonial administration in Portuguese America, and then we'll have another war... this time in foreign soil. Chapters 14 and 15 incoming!
 
15. The Last Portuguese Strongholds in the Americas (pt. 1) (1820)
General José de Abreu Mena Barreto was elected President of the Federation by the Federal Electoral College formed in late 1819, and was formally invested in the office in January 1st 1820, but he had been handling the provisory national government of post-colonial Brazil since late 1817, when the Patriot forces under his command captured Rio de Janeiro and expelled the Portuguese Viceroy, D. Miguel Pereira Forjaz, back to Europe.

It is commonly argued that Mena Barreto was never a politician, but rather a soldier, and for the whole extent of his political career he always saw the world around him as such: a general commanding his troops. This is not entirely true: even if he was not genuinely interested (or, as some biographers claim, he actively disliked) in political life, he was a cunning and cautious persona, with the full realization that his acts might be emulated by his successors, and his opinions taken as authority arguments in the future. His political sensibility, coupled with his charismatic leadership and the earnestness of his Cabinet of Ministers all served to preserve government stability in this early years of the Republic, and, indeed, to preserve national cohesion of this country born from the wreckage of the Portuguese colonial empire. A notorious example is his friendly relationship with Carlos Afrânio de Valença, the former president of the constitutional convention, who was elected Vice-President of the Federation in 1819, an elder politician infamous for his intractable personality and retrograde mentality.

Much like George Washington in the United States of America, and Manuel Belgrano in the Andean Republic [1], Mena Barreto’s greatest strength in the political habitat was exactly the republican cult of personality built around his image during his rule: a patriotic war-hero, whose ideas and purposes are perfectly tuned with the interests of the former colonial élites, and who maintained a façade of ideological neutrality and political detachment, he played his constitutional role as President of the Federation accordingly, and only used his precious influence to defuse the political crisis arising during his mandates and to allow the nomination of his protégés – which, in the long run, did more harm than good, as we shall see.


I. The Campaign in Goyáz

One of Mena Barreto’s last acts as the pre-constitutional “Defender of the Free State of Brazil” was the initiation of a campaign to subjugate the then Loyalist province of Goyáz, located west of Minas Gerais, in late 1819, to be simultaneously conducted with the campaign to conquer the Captaincy of Matto Grosso.

The Captaincy of Goyáz appeared to be the least effortful of the campaigns, due to the fact that it had very few settlements, and the whole – and small – military and financial resources of the province were hoarded in its capital, Vila Boa de Goyáz, at the disposal of the Portuguese Governor Luís Antônio da Silva e Sousa. The capture of this city would allow for the political and fiscal control of the captaincy.


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Painting of Vila Boa de Goyáz, capital of the homonymous Captaincy (c. 1820)


Some platoons detached from the former Regimento da Guanabara, as well some militiamen of São Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul, and various volunteers, were merged into the a company called Third Brazilian Corps – created concomitantly with the Second Brazilian Corps, whose task would be the annexation of Matto Grosso. Its small size, having at most 400 soldiers, while a handful of cavalry and 3 cannons, hardly warranted the name of “army”, but the core of the military company was incorporated by battle-hardened veterans of the War of Independence, and they would prove their mettle. At first, they were led by Antônio Carlos Xavier Guimarães, one of the commanders of the defunct Regimento da Guanabara, who had been recently promoted to Brigadier by President Mena Barreto.

In the June 1820, after a rather slow march from Rio de Janeiro to southern Minas Gerais, they arrived in the region called Campanha do Araxá, a triangular-shaped administrative district of the Captaincy of Goyáz located between the Rivers Grande and Paranahyba, whose junction forms the Paraná River – the lengthiest watercourse in South America after the Amazon River.

The region had but few roads built by the Caiapó indigenous tribes and by the arriving prospectors during the apogee of the gold mining period. Nowadays, its scarce population was thinly spread along small farms, green pastures and timbered villages near the two great rivers.

A couple days before the Third Brazilian Corps intended to lift their camp in the shore of the Paranahyba River and thus march north to reach the capital of Goyáz, Antônio Carlos Xavier Guimarães was unexpectedly assassinated by an Indian woman whom he kept in captivity. She eviscerated him in his tent during the night and escaped into the deep woods, leaving the bloodied corpse to be found in the next morning by the enraged soldiers, who immediately accused the Injun woman. Inflamed by the speeches of a young lieutenant, the Third Brazilian Corps launched violent campaign upon the defenseless local aboriginal tribes inhabiting the area. The determined – and futile – resistance of the shocked Indian tribes in face of the unprovoked brutality vexed the Brazilian soldiers even more, strengthening their resolve to practice various atrocities against their “primitive” opponents. The cowardly aggression was inevitably directed against the colonial settlements after the frenzied and paranoid soldiers became convinced that the settlers were joining the “pagans” to kill or enslave them. After being threatened with battle by the combined militia and Indians of the riverine settlements of Paranahyba, the riotous soldiers came to their senses, abandoning what they had been considering a justified extermination campaign, and finally returned to their camp, in July 1820, and awaited for instructions from the federal government in Rio de Janeiro.

In the next month, a company of 500 veterans under Brigadier Pedro dos Santos Virgílio Paiva hurriedly arrived from the capital and assumed the leadership of the expedition. He was the eldest son of the Gaúcho military commander Marcelo Virgílio Paiva, who had died in battle against the Platenses [2] in the 1st War in Banda Oriental, and who was one of Mena Barreto’s most dear friends. After his death, Mena Barreto sworn a solemn vow that he would look after his fallen friend’s children, and, as the years passed, took a liking for Pedro dos Santos, whose military career in the former colonial army of the province of São Pedro do Rio Grande was very promising. Indeed, During the War of Independence, he gained distinction as a light cavalry officer in the Siege of São Paulo (July 1817) and in the Battle of Macaé (November 1817), and the skirmishes in Bahia after the expulsion of the Exército Real do Viseu.


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Painting of Pedro dos Santos Virgílio Paiva (c. 1820)

Now, in 1820, the President’s trust in his leadership qualities were demonstrated by the quick assignment of the mission to discipline the Third Brazilian Corps and to resume the campaign in Goyáz.

To restore discipline and to regain the trust of the exasperated inhabitants of the region, Bgd. Virgílio Paiva, after ensuring the submission of the appalled and ashamed soldiers by a display of force of his own division, punished the leaders of the company accused of instigating the mutiny. Afterwards, the combined military force kept their restraint and cohesion, under pain of severe punishments.

To compensate the delay and to avoid prolonged contact with the hostile settlers of the region, thus, the now strengthened Third Brazilian Corps crossed the Paranahyba River in August 1820 and marched north, along the dirt road that led to the heart of Brazil.

They faced no resistance along the path, as the simple folk that lived in the scattered agrarian communities in the clearances and valleys of the vast stretch of rainforests in southern Goyáz hardly cared about political allegiances, as long as they were allowed to live in peace. In fact, they had no sympathy for the Portuguese Governor, Luís Antônio de Silva e Sousa, who in the previous weeks had been conscripting villagers to defend the capital, as soon as he learned about the advance of the Third Brazilian Corps. By now, it became clear to even the humble and ignorant colonists of Goyáz that the Crown of Portugal had been defeated by the rebel Southrons.

In the first week of October, they arrived in the outskirts of Vila Boa de Goyáz, and besieged the city. The affair ended in barely four days, resulting a rather anti-climatic finale for the expedition. The Governor Luís Antônio de Silva e Sousa had drafted some hundreds of villagers from the nearby settlements, and thus bolstered the city’s defense to a force of at least 500 men. Nevertheless, despite his best intentions, most of them lacked weapons or training, and gave up any kind of resistance as soon as Bgd. Virgílio Paiva’s besieging force approached, with their European uniforms, bayonets, horses and apparent cohesion.

Mass desertions in the nights after the start of the siege turned the mood of the loyalist Governor from annoyed contemptuousness to utter desperation. After all, he was a low-ranking nobleman, with almost no military expertise, and who resisted only due to the irrational belief that reinforcements would come, either from Europe or from the nearby Captaincy of Matto Grosso, to defeat the “godless rebellion”.

In 5 October 1820, after futilely wasting the loads of the bastions’ cannons in a futile attempt to ward off the besiegers, D. Luís Antônio de Silva e Sousa finally came to the realization that his capitulation could still prevent a bloody and unnecessary engagement. His honor might be tarnished, but considering that he feared for his own life – and abhorring the thought of ending his life’s story in the worthless defense of this secluded waste in the tropics – he decided to wave the white flag and, to the respite of the citizens, the city was peacefully surrendered to Bgd. Virgílio Paiva.

D. Luís Antônio de Silva e Sousa was conducted back to Rio de Janeiro and picked the first ship to Europe, while a provisory governing junta was established in Goyáz.

In the following weeks, the Third Brazilian Corps, using Vila Boa de Goyáz as a headquarters, performed some operations in the northern reaches of the vast territory, to announce the “liberation” of the former colonial province to its inhabitants, to survey the territory in search of eventual Loyalist partisans, and to collect resources and revenues. The expedition went as far as the burgh of Vila da Palma, near the confluence of the Tocantins River.

Bgd. Virgílio Paiva, in his official mission report to President Mena Barreto explained that the local inhabitants harbored a desire to become politically autonomous in relation to the Captaincy of Goyáz, and, some decades later, his writings would be used a basis for the separatist campaign that allowed for the creation of a new State from the former Territory. Until then, however, due to the constitutional provisions on the matter, this liberated colonial province would be annexed as a Non-Autonomous Federal Territory, to be ruled by a delegate nominated by the Federal Government.

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[1] The “Andean Republic” is the alt-name for a nation analogous to Peru-Bolivia (full name "República Andina de Perú and Chacas"), but with substantially smaller territory, as the southern part of OTL Bolivia is still integrated into the Argentinean administration. Its first President was José de San Martín, one of the historical Liberadores of the Hispano-American colonies, and due to the cultural and political affiliations of their ethnic groups, separated from the Confederation of Granada created by Simon Bolívar after a very brief period of political union (in the 1820s).

[2] “Platenses” is the alt-name for the Argentinians, because the official name for the country that eventually becomes Argentina is “Federación de Los Estados de La Plata”.
 
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15. The Last Portuguese Strongholds in the Americas (pt. 2) (1820-1821)
15.2. THE LAST PORTUGUESE STRONGHOLDS IN SOUTH AMERICA



II. The Campaign in Matto Grosso


After the annexation of the province of Goyáz, the Captaincy of Matto Grosso remained as the sole territory in Portuguese America directly ruled by a royalist Portuguese Governor. Differently from Goyáz, however, whose central location in the very center of Portuguese America didn't made it a strategic liability, Matto Grosso was a territory that bordered the former Spanish dominions in South America, namely the Viceroyalty of Perú and the Viceroyalty of La Plata. Being scarcely populated, with but a few Portuguese military outposts built in the XVIII Century near the Paraguay River, its military security was a geopolitical priority in the viewpoint of the Federal Brazilian government.

The situation, in that fateful year of 1820, became more concerning to the recently-created Brazilian government, as the immense Spanish Empire seemed to be crumbling under its own weight. Much like the Luso-Brazilians, the millions of Hispano-American subjects of the Crown of Spain were tired of the centuries of abuses and despotism, and the situation had reached a breaking point during the arbitrary and brutal regime of King Fernando VII of Spain and México. Since the previous decade, various emancipationist and liberal factions had risen in rebellion from Santa Fé de Bogotá to Buenos Aires, and from Caracas to Santiago de Chile, with powerful and ambitious warlords (caudillos) commanding their armies against the royalist Spaniards.

Preoccupied with the unforeseeable advance of these revolutions, the nationalist government of President Mena Barreto was determined to preserve the territorial integrity of former Portuguese America, and this meant the fortification of its borders.

However, from the strategic point of view, Matto Grosso was expected to be a more problematic affair than Goyáz. The frontier was immense and virtually uncharted, with the landscapes going from dense rainforests and rugged plateaus, to vast prairies and mosquito-infested wetlands. There were few colonial settlements dispersed through the wilderness, and none able to furnish necessary resources for a large army in campaign, so the soldiers would have to live off the land. Besides, there was but one charted route that connected the littoral to the very border zone of Portuguese America. There was no direct overland road to the provincial capital, Vila do Bom Jesus de Cuyabá, where the Portuguese Governor resided.

President José de Abreu Mena Barreto assigned the Matto Grosso campaign to his own cousin, João de Deus Mena Barreto, a reputable Gaúcho veteran officer. Since early 1817, when the short-lived “Republic of the Gaúchos” was founded and José de Abreu Mena Barreto was acclaimed its first (and only) president, his cousin had been serving as a member of the provisory governing Junta of Rio Grande do Sul.


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Paiting of João de Deus Mena Barreto as provisory Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1819)

Now, after the conclusion of the War of Independence and Mena Barreto’s election to the office of President of the Federation, his cousin was promoted to Colonel and assigned the command of the Second Brazilian Corps (now that the former colonial militias were being restructured along the British military model), a force composed mostly by veteran and volunteer Gaúchos, Paulistas and Fluminenses (the ethnonym given to those inhabiting the State of Rio de Janeiro), that in 1820 numbered about 3.000 men.

Due to the cautiousness of Col. João de Deus Mena Barreto, the troops remained headquartered in the starting point – the city of São Paulo – until late April 1820, as he sent various reconnaissance groups ahead to collect intelligence and thus avoid surprises in their march. The time was well spent, at least, as the troops were dutifully trained by Lieutenant Colonel James Grant, a British veteran of the Napoleonic Wars employed by the Brazilian government as a combat advisor.

As the lengthy month of April finally ended, the 2nd Brazilian Corps marched due northwest, following the course of the River Tietê. The deep frontier of São Paulo was only the recent generations being settled by colonists, descendants from the old Bandeirantes adventurers, slave hunters, gold rushers, cattle herders, peddling traders and poor farmers, riverine fishermen, and so many other families and groups of settlers, but the vast country was still mostly inhabited by Christianized Indians. In their march, the soldiers were sometimes surprised to find ruined remnants of the Jesuit missions of old ages, and aboriginal tribes who lived naked but knew some words of Portuguese, and caravans of mule herders carrying good from São Paulo to the communities living in the shore of the Paraná River.


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Painting of the “Salto de Itu”, a famous landscape in the course of the Tietê River
After almost two months of difficult march on a difficult terrain, the army sighted the Paraná River, a vast watercourse that fled to the southwest, crossing the border of Portuguese America and venturing deep in the fertile heartlands of the former Spanish colony of La Plata. The Paraná River also served a politico-administrative function, as it represented the border between the Federated State of São Paulo and the still loyalist Captaincy of Matto Grosso.

The march continued by following the left bank of the Paraná River, and it took another month to reach the Pardo River, whose placid waters discharged inside the Paraná River, but whose origin lay hundreds of kilometers in the northwest, and it was the route to be followed now.

Food and pack animals were poorly replenished after the army arrived in the outpost of Camapuã, in early August 1820. This city was founded as a small fort located between the courses of the rivers Pardo and Coxim, and had experienced sudden growth in the early XVIII Century with the gold rush in the region, but since then it was desolate and almost abandoned.

The nearby regions were occupied by the mostly peaceful tribes of the Guaná peoples. The lack of grain and wheat forced the soldiers to emulate the aboriginal cuisine, innaugurating a diet based in manioc, beet, fruits and fish; indeed, by now many Indian adventurers had joined the column, in search of enrichment, and provided useful knowledge for the comrades to subsist and trek in the wilderness.

As they followed the course of the Coxim River, day after day nearing the confluence with the Paraguay River, whereupon they would arrive in the very edge of their newborn Republic, the denser rainforests were abandoned, and through August and October they traversed a vast country of brass-colored grasslands and rocky mesas in the distant horizon.


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Itinerary (the red line) followed by the 2nd Brazilian Corps, from São Paulo along the River Tietê until its convergence with the River Paraná, and from there until minor waterways along the prairies as far as the border with the former Spanish dominions, in the River Paraguay. After the capture of the fortress of Corumbá, the army went north along the course of the River Cuyabá, and found the provincial capital, Vila do Bom Jesus de Cuyabá


In the height of the tropical spring – early November – the tired troops finally sighted a white-walled settlement, and realized their long journey had finally taken them to the fort that the Portuguese colonists had named “Forte de Coimbra” in the XVIII Century, but whose spelling was rapidly corrupted by their descendants, and was called, in 1820, simply as Corumbá. The bastion, known in the region for its white-colored walls, was situated atop a promontory circled by a sinuous curve of the Paraguay River. The southeastern front, from where the federalist Brazilians were marching from, was accessible by a dirt road.

After the Luso-Brazilian garrison – numbering about 200 conscripted militiamen from the nearby villages and some 60 soldiers of the line – refused to surrender peacefully and initiated a hostile artillery barrage, Col. João de Deus Mena Barreto decided to display his own strength by bombarding the ramparts. The defenders after a single day wasted their ammunition and the cannons in the walls became useless, but fire cocktails, boiling oil and shots from the battlements warded off two attempts by the besiegers to take the city by storm in the first week. Col. Mena Barreto, seeing no use in compromising the fortifications of the outpost, as he intended to establish it as his headquarters, decided to starve the garrison into capitulation.

The siege was only concluded a few days before Christmas, when a detachment of the 2nd Brazilian Corps intercepted a small relief force navigating along the Paraguay River, some 20 kilometers north of Corumbá, to deliver supplies to the besieged garrison. The small band, having least than 40 men cramped into three boats, was taken prisoner and paraded before the walls of the fortress with their looted supplies. Realizing that the defense of the settlement was useless, the garrison commander decided to surrender. Some of his troops had mutinied in the previous day, and were bloodily executed, a measure that demoralized the rest of the garrison.

Col. João de Deus Mena Barreto, instead of continuing immediately to the north, decided to give his troops some rest during the end of the year, taking in consideration that they were tired, lacking in supplies, and the summer season (between December and February) in that region so distant from the ocean was unbearably torrid, and there was a high risk of spread of tropical diseases. The next three months were used to strengthen the communication and trade lines with the Paulista communities in the Paraná basin, a region that was dependable enough to acquire basic resources. By late February, the fortress was receiving a steady flow of much-needed goods – such as clothing, metallic utensils, pack animals, and others – while the troops were employed in military building works, such as the digging of roads and the restoration of the battlements. The British Lt. Col. James Grant emphasized the need of keeping the troops busy even during the truces. He used to say, now having learned some of the Portuguese dialect: “A soldier must be either in the battlefield, the training camp or the fortifications… and in the bed only in the night hours”.

In March 1821, with a sizeable garrison securing the fort, the column resumed its northern journey, with the troops more motivated, but walking much more slowly due to the days of extreme heat and nights of bug infestations. Malaria and yellow fever proved to be much more dangerous enemies than the isolated Loyalist forces.

The whole month of April and the better part of May involved the difficult traverse of a country of serene wetlands called the “Pantanal” [literally meaning “Great Swamp”]. The flooded plains, even in the months of tropical autumn, were exuberant. The moisty landscape was painted by a plethora of purple-colored trees, golden fields of flowers, and lakes covered in drowned shrubs and roots, while exotic animals such as multi-colored toucans and macaws, timid anteaters, orange monkeys and red-footed tortoises, as well as predators such as caimans and anacondas in the floodplain, and the mighty jaguars. Even in their elder years, various veterans of the 2nd Brazilian Corps would boast to their grandchildren that in the fateful Campaign of Matto Grosso they had hunted capybaras, jaguars, marsh deers and other exotic creatures. Of course these veterans would never forget about the cursed bugs and vermin that infested their tents during the night, with whom mankind appeared to be at perpetual war since time immemorial.

The main destination of the campaign was only reached in late May 1821, the provincial capital of Vila Real do Bom Jesus do Cuyabá. “Cuyabá” was the name given by Indians to the large river at the side of which that sequestered colony had been founded, barely a century previously, by Luso-Brazilian colonists, in a breath-taking green landscape surrounded by immense mesas with hidden grottos and high waterfalls. In fact, in the XX Century, the Brazilian scientists and geographers would find out that the city of Cuyabá lay in the exact middle point between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, meaning that it is situated in the very geodesic center of the southern American continent [3].


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Vila Real do Bom Jesus do Cuyabá
Center of the continent or not, it was a Portuguese town that must be Brazilian, so Col. Mena Barreto prepared for the siege. After a couple days of surveying the relatively modern circuit of walls, he realized that an attempt of taking it by violence would be potentially disastrous, and his consciousness opposed it. Rather, he decided to await for the capitulation of the defenders by starvation, as he had done in Corumbá.

Even if his forces outnumbered the defending garrison, there were no numbers to completely encircle the town, and thus the 2nd Brazilian Corps, as suggested by Sir James Grant, was fragmented in three divisions to blockade the gates, with the largest division, led by the Colonel himself, positioned near the Cuyabá River. To be protected against sorties by the city guard, the divisions spent a week digging up circuits of trenches and ditches, and in some places erected crude timber barricades, as their intelligence had noticed the presence of irregular cavalrymen among the defending garrison. After the city’s water and food supply was cut off, the besiegers awaited for hunger to set inside.

The months of May and June awarded some small triumphs for the besiegers, as the Portuguese Governor – Lieutenant-General Gustavo Mourão Abrantes – a veteran of the Napoleonic Wars, commanded two quick assaults against the Brazilians during nighttime. In his first attack, a week after the start of the siege, he was almost successful in ousting the smallest division from its camp, considering the speed and violence of his advance, and the fact that the Brazilians had yet to finish their protective ditch circuit. In this day, the besiegers suffered disproportionate losses, but the diminutive raiding party had no chance against the whole army, and was forced to hurry back to the city as soon as the startled platoons reorganized and counterattacked. In the second attempt, during the second day of June, Lt.-Gen. Gustavo Mourão Abrantes performed a night raid. This time the Brazilians proved their mettle and maintained cohesion in face of the aggression, and the loyalists were pushed back. Four Brazilian dragoons even tried to penetrate the opened gates in a frenzied chase, but only one of them survived to see the next day.

Even if the Brazilian soldiers arguably suffered more due to the direct sun exposition during the day and surprisingly cold nights, the region was extremely dry, so much that access to water became the ace in the hole, and the besiegers collected plenty of it from the Cuyabá river. They also had a reliable supply of food, milk and leather, as Col. Mena Barreto took great pains to assure that the cattle herders of the region would furnish necessary resources. Meanwhile, the population inside quickly exhausted its own resources, including gunpowder, always an extremely scarce commodity in that side of the world, and suffered with thirst.

By the month of July, after a determined resistance, the situation had become unsustainable for those inside the city, to whom the walls instead of seeming like a protection now appeared to be a prison. Or a grave, in many cases, as those who died were forced to be buried inside. In 13 July, during the night, Col. João de Deus Mena Barreto was surprised to receive a delegation from inside the city. The Luso-Brazilian militiamen had rioted during the twilight hours and imprisoned Gustavo Mourão Abrantes after a brief, but bloody showdown. They then proclaimed surrender and the Brazilians were peacefully allowed inside.

The last military action of the Matto Grosso Campaign was the capture of the fortified citadel of Vila Bela da Santíssima Trindade, another western border outpost whose military control was necessary to safeguard the province. The town surrendered without fight in September 1821 after its small guard was informed about the annexation of the province.

Col. João de Deus Mena Barreto remained as provisory governor (at the head of the 2nd Brazilian Corps, now headquartered in Corumbá) of the constitutionally denominated “Federal Territory”. A presidential decree published in December 1821 vested him with the official designation of “Federal Delegate”, a function that made him the effective political, legal and military representative of the Federal Union in Matto Grosso. In the next months he would focus on the garrisoning of the frontier outposts, as well as in the consolidation of direct communication lines and overland roads between Matto Grosso and Goyáz (linking Vila do Bom Jesus de Cuyabá and Vila Bela de Goyáz), as well as with São Paulo (linking Corumbá and Cuyabá with the city of São Paulo).

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[3] This is true. In geographic terms, the city of Cuiaba in Brazil is located on the exact center of the South American continent, thus considered by being the middle point of a line between the Atlantic and the Pacific.
 
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Well, I've spent some time editing the previous posts for grammar checks and inconsistencies. Tomorrow without delay Chapter 15 will go online, I just need to revise it first. Thanks for your support, my friends!
 

Oceano

Banned
Rdffigueira, I spent a good part of yesterday's night reading this TL, and its quite good, quite good!

Your PoDs are quite plausible and good, and it helps a united Republican Brazil become plausible.
From what I read in the brazilian AH community, 10 out of 10 BR Alternate Historians agree that without the Empire, Brazil would default into Hispanic America-style Military Dictatorships and Secessionism, at the same time.

How are politics in Grão-Pará? In OTL Grão Pará was the last state to adhere to Brazilian independence, in fact the date of our Adherance is a holiday, 15th August, start of this week.
Thing is, when Greenfell and co came to Brazil, the local elites panicked and surrendered because of the sack of São Luis and the fact they thought they had a entire fleet behind them (they didn't at the time). So, in practice, rather than the local pro-Brazil or pro-Pará dissidents, what happened is that in practice, the old portuguese elites stayed in charge. A big case of Conheça o novo chefe, o mesmo que o velho chefe.

Then there was the tragedy of the Brig Palhaço, and BAM, the stage was set for the Cabanagem.

But in this TL it seems the Portuguese got purged harder from their posts. In fact, I notice the historical account has a strong anti-portuguese anti-monarchy bias, like those old books from the old republic. Then again, independence here was a bitter affair. Personally I always thought one of the biggest mistakes in our history was the idiotic anti-lusitanism and want to disregard our heritage, which left us open to adopt the Idiotic European Ideology En Vogue.
 
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