"OUR KERENSKY"
1979-1982: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1982-1983: Michael Foot (Labour)†
Def 1982: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal), Various (Independent Conservatives)
1983-1984: Tony Benn (Labour)
1984-1986: Derek Hatton (Labour)
1986-1988: Michael Heseltine (Conservative led National Government with Democratic Labour, Liberals and Labour "Moderates")
Def 1986: Derek Hatton ("Militant" Labour), Andrew Brons (National Front)
1988-19??: Michael Heseltine (Conservative-Liberal Coalition)
Def 1988: David Owen (Democratic Labour), Neil Kinnock (Labour), Derek Hatton (Militant)
A BRIEF HISTORY OF POST-WAR BRITISH POLITICS:
Part V: Crisis
In the early years of Margaret Thatcher's government, a moderately popular (if radical) Prime Minister transformed herself into one of the most hated politicians of the post-war era. Whilst her opponent across the aisle, Michael Foot, had faced some threats of a split in the party, cooler heads had prevailed and Labour had stayed united, even leading Thatcher's Conservatives in a few polls. When Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands in 1981, she hoped to capitalise on a military victory to win a huge majority, but the blunders of her government led to the loss of the islands, and a vote of no confidence (led by many Tory backbenchers angered by her capitulation, who would run as "Independent Conservatives" in the next General Election) brought her government down.
In the subsequent General Lection, Michael Foot's Labour Party returned to power with a huge majority, towering over a crippled Conservative Party and an emboldened and enlarged Liberal Party. Foot immediately began enacting radical socialist measures to reverse Thatcherism, much to the discontent of backbencers like David Owen, Shirley Williams and Bill Rodgers, who once again considered splitting from the party, whilst Deputy Prime Minister Denis Healey brooded in the Cabinet. Tragically, three months after the election, Foot died in a car crash near the Palace of Westminster - he was mourned, but the faction in the party quickly manouvered to replace him, with the divided "right" (now split between the "Deserters" who had refused to serve under Foot and the "Collaborators" who had) only bitterly selecting Healey over Owen as their candidate. The Left, meanwhile, fielded two candidates - the modern moderate Peter Shore and the divisive and radical Tony Benn. When it became clear Healey would not win to the right, they agreed to get Shore and Benn on the ballot, making the crop of young Footite MPs more likely to elect Shore who they could, at least, work with. This did not transpire, and in a disastrously botched vote, Benn and Healey got to the final ballot. Benn was duly elected leader...
The Benn premiership was loathed form the start by the right, with the Owenite Camp calling not just for the leadership to be ousted, but for the Healeyites reluctantly working with Benn from the Deputy PM's office to be removed as well. This toxic atmosphere within the government led to Owen entering talks with new, centrist, Conservative leader Michael Heseltine about his supporters leaving the government en masses and entering into an electoral alliance with the Conservatives and Liberals. These talks never got anywhere, but Benn's ncreasingly radical socialist measures (including his attempts to implement "Industrial Democracy" in almost all British factories) only further alienated the right. When, in October 1986, Benn propose dboth withdrawal from NATO and total nuclear disarmament, Owen delivered an impassioned and fiery speech about the failures of the leadership, and then, glaring at the Prime Minister the whole way, crossed the floor to sit near to David Steel. Initially he was met with mockery, until half a dozen supporters crossed the floor with him. Soon this crisis exploded, and with all of the Owenites (some 43 MPs) defecting, Tony Benn resigned as PM...
From there things only got worse.
With the Labour Party in chaos, only one faction remained with the tight organisation
and support in the party to seize power. Militant. Acting quickly by threatening, cajoling, and bribing MPs into supporting Derek Hatton, they were able to win the support of a majority of Labour MPs (quietly brushing Benn's planned Electoral College under the rug now they had control over the PLP). The far-left Trotskyist entryists had, more through circumstance and luck than any brilliance on their part, gained control of both the Labour Party and the country, delivered to them by the man their leadership had once called "Kerensky". Quickly things started to go wrong - Hatton was a flashy, sleazy, radical PM, advocating excessive spending, wage caps, a total severance of Anglo-American and Anglo-European relations, and the creation of an "Autarkic" siege economy. Hatton alienated the general public almost immediately, with massive tax increases for all but those earning the very least. When, in December 1985, Hatton attempted to override the House of Lords and pass the "House of Lords (Abolition) Act", the remaining "moderate" MPs in his party bolted - by January 1986 the government had fallen.
After the 1986 General Lection Heseltine's Conservatives could have formed a coalition with the Liberals alone, but he instead formed a National Government with the help of the Democratic Labour Party, the Liberals, and Labour's moderates. In the face of a rump "militant" Labour Party and a National Front which had gained seats thanks to vote splitting, the idea of national unity and cross-party cooperation helped to foster a spirit of order, and to return Britain to normal. Dealing with the economic problems caused by Hatton and Benn's policies, Heseltine was able to blunt the effects of the crash. In 1988, with the situation far more stable, and NATO membership regained, Heseltine called a General Lection, now entering into coalition with the Liberals. With a moderate, patrician, One Nation Conservative at the helm, and a Labour Party (or rather Democratic Labour Party) run by mild Social Democrats many saw Britain as having returned to the political stability and bi-partisanship of the much lauded Age of Affluence (see Part II).