I'm not too sure about all the Balkans going socialist. From my reading so far, the revolutionary socialist parties in the region were quite poorly organised or yet to break off from their reformist and social democratic counterparts, so I think revolutionary sentiment would most benefit left-leaning/progressive agrarian parties who could certainly ally with the socialists.
Nothing to Lose but Your Chains! / a German Revolution TL
- Thread starter Teutonic_Thrash
- Start date
Which meeting?
"On 23rd November the revolutionary members of the USPD and their representatives from the factories in Berlin convened..."
If this: ISTM that some explanation is needed as to why this meeting happens almost a month earlier. Also, what happened in that intervening (and very turbulent) period before the OTL meeting?
Or is it
"...the First All-German Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils to take place on 16th December..."
A five-day change in the scheduling of that meeting feels a lot more like a Point of Divergence.
(It occurs to me that this question is probably answered downthread.)
Rivercat893
Banned
Much like Spartakus: World in Revolution, the First Red Scare is going to be even worse especially with Germany, Poland, Hungary, Czechia, and Slovakia going communist which will definitely empower anarchists and radical socialists in France, Italy, and America to launch similar uprisings even if they end in failure. Anti-Semitism would also rise since some communists such as Rosa Luxemburg, Kurt Eisner, and Bela Kun were of Jewish descent so I expect someone like Henry Ford to reprint the forgery known as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and still write The International Jew like his OTL counterpart.
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Not sure about Bulgaria not going communist.
September Uprising - Wikipedia
Yes it was a failed revolution but if the alternate third international actually thinks things through better and gives the Bulgarian communists better support it might happen sometime in the 30s.
I highly doubt any of the revolutionary states in this time of upheaval are going to be able to really project power to create a Red Balkans. Certainly they're going to consolidate power in their cores, but actually spreading the revolution will have to wait.
I think I originally misread the date and only realised later on when it was too late to re-write parts of the TL. With that said, I think the reasoning could be argued that after the embarrassing events in the Executive Committee of the Berlin councils (when the committee basically voted itself out of existence) the revolutionaries in the USPD realise the seriousness of the situation and band together to formulate a clear message. They were able to do this because this early on the Spartacists were not associated with the ultra-leftists who the non-Spartacist USPD members were opposed to working with.
That was my thinking as well, but I guess we'll see how the story develops and what my further reading turns up.
A great dramatic chapter! Introducing interesting personalities. Oh, the Sudeten will want their lands liberated and under proud Crimson banners, too, now...!
They can have it under a Czech Red Banner and with zero border control with Red Germany because both are in the Comintern. If Red Germany engages in land grabs, the Rightwing Social Democrats will just point out to their local Radical Left that "SEE! This is nothing but another Imperialist attempt by the Hun to conquer Europe!". I would like for Red Germany to instead propose an internationalist alternative than land grabs.
I would LIKE that better, too. But is it realistic? The Czechoslovak Coalition of Five was one of the most stable political structures in interwar Central Europe, overthrowing it now is not exactly very plausible. Also, even a socialist Czechoslovakia would likely be somewhat nationalist with regards to the Sudeten question, not only because the very foundation of Czechoslovakia was a birth which happened because all major Czech and Slovak parties from the Right to the Left rallied behind the common national cause, but also because much of the industrial resources are in Sudetenland.
I fully expect Kreibich's men to turn around, once Bavaria is secured, in order to liberate the Sudeten lands. Sure, they'll say it's in the name of the world revolution, but they'd run against the Czechoslovak Army nonetheless. The only thing that would keep them from doing this would be a realistic assessment of their chances of winning against the fairly strong Czechoslovaks. In which case you'll have very angry irredentist Reds...
And the battle-hardened Czechoslovak Legion just coming from Siberia. Yeah. In that case, I can see an isthmus of Capitalist powers that are MASSIVELY supported by the West: Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Yugoslavia.
Well that does largely depend on how well the evacuation of the Czechoslovak Legion goes. It's possible that they might still be fighting in Siberia by the time the revolution hits and all the neighboring countries refuse to grant them transit. IOTL they only left Siberia circa March 1920, which is almost a year from where the timeline currently is. Depending on how things go in Germany, Poland, Austria and Hungary it's entirely possible that all of the surrounding countries have gone Communist, which means that the Legion has no way to physically reach Czechoslovakia.
True, it's still early for the Legion.
But as for Poland, I'd venture to say that as Long as France isn't communist, Poland isn't going to be, either...
But as for Poland, I'd venture to say that as Long as France isn't communist, Poland isn't going to be, either...
In such a scenario I fully expect the French and English to give the 80,000 soldiers of the Legion all the remaining stockpiles of tanks, airplanes, and ammo they have, turn the Legion into a fully mechanized army-chewing monster, and then point them northwards out of Yugoslavia into Hungary. This would basically gut both the German Red Army and the Legion. The French would shed a single tear for the Legion and then jump with glee.
Most of these men want to go home and become civilians (by that point they are so exhausted that the only reason they are fighting is to fight their way through to get home). The smart decision would be for the Red Army basically telling them they can pass through on trains without a fight and then watch as 80 percent of the Legion goes AWOL to get home against the orders of their superiors and the Ententé leadership.
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Aftermath of the Bavarian Campaign
Aftermath of the Bavarian Campaign
While the Bavarian campaign was ongoing People’s Deputy of Defence Heinrich Dorrenbach was occupied with evaluating and formalising the chain of command that was being established in the new socialist military. In Thuringia, 90,000 men were commanded by Heerführer Bernhard Koenen; subordinate to him were Korpsführers Karl Korsch and Otto Kilian. In the Ruhr, 90,000 more were commanded by Heerführer Artur König; his subordinates were Korpsführers Ernst Seidel and Ernst Graul. The port cities of the north (known as the Wasserkante) combined had 50,000 men, led by Korpsführer Karl Jannack; his prominent Divisionskommandeurs were Wilhelm Eildermann, Werner Hirsch, and Ernst Thälmann. In the occupied Rhineland, 45,000 men were led by Korpsführer Walter Stoecker; his subordinates were Divisionskommandeurs Franz Dahlem, Edgar André, and Peter Maslowski. Throughout the rest of Germany there were tens of thousands more joining the Rote Garde or allied militia units. The High Seas Fleet had been surrendered to the Entente as part of the armistice and so was interned, along with skeleton crews, at Scapa Flow in Scotland. What was left of the navy was easily secured by the revolutionaries, many of their crews joining the Rote Garde, and recalcitrant officers were imprisoned. Dorrenbach assigned former naval officer Hans Paasche the responsibility of preparing for a tentative naval re-armament.
The military junta in Paderborn was also busy considering its strength. General Paul von Hindenburg officially had forty-five army corps at his command; on paper, regular corps numbered 44,000 soldiers each, while reserve corps were at either 38,000 or 32,000. In reality though, the Deutsches Heer had been decimated by demobilisation, desertion, and defection. A minority of the soldiers who had been forcibly demobilised joined Freikorps units, which had proven to be more reliable forces due to their rejection of councils or any other democratising measures. Most of the Freikorps had been battling the Polish rebels, but had since scaled back their operations after the beginning of the coup on 15th March. Now that the military had control of the government, the subterfuge in controlling the Freikorps was no longer considered necessary and so the paramilitaries were reintegrated into the Deutsches Heer without further restraint. In all, the junta could call upon approximately 300,000 soldiers though their loyalty varied drastically. The rest of the Deutsches Heer remained on the Eastern Front fighting the Bolsheviks, alongside other Freikorps divisions. The junta’s other problem was the Entente occupation of the Rhineland. The military high command had seized power partly to prevent Friedrich Ebert’s civilian government from conceding anything further to the Entente. Relations between the new government and their former adversaries were therefore unlikely to be positive, though on the other hand Entente aid to the socialists was deemed to be nigh-impossible. The Entente forces themselves were considerable: the 3rd US Army under Major General Joseph Dickman consisted of 250,000 men; General Armand Huyghé’s Belgian forces numbered 20,000; the British Army of the Rhine was approximately 300,000 soldiers; and there were over 220,000 French soldiers (accompanied by the symbolic Siamese Expeditionary Force). With that in mind, the junta decided for the moment to hold off on military operations in the vicinity of the occupation forces.
On the 6th April the Rote Garde declared victory in the Bavarian campaign. Reactions to the shocking event were quick to manifest. The Council of People’s Deputies called for the immediate convention of the Third All-German Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils. In Austria, the Chancellor Karl Renner, much to the surprise of the SDAPÖ’s coalition partners, declared that Austria was about to achieve its historical destiny and unify with Germany. On secret orders from Renner, Volkswehr battalions in Vienna arrested politicians from the Christian Social Party and enacted temporary martial law in the city. Immediately afterwards conservative militias in Tyrol and Vorarlberg retaliated by imprisoning socialists and attacking the small Volkswehr detachments that were present. The Austrian Communists were distrustful of the SDAPÖ because of the repression that they had been subjected to and because of the ultra-leftist nature of the party. As a result, the KPDÖ remained separate and established their own militias; furthermore, the Federation of Revolutionary Socialists agreed to merge with the Communists.[1] Meanwhile at the Paris Peace Conference, the Entente powers finally realised that the deteriorating situation in Germany had spiralled out of control. They were already intervening against the Communists in the Russian Civil War, yet a further intervention in Germany would not only be more costly but would also be seen as a continuation of the war. The fear of socialism was strong, but the potential consequences of intervening so early in the conflict outweighed those fears. Instead it was decided to establish an Inter-Allied Rhineland High Commission to more efficiently coordinate the policies of the occupying powers.[2] The French official Paul Tirard was appointed as both France’s high commissioner and chairman of the Commission. Over in Hungary on 21st March, the Entente had presented the government with an ultimatum for an extension of the Romanian occupation zone. In response President Mihály Károlyi dissolved the government and tasked the Social Democratic Party with forming a new cabinet to face the insurmountable challenge. Unknown to the president was the agreement between the Social Democrats and the Communists, led by Béla Kun, to merge and form the Socialist Party of Hungary (Magyarországi Szocialista Párt/MSP); a socialist council republic was declared, a revolutionary government was established, and a repeat of the ultimatum was rejected on 4th April. The Red victory in Bavaria and Austria’s intent to unify with Germany were greeted with celebration by the Revolutionary Governing Council, for more international support was needed to stave off the inevitable Romanian invasion.
The Third All-German Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils was opened in Berlin on the 9th April. Due to the state of civil war and the resultant danger in travelling, there were considerably fewer councils represented from the parts of the country which were under militarist control. However, some councils from Austria had taken the initiative to send their own delegates. As a consequence there were only 504 delegates, 63 of whom were soldiers. The Communists rose to first place with 217 delegates while the SPD plummeted to only 101. The split between the Social Democratic leadership and those in the party who opposed the military coup had severely damaged the credibility of the SPD in the eyes of the working class; thus the KPD and USPD, the latter represented by 96 delegates, benefitted from this leftward shift. The first item on the agenda was of course the revolution itself and the formation of a revolutionary government. A motion in support of the Council of People’s Deputies was passed unanimously, with even the liberal delegates voting in favour. Friedrich Adler, the leader of the Austrian delegation who was (in)famous for assassinating the Austro-Hungarian chancellor in 1916, submitted a motion for official Austrian representation on the Council of People’s Deputies. There was no opposition to the proposal, for many delegates were eager for Austrian military support, but there was some debate on exactly what form the representation would take. In an instance of a lack of imagination, the new position of People’s Deputy for Austrian Integration was created and offered to Adler, who graciously accepted. The next motion sought to confirm the current state of the socialist military, that is to say, to affirm the Hamburg Articles, the current ranking system, and the practice of electing officers. The Austrians proposed an amendment asking that the Volkswehr be treated separately from the Rote Garde for the time being and that the matter be handled by the new People’s Deputy for Austrian Integration. Many on the left were angered that special treatment was being considered, but the rest of the delegates from Germany proper agreed to the request.
The agenda of the next day’s session focused on foreign policy. The Entente occupation of the Rhineland and the continuing blockade posed the greatest threats to Germany. Karl Liebknecht, in his capacity as People’s Deputy for Foreign Affairs, proposed that military operations in the Rhineland be restricted to defence until the reactionary junta had been defeated and that the Free Socialist Republic would abide by the armistice. For the first time in the congress, there was serious disagreement. The ultra-leftists and some of the soldier delegates accused Liebknecht of capitulation and betrayal of the international revolution. Supporters of Liebknecht’s position fired back with arguments such as pragmatism being the only path to a successful revolution or the, perhaps nationalistic, claim that the international revolution could only succeed from the German Revolution. After a long debate, a vote was held; even though the IKD delegates and some Communists opposed the motion, votes from the SPD, USPD, SDAPÖ, and the rest of the Communists gave the motion a clear majority. With that heated issue put to rest for the moment, the congress moved on to the considerably less divisive topic of Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania. Most of the delegates were in agreement that the fellow socialist government of Hungary should be supported against further Romanian encroachment, but the debate focused on the feasibility of an intervention. Civil war had struck Austria after the SDAPÖ’s seizure of power and, while Adler assured the congress of the Volkswehr’s inevitable victory, the smaller Austrian army could not reasonably be split between engagements in Germany and Hungary. Other SDAPÖ delegates instead suggested applying pressure on Czechoslovakia; Adler boasted that the party had the loyalty of the country’s German population and also pointed out that the potentially amenable Czechoslovak Social Democrats participated in the coalition government. Swayed by the SDAPÖ arguments, the congress voted by a majority to apply pressure on the Czechoslovak government, though the exact details would be left to the Council of People’s Deputies to decide.
The final day of the congress concerned the state of the economy. It went without saying that the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat would lead to the socialisation of the means of production, even if the liberal and independent delegates hadn’t yet realised that. Socialisation of course had already been sporadically ongoing since the November Revolution, especially in the workplaces of the more militant workers such as the coal mines of the Ruhr; the military coup in March had only accelerated the process. The problem was that socialisation had occurred in an uneven and haphazard manner, with little coordination from Berlin. People’s Deputy for Industry Emil Barth and his counterpart for Labour Robert Dissmann had been scrambling to keep up with events and to organise a rationalised wartime production. At the congress Barth and Dissmann jointly presented a plan agreed upon by the Council of People’s Deputies: all industry deemed necessary for wartime production was to be nationalised, but managed by workers’ councils; military control over railways; and compulsory coordination between the unions and the government. Even though the plan was proposed by the leader of the USPD, there was substantial opposition from within the party; many SPD and SDAPÖ delegates were also critical of its extent. On the other extreme were the ultra-leftists, the IKD, the anarchists, and some Communists, who argued that the plan didn’t go far enough in its scope. The impasse was brought to an end when veteran socialist Clara Zetkin proposed an elected Oversight Committee of Economic Affairs to scrutinise the work of the Council; the idea appeased both sides and the Council’s amended plan was passed.
The issue of agriculture and food supply was closely linked to industrial strategy. Due to a combination of factors including, but not limited to, the ongoing Entente blockade, wartime prioritisation of the military, and hoarding by farmers and the military, urban and some rural populations were suffering under famine conditions. Just before the military coup the Weimar government had successfully negotiated the import of a shipment of bread and pork, but it was unclear if the Entente would honour their deal after the outbreak of civil war. At the congress, August Thalheimer proposed the KPD’s introductory land reform: large but fragmented estates were to be expropriated without compensation and then reassigned to the tenants; large (coherent) estates were also to be expropriated and transformed into cooperatives; and small- and mid-scale farms were to be left alone, but until the war was over they were compelled to sell their surplus to the government. The liberals present were adamantly opposed to the proposal, while the handful of delegates from farmers’ councils were wary of the requirement to sell their surplus. On the other hand, most workers exhibited varying amounts of hostility towards farmers due to the commonly held belief of rural prosperity compared to the cities. As such, the KPD land reform was easily passed with cross-party support. To bring the congress to an end, Barth motioned for the election of an Executive Committee to represent the congress when it was in recess; it would be composed of one member per twenty-five delegates (and so would have twenty members). The result of the election was approximately proportional to the congress’ composition, to the chagrin of the SPD, and Rosa Luxemburg was elected as Chairwoman without opposition. Thus on the 11th April the Third All-German Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils adjourned and its delegates embarked on their dangerous journeys home.
[1] OTL this merger occurred a month later.
[2] OTL the Commission was established after the Treaty of Versailles and came into being the following year.
Dramatis Personae (OTL biographies)
Hans Paasche: Born to a wealthy middle-class family, Paasche served as a naval officer before the war where his first-hand experience swiftly led to him becoming a strong opponent of colonialism and militarism. Paasche's wartime service and acquaintance with French prisoners-of-war spurred his production of anti-war propaganda, which led to his arrest in 1917 for high treason; the likely intervention of his family saw Paasche imprisoned in a mental hospital instead of being executed. Upon the November Revolution Paasche was liberated by revolutionary sailors and taken to Berlin where he was soon elected to the executive committee of Berlin councils. After attending the funeral of Liebknecht, Paasche returned to his estate where he carried out propaganda work for the KPD. He was murdered in May 1920 by Organisation Consul.
Friedrich Adler: Son of Victor Adler, founder and first chairman of the SDAPÖ, Friedrich was also a prominent member of the party. He became even more (in)famous for assassinating Chancellor Karl von Stürgkh in 1916. Adler used his trial as an opportunity to castigate the party leadership for supporting the war; he was sentenced to death but was pardoned in 1918 by Emperor Karl before his abdication. Adler became a leader of the workers' councils and from that position foiled numerous uprising attempts from the Austrian Communists. In 1921 he helped established the 2 1/2 International and then tried to reconcile the Comintern and the remains of the 2nd International the next year. After failing, Adler established the Labour and Socialist International and led it until 1940. After the Anschluss, Adler's prominence gradually diminished and he died in 1960.
While the Bavarian campaign was ongoing People’s Deputy of Defence Heinrich Dorrenbach was occupied with evaluating and formalising the chain of command that was being established in the new socialist military. In Thuringia, 90,000 men were commanded by Heerführer Bernhard Koenen; subordinate to him were Korpsführers Karl Korsch and Otto Kilian. In the Ruhr, 90,000 more were commanded by Heerführer Artur König; his subordinates were Korpsführers Ernst Seidel and Ernst Graul. The port cities of the north (known as the Wasserkante) combined had 50,000 men, led by Korpsführer Karl Jannack; his prominent Divisionskommandeurs were Wilhelm Eildermann, Werner Hirsch, and Ernst Thälmann. In the occupied Rhineland, 45,000 men were led by Korpsführer Walter Stoecker; his subordinates were Divisionskommandeurs Franz Dahlem, Edgar André, and Peter Maslowski. Throughout the rest of Germany there were tens of thousands more joining the Rote Garde or allied militia units. The High Seas Fleet had been surrendered to the Entente as part of the armistice and so was interned, along with skeleton crews, at Scapa Flow in Scotland. What was left of the navy was easily secured by the revolutionaries, many of their crews joining the Rote Garde, and recalcitrant officers were imprisoned. Dorrenbach assigned former naval officer Hans Paasche the responsibility of preparing for a tentative naval re-armament.
The military junta in Paderborn was also busy considering its strength. General Paul von Hindenburg officially had forty-five army corps at his command; on paper, regular corps numbered 44,000 soldiers each, while reserve corps were at either 38,000 or 32,000. In reality though, the Deutsches Heer had been decimated by demobilisation, desertion, and defection. A minority of the soldiers who had been forcibly demobilised joined Freikorps units, which had proven to be more reliable forces due to their rejection of councils or any other democratising measures. Most of the Freikorps had been battling the Polish rebels, but had since scaled back their operations after the beginning of the coup on 15th March. Now that the military had control of the government, the subterfuge in controlling the Freikorps was no longer considered necessary and so the paramilitaries were reintegrated into the Deutsches Heer without further restraint. In all, the junta could call upon approximately 300,000 soldiers though their loyalty varied drastically. The rest of the Deutsches Heer remained on the Eastern Front fighting the Bolsheviks, alongside other Freikorps divisions. The junta’s other problem was the Entente occupation of the Rhineland. The military high command had seized power partly to prevent Friedrich Ebert’s civilian government from conceding anything further to the Entente. Relations between the new government and their former adversaries were therefore unlikely to be positive, though on the other hand Entente aid to the socialists was deemed to be nigh-impossible. The Entente forces themselves were considerable: the 3rd US Army under Major General Joseph Dickman consisted of 250,000 men; General Armand Huyghé’s Belgian forces numbered 20,000; the British Army of the Rhine was approximately 300,000 soldiers; and there were over 220,000 French soldiers (accompanied by the symbolic Siamese Expeditionary Force). With that in mind, the junta decided for the moment to hold off on military operations in the vicinity of the occupation forces.
On the 6th April the Rote Garde declared victory in the Bavarian campaign. Reactions to the shocking event were quick to manifest. The Council of People’s Deputies called for the immediate convention of the Third All-German Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils. In Austria, the Chancellor Karl Renner, much to the surprise of the SDAPÖ’s coalition partners, declared that Austria was about to achieve its historical destiny and unify with Germany. On secret orders from Renner, Volkswehr battalions in Vienna arrested politicians from the Christian Social Party and enacted temporary martial law in the city. Immediately afterwards conservative militias in Tyrol and Vorarlberg retaliated by imprisoning socialists and attacking the small Volkswehr detachments that were present. The Austrian Communists were distrustful of the SDAPÖ because of the repression that they had been subjected to and because of the ultra-leftist nature of the party. As a result, the KPDÖ remained separate and established their own militias; furthermore, the Federation of Revolutionary Socialists agreed to merge with the Communists.[1] Meanwhile at the Paris Peace Conference, the Entente powers finally realised that the deteriorating situation in Germany had spiralled out of control. They were already intervening against the Communists in the Russian Civil War, yet a further intervention in Germany would not only be more costly but would also be seen as a continuation of the war. The fear of socialism was strong, but the potential consequences of intervening so early in the conflict outweighed those fears. Instead it was decided to establish an Inter-Allied Rhineland High Commission to more efficiently coordinate the policies of the occupying powers.[2] The French official Paul Tirard was appointed as both France’s high commissioner and chairman of the Commission. Over in Hungary on 21st March, the Entente had presented the government with an ultimatum for an extension of the Romanian occupation zone. In response President Mihály Károlyi dissolved the government and tasked the Social Democratic Party with forming a new cabinet to face the insurmountable challenge. Unknown to the president was the agreement between the Social Democrats and the Communists, led by Béla Kun, to merge and form the Socialist Party of Hungary (Magyarországi Szocialista Párt/MSP); a socialist council republic was declared, a revolutionary government was established, and a repeat of the ultimatum was rejected on 4th April. The Red victory in Bavaria and Austria’s intent to unify with Germany were greeted with celebration by the Revolutionary Governing Council, for more international support was needed to stave off the inevitable Romanian invasion.
The Third All-German Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils was opened in Berlin on the 9th April. Due to the state of civil war and the resultant danger in travelling, there were considerably fewer councils represented from the parts of the country which were under militarist control. However, some councils from Austria had taken the initiative to send their own delegates. As a consequence there were only 504 delegates, 63 of whom were soldiers. The Communists rose to first place with 217 delegates while the SPD plummeted to only 101. The split between the Social Democratic leadership and those in the party who opposed the military coup had severely damaged the credibility of the SPD in the eyes of the working class; thus the KPD and USPD, the latter represented by 96 delegates, benefitted from this leftward shift. The first item on the agenda was of course the revolution itself and the formation of a revolutionary government. A motion in support of the Council of People’s Deputies was passed unanimously, with even the liberal delegates voting in favour. Friedrich Adler, the leader of the Austrian delegation who was (in)famous for assassinating the Austro-Hungarian chancellor in 1916, submitted a motion for official Austrian representation on the Council of People’s Deputies. There was no opposition to the proposal, for many delegates were eager for Austrian military support, but there was some debate on exactly what form the representation would take. In an instance of a lack of imagination, the new position of People’s Deputy for Austrian Integration was created and offered to Adler, who graciously accepted. The next motion sought to confirm the current state of the socialist military, that is to say, to affirm the Hamburg Articles, the current ranking system, and the practice of electing officers. The Austrians proposed an amendment asking that the Volkswehr be treated separately from the Rote Garde for the time being and that the matter be handled by the new People’s Deputy for Austrian Integration. Many on the left were angered that special treatment was being considered, but the rest of the delegates from Germany proper agreed to the request.
Party | Delegates | % of Delegates |
Communist Party (KPD) | 217 | 43 |
Social Democratic Party (SPD) | 101 | 20 |
Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD) | 96 | 19 |
International Communists (IKD) | 35 | 7 |
Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAPÖ) | 24 | 5 |
Anarchists | 14 | 3 |
Independents | 12 | 2 |
Liberals | 5 | 1 |
504 |
The agenda of the next day’s session focused on foreign policy. The Entente occupation of the Rhineland and the continuing blockade posed the greatest threats to Germany. Karl Liebknecht, in his capacity as People’s Deputy for Foreign Affairs, proposed that military operations in the Rhineland be restricted to defence until the reactionary junta had been defeated and that the Free Socialist Republic would abide by the armistice. For the first time in the congress, there was serious disagreement. The ultra-leftists and some of the soldier delegates accused Liebknecht of capitulation and betrayal of the international revolution. Supporters of Liebknecht’s position fired back with arguments such as pragmatism being the only path to a successful revolution or the, perhaps nationalistic, claim that the international revolution could only succeed from the German Revolution. After a long debate, a vote was held; even though the IKD delegates and some Communists opposed the motion, votes from the SPD, USPD, SDAPÖ, and the rest of the Communists gave the motion a clear majority. With that heated issue put to rest for the moment, the congress moved on to the considerably less divisive topic of Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania. Most of the delegates were in agreement that the fellow socialist government of Hungary should be supported against further Romanian encroachment, but the debate focused on the feasibility of an intervention. Civil war had struck Austria after the SDAPÖ’s seizure of power and, while Adler assured the congress of the Volkswehr’s inevitable victory, the smaller Austrian army could not reasonably be split between engagements in Germany and Hungary. Other SDAPÖ delegates instead suggested applying pressure on Czechoslovakia; Adler boasted that the party had the loyalty of the country’s German population and also pointed out that the potentially amenable Czechoslovak Social Democrats participated in the coalition government. Swayed by the SDAPÖ arguments, the congress voted by a majority to apply pressure on the Czechoslovak government, though the exact details would be left to the Council of People’s Deputies to decide.
The final day of the congress concerned the state of the economy. It went without saying that the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat would lead to the socialisation of the means of production, even if the liberal and independent delegates hadn’t yet realised that. Socialisation of course had already been sporadically ongoing since the November Revolution, especially in the workplaces of the more militant workers such as the coal mines of the Ruhr; the military coup in March had only accelerated the process. The problem was that socialisation had occurred in an uneven and haphazard manner, with little coordination from Berlin. People’s Deputy for Industry Emil Barth and his counterpart for Labour Robert Dissmann had been scrambling to keep up with events and to organise a rationalised wartime production. At the congress Barth and Dissmann jointly presented a plan agreed upon by the Council of People’s Deputies: all industry deemed necessary for wartime production was to be nationalised, but managed by workers’ councils; military control over railways; and compulsory coordination between the unions and the government. Even though the plan was proposed by the leader of the USPD, there was substantial opposition from within the party; many SPD and SDAPÖ delegates were also critical of its extent. On the other extreme were the ultra-leftists, the IKD, the anarchists, and some Communists, who argued that the plan didn’t go far enough in its scope. The impasse was brought to an end when veteran socialist Clara Zetkin proposed an elected Oversight Committee of Economic Affairs to scrutinise the work of the Council; the idea appeased both sides and the Council’s amended plan was passed.
The issue of agriculture and food supply was closely linked to industrial strategy. Due to a combination of factors including, but not limited to, the ongoing Entente blockade, wartime prioritisation of the military, and hoarding by farmers and the military, urban and some rural populations were suffering under famine conditions. Just before the military coup the Weimar government had successfully negotiated the import of a shipment of bread and pork, but it was unclear if the Entente would honour their deal after the outbreak of civil war. At the congress, August Thalheimer proposed the KPD’s introductory land reform: large but fragmented estates were to be expropriated without compensation and then reassigned to the tenants; large (coherent) estates were also to be expropriated and transformed into cooperatives; and small- and mid-scale farms were to be left alone, but until the war was over they were compelled to sell their surplus to the government. The liberals present were adamantly opposed to the proposal, while the handful of delegates from farmers’ councils were wary of the requirement to sell their surplus. On the other hand, most workers exhibited varying amounts of hostility towards farmers due to the commonly held belief of rural prosperity compared to the cities. As such, the KPD land reform was easily passed with cross-party support. To bring the congress to an end, Barth motioned for the election of an Executive Committee to represent the congress when it was in recess; it would be composed of one member per twenty-five delegates (and so would have twenty members). The result of the election was approximately proportional to the congress’ composition, to the chagrin of the SPD, and Rosa Luxemburg was elected as Chairwoman without opposition. Thus on the 11th April the Third All-German Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils adjourned and its delegates embarked on their dangerous journeys home.
[1] OTL this merger occurred a month later.
[2] OTL the Commission was established after the Treaty of Versailles and came into being the following year.
Dramatis Personae (OTL biographies)
Hans Paasche: Born to a wealthy middle-class family, Paasche served as a naval officer before the war where his first-hand experience swiftly led to him becoming a strong opponent of colonialism and militarism. Paasche's wartime service and acquaintance with French prisoners-of-war spurred his production of anti-war propaganda, which led to his arrest in 1917 for high treason; the likely intervention of his family saw Paasche imprisoned in a mental hospital instead of being executed. Upon the November Revolution Paasche was liberated by revolutionary sailors and taken to Berlin where he was soon elected to the executive committee of Berlin councils. After attending the funeral of Liebknecht, Paasche returned to his estate where he carried out propaganda work for the KPD. He was murdered in May 1920 by Organisation Consul.
Friedrich Adler: Son of Victor Adler, founder and first chairman of the SDAPÖ, Friedrich was also a prominent member of the party. He became even more (in)famous for assassinating Chancellor Karl von Stürgkh in 1916. Adler used his trial as an opportunity to castigate the party leadership for supporting the war; he was sentenced to death but was pardoned in 1918 by Emperor Karl before his abdication. Adler became a leader of the workers' councils and from that position foiled numerous uprising attempts from the Austrian Communists. In 1921 he helped established the 2 1/2 International and then tried to reconcile the Comintern and the remains of the 2nd International the next year. After failing, Adler established the Labour and Socialist International and led it until 1940. After the Anschluss, Adler's prominence gradually diminished and he died in 1960.
tukaram bhakt
Banned
Great update!
The red anschluss is going on full steam ahead and the hungarians are on the move.
SDAPÖ did the right thing, in these situations you either grab the bull by the horns or you get gored.
The red anschluss is going on full steam ahead and the hungarians are on the move.
SDAPÖ did the right thing, in these situations you either grab the bull by the horns or you get gored.
A military coup against a centrist coalition government in Weimar (SPD, DDP, Z) resulted in a socialist coalition taking power in Berlin (KPD, USPD, left wing of the SPD). The socialist government is now in a civil war against the military junta.
Horseshoe
Banned
What kind of socialism and what the allied powers think about the socialist governed since I would expect them to support military junta since I don't think they want socialism to spread to their countries or colonies like their intervention during Russian revolution to try to stop communism?
Wut mate? Fascism is like 180° opposite of Socialism.
The reason why the OTL NSDAP had Socialist in its name was, as Goebbels once bragged about his successes at a party with top Nazi brass (even though the bastard wasn't himself responsible for it), because of PR.
Literally.
Public Relations.
There was no truth to it. Low-information/political-engagement voters in Germany would flock to anything named "Socialist" back in the late 1920s and 1930s due to the many German economic crises. So Goebbels (in his own words), the master of Nazi propaganda, proposed this and it regrettably worked and got Hitler elected.
It worked so well, that in the fucking 21st century, we still have tens of millions of utter morons who believe the Nazis were socialists.
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