Lands of Red and Gold, Act II

Lands of Red and Gold #120: The Price of Burren
  • Lands of Red and Gold #120: The Price of Burren

    “We have no current plans for releasing an Aururian-themed setting for W&W. If we do, though, the Crusades era would have to be the basis. Mystique, swashbuckling, and the opportunity for anyone to better their lot in life. Set in a time of valiant heroes, mysterious immortals, overthrow of the old order, fading religions of head-hunters and caste-thinkers, and wealth to plunder. You’d hardly even need to add otherworldly beings.”
    - Marlon Mylläri, co-creator of Wizards & Warriors, in Ampersand magazine, 1967

    * * *

    Carl Ashkettle has asked many questions of the man who calls himself Clements. Reaching the era of the Hunter offered one of the greatest highlights, one which he has gladly sought out. Clements has said much of the early crusades, but reaching the time of the Fifth Crusade marks, perhaps, the most interesting period of all.

    Ashkettle says, “Let us turn, then, to the invasion of Yigutji, as part of the Fifth Crusade. You were still a herald then?”

    “Indeed. That remained unchanged throughout all the Yalumas. Heralds marked the closest thing which the old era had to diplomats. Language skills won me that role – but you know all that. I stood alongside the Hunter and Amity Nyuman, carrying the blue banner, and listened as the Hunter offered Yigutji one last chance to submit.”

    “He really gave them that?”

    “As per his common practice. The Yigutji king was there, Puckapunyal, together with a couple of his officials, though I must confess that their names have long since slipped from my memory. The Hunter declared that he had beaten back the armies that first opposed him, that the city was surrounded, that he could find more food where they could not, and that the Tjibarri were a long way away.”

    “Were they? The armies so far away, I mean?”

    “Far enough that they did not matter. The Hunter said that if the city surrendered now, all would be spared unless they breached their surrender by taking up arms. He said that the king would be required to go into exile but guaranteed safe-conduct to Gutjanal or Tjibarr. If they refused, the city would face his wrath.”

    “Even I know which way that decision went.”

    Clements sighs. “They refused. More fool them. The Hunter always kept his word.”

    * * *

    23 June 1719
    Yigutji [Wagga Wagga], Kingdom of Yigutji

    The walls of Yigutji stood ahead in the distance, while behind him at an almost equal distance, part of the Dominion’s greatest army waited. Most of the rest of that army encircled Yigutji, with the others making patrols and raids in other parts of the kingdom, though none south of the Matjidi [Murrumbidgee River].

    Kullerin had heard so much about this city, one of the three great cities of the Five Rivers, and the one most detested by the Hunter. Now, after several Yalumas, and many great battles, including the first major defeat of Five Rivers armies, the Hunter had brought the Dominion’s forces to encircle Yigutji’s capital.

    Kullerin carried a banner that was itself of pure blue, but which had been temporarily daubed with four large dots of white ochre [1] to demonstrate how many people could attend the parley, including the herald. The Hunter, naturally, led the Dominion forces, with two of his Warego accompanying him, Malligo and Yongalla.

    The Yigutjian side had King Puckapunyal, a man dressed in elaborate robes of bright orange, with pointed head adornments and what looked almost like wings rising from his shoulders. Accompanying him was another man introduced as the Lord of Winter, who wore crimson robes which were of similar style but less ornate, and someone called Warmaster Katawool, who wore mail. The herald, Kullerin’s counterpart, carried a similar white-dotted blue banner but remained nameless despite being ready to act as an interpreter.

    With the introductions done, the Hunter started to speak. “You have-”

    Puckapunyal said, “This is my kingdom. The right of first address is mine.”

    The Hunter gave his usual grin. “Speak, then, if it pleases you.” They spoke in Nuttana, which Kullerin understood, and so did Malligo. Yongalla did not, so far as he knew.

    “You have won a battle, but you have not won a war. The city still stands. Its walls have never been breached in siege, not by Tjibarr, not by Gutjanal, not by highlanders, not by Durigal. You will never take the city, and without the city, you will never conquer the kingdom.”

    The Hunter said, “I hear many words, said by a man who must use words because he does not have sufficient men of valour and vision. Your armies have been defeated once. They will be defeated again.”

    The king said, “Your cavalry is unrivalled. This is inarguable. But while that lets you raid where you please, it has its limits. Unless you can teach horses to climb walls, this will not let you conquer the city.”

    “I have more than cavalry,” the Hunter said calmly. “Yigutji will fall, if I press the attack. I give you this opportunity to submit. Surrender the city now, and I will be merciful. All who live within the walls will be spared. Even you, Your Majesty, though you must depart the city and the kingdom and seek refuge elsewhere. So long as you do not return to the lands which were once Yigutji, your life will be safe.”

    “You have brought many men in siege,” the king said. “Do you think you can feed them all? Stripping the countryside bare will only work for so long, even without Tjibarri and Gutjanalese soldiers fighting against you.”

    The Hunter laughed. “The Neeburra is a land full of cattle, and you ask if I can find food? You would do better to ask if you can find sufficient food within your walls.”

    “We have sufficient. More, Yigutji is on the river. What food we lack, we can bring in by boat, something which your cavalry cannot stop.”

    He is wrong there. The city of Yigutji was above the river, not on it. Kullerin had been impressed by the many things which had been built on the river. Not just docks; he had seen those before. But there were also many constructions built floating on the river and anchored to the docks. Malligo called them mills and said that they were used to grind wealth-seeds into flour, for making paper, and for other purposes which he did not bother to explain.

    Those constructions were all gone now, burned or razed. The Hunter’s forces could stop anything coming in by river. The Kiyungu had made the same mistake at Nyandra [Indooroopilly, QLD], as Kullerin had witnessed. Not that he would point this out unless the Hunter wished it.

    “Are you so sure of that?” the Hunter said.

    “Are you so sure that you can find food and bring in sufficient herds without risking them?” the king answered.

    “Let the Tjibarri try to stop us moving in our herds. It will only make them easier to defeat in open battle, rather than letting them, too, cower behind walls.”

    King Puckapunyal turned to Malligo. He spoke in Gunnagal, which Kullerin understood but the Hunter did not. “Malligo, you were honoured in Tjibarr. Why have you betrayed your country by fighting against it and its allies?”

    Malligo’s reply came in the Nuttana speech. “I am not betraying my country. I am bettering my country. Who rules a country matters only in so far as it brings the nation toward the right path.”

    Malligo looked at Kullerin, and spoke in Yalatji. “Herald, would you be so good as to translate the original question and my answer into Yalatji, so that all here know what was said?”

    And so that no-one will accuse you of mistranslating either to conceal your motives. After seeing Malligo’s mind in action over the years, Kullerin felt that he knew him. This was a man whose mind had many turns, but could always be relied on to offer his insight for the Dominion’s advantage. So Kullerin did as requested and translated both statements.

    The Hunter grinned at Malligo. “Well said.” He turned back to the Yigutjians. “A last chance to spare your people, Your Majesty. Remember this: I have besieged many cities, and every city I have ever besieged has fallen.”

    “Let this be your first defeat, then,” the king said.

    “Then we are done here. If I see you alive again, it will be only so I can order your execution.” The Hunter turned his horse around and rode away, leaving the Warego and Kullerin to watch the Yigutjians withdraw back toward their city.

    * * *

    Clements says, “The siege would be difficult. Everyone knew that, even the boldest of the Dominion’s commanders. The city could hold out for many months, perhaps years. The more hot-blooded commanders urged the Hunter to make an assault instead. They said he had more foot-men than ever before, that they had plenty of ropes and ladders, and that the Yigutjians were cowards who would not have the mettle to stand against Dominion forces if they could get atop the walls.”

    “Did anyone counsel caution?” Ashkettle asks.

    “Perhaps some did. None in my hearing, though. All public speeches favoured the assault.”

    * * *

    29 June 1719
    Yigutji, Kingdom of Yigutji

    Yigutji. The northernmost of the three great capitals of the Five Rivers. The heir to the imperial legacy. For so long the enemy of Tjibarr. A hatred which had not been forgotten, despite all the long years of official alliance.

    And despite Yigutji marching in battle alongside Tjibarr, it is still my enemy. Malligo found that irony amusing, though long years of schooling in the Endless Dance stopped him from showing it on his face. Even living in the Dominion, where openness and frank speaking were encouraged, could not change the habits ingrained in him since childhood. Humour should only be shown when it was called for.

    The walls of Yigutji stood high, even when seen from a distance carefully out of musket range. The Hunter did not approach even so close. Not out of fear of attack, but to keep his promise to the Yigutjian monarch that the next time he saw him, he would have him executed. A pity, that, since looking at the walls this closely might remind the Hunter of the difficulties of a direct assault.

    “This ground seems as good as any for one prong of the attack,” Yongalla said. “Open ground, too far from the river for any of their boats to fire cannon at us. The walls look strong, but then they look strong everywhere.”

    Malligo said, “And the other side of the city is impossible to see, as much for us as for them. The city walls are too high, and no decent hills nearby that offer a view of both sides. Good for us, since it means that they will be more confused whether this prong or the other is a feint.”

    Weriyu, one of the lesser commanders accompanying the Warego, said “But that gives a problem. We cannot time both prongs at once. No signals can be seen. Message-riders will take long around this large city.”

    Yongalla chuckled. Malligo did so a moment later, since it was expected here.

    Yongalla said to Malligo, “Your idea, so you can explain.”

    Malligo reached up and pulled up the chain around his neck, displaying what hung on his chest.

    “Looks like a gold egg,” Weriyu said.

    “Gold would be worth far more than I could dream. This is brass.” He had owned one of these once before, but had needed to sell it for funds before he left Tjibarr. One advantage of returning to the Five Rivers was the opportunity to obtain some decent plunder. A few of his warband had collected four in their battlefield loot; they knew the value better than Yalatji, and so had traded other things for them. In turn, he had claimed this new one as commander’s share.

    Weriyu looked more closely at what he held up. “Is that a clock? Very small, if it is.”

    “It is. Very small, very finely crafted. When I lived in Tjibarr, we called these Dog Eggs. Named after Dogport, where they are made [2].”

    Weriyu said, “Ah. So this divides time into small moments. Enough that choosing the right moment can be done easily. Even for soldiers on opposite sides of the city.”

    “Quite. I gave three to the High Warego. One is now his personal possession, and he will allocate the other two to the commanders chosen to order both assaults.”

    “Very useful,” Weriyu said. “Has a day been set for the attacks?”

    “Not yet, but I expect it will be soon,” Malligo said.

    Not that synchronising the attacks would help much in overcoming the fundamental problems with this assault. He truly doubted that this could succeed, but on this matter, the Hunter’s mind was made up. Malligo had ensured that the Harmony Battalion remained on horseback waiting for raids from the northern gate, rather than being anywhere near the main battles. That would avoid any need to bring them close to the walls and expose them to musket fire when they could not properly fire back.

    * * *

    “The assault failed, I take it?” Ashkettle asks.

    “Naturally. Over-ambitious, under-equipped, and with defenders who still had high morale. Proof that even the Hunter could make mistakes. Not that anyone said so at the time.”

    “What happened then?”

    “The perfect chance to hurry up and wait, as the saying goes. The siege dragged on for several months, though without checking a modern history book I cannot recall how many.”

    “I know the dates that the siege happened,” Ashkettle says.

    Clements snickers. “It matters not. I experienced the siege as it happened, not with a calendar. I remember feeling that this siege felt more real than anything which happened on the previous crusades. None of the cities which had fallen so far were a tenth of Yigutji’s size.”

    “The city was that great?”

    “The size makes it sound more impregnable than it was in truth. Like everywhere, Yigutji had lost many people due to the plagues. But the walls still stood, in good repair, imposing in bulk, and with enough soldiers remaining to defend them. Yigutji was ancient, it was the seat of the old empire, it was my childhood home. It was just so real.”

    * * *

    This letter is translated from an original parchment document preserved in the Museum of the Moon in Yuragir [Coffs Harbour] [3]. It purports to be a letter from Yongalla, one of the Dominion high commanders during the Yaluma era, written to his wife who is believed to have then been living near Cankoona [Toowoomba]. Internal evidence in the letter states that it was written during the siege of Yigutji, in early July 1719.

    The original document was part of the famed Mitjigo Collection which the Museum acquired in 1927. There is no convincing explanation of how Mitjigo acquired the letter in the first place. Nevertheless, the balance of scholarly opinion is that the letter is genuine.

    Beloved,

    I write to you here from outside the walls of Yigutji, one of the great cities of the Five Rivers, now besieged by our valiant armies.

    We were victorious against the River-Men armies at [indecipherable part of original] until they fled. Valour had the day, and my warband distinguished itself by killing many of the fleeing enemy Yigutjians. The Tjibarri regrouped to the west and withdrew in good order, defeated but not broken, while the Yigutjians fled back to their capital to cower behind walls. What happened to the Gutjanalese, I know not, but our scouts reported them nowhere nearby, and believed that they have fled to somewhere on the far side of the Matjidi.

    Now we have enveloped and laid siege to Yigutji, the city, and it is here where my doubt begins. Assuredly Tjuwagga would find my lack of faith disturbing, but I have a very bad feeling about this siege.

    The walls of Yigutji stand higher and larger than any city which we have conquered. Undermining them seems impossible. Once we tried to assault them, sending foot-men with ropes and ladders against the walls, and we lost many men for no accomplishment.

    Tjuwagga had been a warleader unparalleled, but he erred in this instance. I hope only that his vision remains clear, and that this choice was merely a mote of dust in his foresight’s eye. Other measures must be found to bring about this city’s fall.

    This is a place of wealth, of this you can be assured. I have sent some treasures with this letter, from my share of what our armies claimed from the fallen in our last battle. And this is only a small portion of what they hold within their walls here. If we can succeed in breaking into the city, then we will have plunder and wealth unparalleled.

    Be assured that despite my misgivings about the course of this battle, in my person I am still unharmed, and my heart remains pledged to you even when you are out of my sight.

    Until the day I can once again hold you in my arms, I remain your loving husband.

    (The original is signed with a mostly indecipherable scrawl in the logosyllabic Five Rivers script which was then used for writing Yalatji.)

    * * *

    Ashkettle asks, “How long did the doubt persist?”

    Clements says, “Almost to the end. Other sieges had been easier, even though they lasted longer. The failed assault was a major part of that, for all that no-one spoke of it. One failed attack, and a larger city than anything else. Add in the other Five Rivers kingdoms still being around, not attacking, but always out there, somewhere. The doubt may not have been on the men’s lips, but it was in their hearts.”

    “What resolved it?”

    “French negotiations, a lot of horses, and ultimately purchase of more cannon. We had those used to conquer Murrginhi, naturally. The walls of Yigutji were harder to bombard with cannon, being elevated, and much stouter besides.”

    “Did you have any part in the negotiations?”

    “No. Nor did the Hunter, directly. I remained near the walls, largely useless, since a herald could not negotiate when both parties refused to meet. At the time, I did not speak French very well anyway. He assigned the negotiations to the new governor he had appointed in Murrginhi. The results worked, though. Many new cannon, and by dint of much horsepower they were brought all the way along the Spice Road to Yigutji.”

    “What happened then?”

    “The bombardment started, and soon, everyone knew what the outcome would be.”

    * * *

    25 December 1719
    Yigutji, Kingdom of Yigutji

    The cannons were performing well. Bombardment continued against the walls of Yigutji, at the chosen location on the furthest wall section from the river. The Hunter looked pleased.

    Watching from his vantage to the side, Goonawa did not know whether to be pleased or disappointed himself. He knew, without any false modesty, that his fellow Warego considered him second in battle sense to the Hunter himself. He also knew that for the first time, the Hunter had committed a major tactical blunder. He had endeavoured to storm Yigutji, a decision which accomplished naught but bloodshed amongst the foot, and quiet grumblings from many of the men.

    If the mistakes continue, how long before I am considered first in battle sense? Goonawa craved such a reputation. If the errors continued, it would strengthen his personal position as a tactician who had not made such blunders. If the siege of Yigutji failed entirely, the Hunter’s reputation would be badly weakened.

    Yet capturing Yigutji would break one-third of the River-Men, and provide enough plunder that every Horse-Man would be enriched. A Warego’s share would be greater still. So conquering the city would be a great enrichment, at the price of preserving the Hunter’s reputation.

    If Yigutji holds, where to then? The Hunter had united the North-Men and South-Men because of his vision and his skill in battle. If his conquests failed, there would be opportunities. Goonawa was a man who knew how to take advantage of opportunities.

    Of course, even a defeat in battle might not be necessary. Goonawa had watched and listened, throughout the Yalumas. The Hunter often took a valiant role in battle. Good for encouraging his soldiers, but it placed himself at risk. Always at risk. So far his luck in battle had held, but what if it failed?

    The Hunter had two sons and one daughter, all of them to concubines, and all of them too young. None of them would be considered as leader. Which meant that if the Hunter fell in battle, the right of rule would fall to the strongest.

    And Goonawa was surely the strongest.

    A shout went up from amongst the cannoneers. Goonawa looked up to see them gesturing at the wall. The nearest section had partly collapsed; the lower part still stood, but the upper portion had fallen over.

    “It begins!” the Hunter said. “Goonawa, Kyulibah, attend! Give orders to your auxiliary foot. They are to prepare for first entry into Yigutji, as soon as the breach can be exploited. Once inside... Kill soldiers, first. Once the soldiers have been defeated, anyone else inside the walls may be killed. Those who have fled beyond the city walls shall be spared, unless they are soldiers, or try to fight back.”

    “It will be done,” Goonawa said. Wealth it must be, for now. “Yigutji will fall!”

    * * *

    Ashkettle says, “Did news of the cannon boost everyone’s morale so quickly?”

    “Soon enough,” Clements says. “They had worked once before. Getting powder and shot there took some doing, but it was arranged. The city’s doom was assured once the cannon were emplaced.”

    “What did you see during the fall?”

    “Very little, at the time. A herald had no place entering within the walls while combat raged, and afterward, I feared the flames. I remember survivors of the sack fleeing the city, with many of them being cut down as they ran away from the gates. I remember that after the Dominion armies had brought out their plunder, they fired the city. I remember the smoke, rising high above the city, forming a black column that would linger for days. I remember the feeling that this was the end of Yigutji. That this was the end of the city and the kingdom, not just now, but for all time.”

    “And it was the end.”

    “More or less. A few military remnants fought on for a while, claiming to be representing Yigutji. Nothing meaningful of the kingdom remained after the city’s fall, though. And for the city, it was indeed the end forever. Yigutji was destroyed, its inhabitants dead or fled, and the city would never be rebuilt.”

    * * *

    [1] The white dye which allohistorical Aururians call white ochre is not ochre in a chemical sense, since ochre is a form of iron oxide which is at least yellow in colour, often darker. The white dye is a form of pipe clay that is, however, used in a similar manner to true ochre.

    [2] Dogport is historical Port Augusta. It was founded as an imperial trading post, then refounded as a Nangu colonial outpost ruled by an Island-appointed port-captain, despite the surrounding territory being Tjibarri-administered. The Nangu permitted a short-lived Dutch opal-trading outpost in the city between 1644-1654. After an English East India Company raid in 1654, the Nangu closed the permanent Dutch outpost, though they still permitted visitors. With the economic and demographic collapse of the Island in the era of the Great Death (measles) in the early 1660s, Tjibarr claimed formal sovereignty of Dogport in 1668. This city has since developed into the centre of the Tjibarri brass and lead industry, using zinc and lead produced as a by-product of silver mining in Gwee Langta [Broken Hill], and copper and charcoal sourced locally or shipped in from the lands around the historical Spencer Gulf and Gulf St Vincent.

    [3] The Museum of the Moon is popularly nicknamed the “Big Banana” due to its crescent-shaped main building (laid out as such to represent the crescent moon) and the ornamental yellow sandstone on its outer walls (the sandstone is mined in a quarry near historical Lismore).

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
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    Map - Rise of the Dominion
  • This is a very rough map of the rise of the Dominion, showing the early pre-Dominion conquests within the Neeburra, and the five declared Yalumas, ie those with the Hunter at their head. It also shows the non-Yaluma conquests, ie the territories which the Dominion's armies had acquired in the name of the Hunter but without the Hunter declaring a Yaluma to conquer them. The level of control of some of these territories varies, but this shows the approximate territory claimed by the Dominion as of the end of the previous chapter (ie the fall of Yigutji). Note that the Fifth Yaluma has not actually been declared closed, since its target is the whole of the Five Rivers, and as of the most recent chapter only the kingdom of Yigutji had fallen.

    This map is my rough amendment of a previous map by Scarecrow (full credit to him for the original), and for the non-Dominion territories I've retained his colour scheme and key to show how those territories align.

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    Lands of Red and Gold #121: Glimpses of Dominion
  • Lands of Red and Gold #121: Glimpses of Dominion

    “The intelligence of the universe is social.”
    - Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, V, 30

    * * *

    Look, if you will, back in time at the continent of Aururia, as it is appears from beyond the bounds of the world’s air. Seen from this vantage, no signs can be found of the advance of armies and declarations of conquest. Seen from this vantage, the declarations of victory are as insignificant as the squabbling of two tapeworms over who owns the human whose intestines they inhabit.

    Look a little closer, above the city that was once called Yigutji, and you will see a pillar of smoke rising into the skies. The armies of the Dominion have been victorious here, and their warleader Tjuwagga has declared conquest of all of the lands that formed part of the eponymous kingdom. That declaration is perhaps slightly premature, for a few remnants of Yigutji’s armies still linger in parts of the kingdom, though they are few in number indeed when compared to the victorious armies of harmony.

    Look to the west of former Yigutji, into Tjibarr-of-the-Lakes and Tapiwal and other Gunnagal cities, and you will see many men and women running to and fro, in confusion and fear and manoeuvre. Some had expected that Yigutji would fall, before an army of relief could be properly coordinated with Gutjanal, but few indeed had expected the defeat to happen so swiftly. Now the dance of the factions comes to the fore, as many Gunnagal are now asking themselves whether subtle gambits and delicate manoeuvres were the best preparation for a foe who will not join the Dance, but rather stop the music.

    Look to the south of former Yigutji, into Gutjanal and Yalooka and other Gutjanalese cities, and you will see the triumph of division as Elders begin to contemplate whether they would best be served by backing the monarch, launching rebellion, or joining with Tjuwagga. The monarch is left to reflect that while Gutjanal has long been a nation surrounded by enemies, now it is becoming a nation full of enemies.

    Look into the lands which have been added to the Dominion, and save for those most recently added in the Fourth and Fifth Yalumas, they have begun to transform under Tjuwagga’s rule. In the Neeburra that forms the old heart of the Dominion, in what were once the lands of the Kiyungu League but which are now called Kerowra, in the lands of Daluming inhabited by the Bungudjimay and their skull-filled pyramid called the Mound of Memory, and in other reaches of the Dominion, the shape of those societies is changing.

    Look into the lands of the Neeburra. These were once divided into small townships scattered amongst the sweeping grasslands, where the people farmed the lands near to their towns and hunted amongst the lands further way. With the arrival of horses and cattle, these lands were transformed as the men and women of the Neeburra took up riding and herding. The towns were abandoned, as was most farming, though the people always kept a few wealth-trees and raised ducks to feed the priests among them.

    Now, the Neeburra is being transformed again. The herds still roam over the lands, growing larger every year, even with some cattle being sent every year to feed the expanding armies of the Dominion. But where towns were abandoned, now two large encampments have formed where Tjuwagga has designated, Cankoona as his northern capital, and Goonaroi as his southern capital and an encampment where the herders gather to trade and bargain and to receive learning from the priests. For where farming had become rare in the Neeburra, now it is in turn becoming more common, as more people seek to study the ways of the priesthood. For Tjuwagga has declared that the Dominion is founded for all to accept the truth of the True Heir and thus to benefit from its rule, and how can all benefit if there are no proper priests to teach them the truth?

    Look at Cankoona, and see how the new encampment is turning into a permanent town. A town which sits at one end of a new-built royal road that runs through the highlands and the Coral Gap and into the lowlands of Kerowra, finishing at the lowland provincial capital of Mullumba. The disparate lands of Neeburra and Kerowra are joined here, and already this has proven a boon for commerce, as many merchants move back and forth bringing goods with them. From the highlands comes hides, leather and smoked meat, while from the lowlands comes spices, paper, iron and other manufactured goods.

    Look at Kerowra, one of the eight provinces of the Dominion [1], and you will see how it too is being transformed. In former times Kerowra was the lands of the League, a loosely-affiliated group of independent city-states, which squabbled amongst themselves and where each ruler extracted tolls and levies from trade passing through their territories.

    Under the rule of the Dominion, a civilian governor has been appointed at Mullumba, with a staff of priest-bureaucrats who are responsible for administering the entire province. The old royal families have lost their royal privileges, although in most cases they have kept the privilege of existence. Tjuwagga has established a common law code for the entire Dominion, the Code of Burren, based on the findings of a commission of priests who studied the old, different laws of Kerowra, Daluming and the Neeburra, and this law code is applied here. Rules apply for crimes, rules apply for property, and rules apply for trade and the practices of merchants.

    These last rules apply not just to merchants of the Dominion, but those who would trade with them. For cultivation of spices suffered some disruption during the time of the First Yaluma, but has been revitalised since. Foreign merchants come where permitted, French and recently Nuttana, and this commerce too is governed. Under Dominion law, only licenced brokers and agents may trade with foreign merchants, and all orders for trade in spices and other goods are coordinated by this new class of brokers at Mullumba.

    Mullumba contains not just a civilian government, but a new school for priests, trained in the Tjarrling fashion. The new school has trained many new priests, but so far gained few converts in the broader community of Kerowra. For the Kiyungu already followed the Sevenfold Path, according to the Nangu schools, and their own priests and people have so far been reluctant to convert to the new interpretation of faith.

    Look further south to Daluming, and you will see how it is rapidly becoming part of the Dominion. This land was once part of the largest state on the eastern coast of Aururia, a land of head-collectors and pyramid-builders awaiting the Closure, before being shattered by disease and civil war. The fragments fell under the influence of other powers, the Dutch and English and Nuttana, until the armies of the Third Yaluma swept through and cleansed the land of all foreign influences, save of course their own. Here, Tjuwagga declared that the long-prophesied Closure had arrived, had the great pyramid known as the Mound of Memory repaired and completed, and then said that the new world of the Dominion was at hand.

    Under the rule of the Dominion, a new provincial capital has been established at Ngampug, a town that was not one of the old ruling cities, but which is now growing as the centre of administration of the new Daluming province. This province includes only the lowlands that stretch north and south; the western highlands have been separated out into their own province.

    Here, as in Kerowra, the Code of Burren has been established as a common standard, and here, as in Kerowra, a new school has been established to train new priests. Unlike in Kerowra, here the people are quickly converting to the new faith of Tjarrlinghi, led by the priests of the old religion who have joined the new school en masse to study this interpretation of the Sevenfold Path. The few holdouts are mostly those who converted to Christianity under English rule, and a smaller number in and around the city of Ngutti who follow the Nangu interpretation of the Sevenfold Path.

    In Daluming too, Tjuwagga has commanded that a royal road be built connecting the new provincial capital at Ngampug with Goonaroi in the south of the Neeburra. Unlike in Kerowra, however, this new royal road has not been completed, for the mountains between these two cities are far more rugged. This means that while Daluming is still firmly part of the Dominion, in its commerce its people look far more to the sea than the land.

    Indeed, look at Yuragir, the old capital of Daluming, and you will see a thriving hub of trade. Spices are a key part of this, grown in the lowlands or brought down the old, inferior roads from the nearby highlands. Here at Yuragir are the licensed brokers of this province, who trade with the French, and more rarely Maori from across the Gray Sea, and in recent times the city has seen a couple of visits from Nangu mariners sailing for Tjibarr.

    Increasingly, however, Yuragir has become renowned for another item of trade: glass. Even in the days before the coming of Europeans, Yuragir was a centre of glass production, with small decorative objects of glass such as beads being exported to its neighbours. Following contact with Europeans, the glassmakers of Yuragir have both learned more and experimented more, using the fine sands found around Daluming to produce exquisite glasswares both coloured and clear. From Yuragir, these are exported by sea into Tjibarr and Durigal, across the Gray Sea to Aotearoa, and further away into Asia.

    In brief, if you look around the Dominion, you will see the endeavours of Tjuwagga to make one out of many. In his laws, in his administration, in his profession of faith, in his roads and commerce, and in his formation of a common military, he has sought to make conquered peoples into a common people. Those of his advisers who knew of the conversations held between Tjuwagga and his most famous visitor have already started to whisper of this change as the legacy of Pinjarra.

    * * *

    [1] During the Consolidation, Tjuwagga divided the Dominion into six provinces:
    - The northern Neeburra (the old Yalatji lands), with its capital at Cankoona [Toowoomba];
    - The southern Neeburra (the old Butjupa lands), with its capital at Goonaroi [near Moree], which also expanded to include the acquisitions amongst the Panjimundra further south;
    - Kerowra, which is approximately the lands of the old Kiyungu League but also includes the few Kiyungu cities captured further north;
    - The Southern Gemlands, the lands acquired during the Second Yaluma [Northern Tablelands of New South Wales];
    - Daluming, which consists of the lowland regions of the old kingdom of that name; and
    - Warrbi, which consists of the coastal regions between Daluming and Kerowra that were also captured during the Third Yaluma, with a provincial capital at Yulgilbarra [Lismore, NSW]. This includes the lands of the old Warrbi Confederacy along the Yimir [Richmond River], but also some separate cultures to the north and south.

    Following the Consolidation, Tjuwagga later declared two additional provinces:
    - Kuyal, which includes both the former kingdom of Murrginhi, the smaller chiefdoms to the north conquered during the Fourth Yaluma, and the lands around Port Percy conquered from the English; and
    - The Northern Gemlands, consisting of the lightly-settled regions north of the Neeburra, with a provincial capital at Namala [Emerald, QLD].

    The former kingdom of Yigutji has not yet been designated as a province, and potentially may be divided into more than one province.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #122: A Man Of Vision
  • Lands of Red and Gold #122: A Man Of Vision

    “This above all — to thine own self be true;
    And it must follow, as the night the day,
    Thou canst not then be false to any man.”
    - William Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act I, Scene III

    “Beat the drums – ride to war
    Beat the drums – load the guns
    Beat the drums – who fears death?
    Beat the drums – none of us!”
    - Marching song of the Harmony Battalion, 1719

    * * *

    1 January 1720
    Outside former Yigutji [Wagga Wagga], Dominion of Harmony

    Malligo sat on horseback, with the Hunter on his immediate left and Kyulibah on the Hunter’s other hand. Ahead of them, Yigutji burned, though the smoke had been reduced to occasional bursts rather than the black pillar which it had been for the first days. Other soldiers were around, but all of them discreetly out of hearing range.

    Kyulibah said, “Where to from here, High Warego?”

    The Hunter’s gaze remained fixed on the walls. Perhaps he was looking for Puckapunyal, whose corpse had not been found, and he had not been seen amongst those who fled. But then, with the flames so intense, the odds of finding the body were low even if the king had died.

    At length, the Hunter said, “I have considered moving to Garrkimang [Narrandera]. The old homeland of conquerors second only to myself. It will make a good base while the rest of Yigutji is subdued.”

    Malligo said, “Garrkimang will make a good capital for the Five Rivers under the Dominion, but it would be imprudent to wait there long.”

    Kyulibah said, “You think that Tjibarr will move into our new lands?”

    “Not with their armies, alas,” Malligo said. “They will not be so foolish. It would be easier if they did. Waiting here would be imprudent because while the city has fallen, Yigutji has not. Not properly.”

    “Yigutji has no proper armies left,” Kyulibah said.

    “More can be raised,” Malligo said. “There are still opponents here. Worse, it may not be the kind of opposition who meets in open battle, but who strikes from raid or in the night. Tjibarr will send agents and arms to encourage opposition. Gutjanal may do the same, too.”

    “Raids can be countered,” Kyulibah said.

    “With time, blood and treasure, yes. But while doing so, this would not be consolidating the High Warego’s rule. Tjibarr will be undermining all such efforts, and there are enough unhappy Yigutjians to work with Tjibarr in unrest, raids, and in time, revolt.”

    “You want me to strike at the heart, then. At Tjibarr,” the Hunter said.

    “As soon as it is safe to do so.”

    “Why not just close the borders to Tjibarr?” Kyulibah asked.

    “It cannot be done. Not properly. There is too much trade, too many men moving goods too many ways, to seal out all of Tjibarr’s influence. Even if we succeed, somehow, blocking trade will upset too many men of consequence here, who will then revolt anyway. I suggest that Tjibarr be invaded with all reasonable haste, as soon as the armies can be reorganised and resupplied, and any unneeded plunder sent back to the Neeburra to wait.”

    The Hunter studied the half-broken walls of Yigutji again for some time before he responded. “It shall be done. Tjibarr must fall.”

    Kyulibah looked at Malligo. “How will you feel, invading your homeland?”

    “My old homeland,” Malligo said. “I hope that they submit quickly. It will take at least one defeat for them to capitulate. After that, the example of Yigutji should be persuasive.”

    “And if not?”

    “Then one of their cities can be besieged, and go the same way as Yigutji.” Malligo shrugged. “The rest will submit quickly after that.”

    * * *

    From a letter dated Goanna Day, Cycle of Brass, 30th Year of His Majesty Guwariyan the Second (1 January 1720)

    To Gurragang of the Whites from your friend Bunatjira of the Golds: May you continue to grow in courage, wealth and insight. May you stand firm against the rigours of misfortune.

    [Translator’s note: Tjibarri letters traditionally begin with a variety of ritual pleasantries. May you stand firm against the rigours of misfortune is not one of those traditional phrasings. Going outside of the standard sayings would in most circumstances be considered a grave insult, though a threat as severe as the Hunter would allow forgiveness of most insults.]

    Yigutji has fallen. As Weemiraga is said to have remarked at his funeral, I expected this day, but not so soon. Reliable reports are difficult to obtain, but it appears that Tjuwagga’s cannon broke the city’s once nigh-impregnable walls. The kingdom is, for now, at an end.

    Tjibarr-of-the-Lakes is not so vulnerable, so long as we keep control of the waters.

    [Translator’s note: This is because Tjibarr-of-the-Lakes was surrounded by water on all sides. The Nyalananga [River Murray] was to the north, the Anerina [River Loddon] to the east, and artificial lagoons to west and south. The roads between the lagoons were easily flooded in the event of threat, which meant that the city was surrounded by water and very difficult to capture unless an attacker could first gain naval control.]

    Alas, that matters naught. Even if the city holds, the Dominion’s armies could ravage far too much of our countryside. Victory would then be only a more pleasant name for defeat.

    The time, then, is past for contemplation of insights and plans. Subtlety has its place, but now it is a matter of blood and powder. We must meet the Hunter’s forces on the battlefield soon. You must ready yourself for one great battle, as must we all, to ensure that Tjibarr does not suffer the same fate as Yigutji.

    (Signed) Bunatjira of the Golds

    * * *

    From: Jamberoo’s Decisive Battles in World History

    Battle of Yangan

    The Battle of Yangan [Balranald, NSW] was fought on 14 March 1720 as part of the Fifth Crusade. It was the largest battle fought during the Crusades era, and one of the largest battles fought anywhere in Aururia before the modern era. It marked the Dominion’s open invasion of Tjibarr, following the Hunter’s bid to subdue all of the Five Rivers. The Dominion forces were personally led by the Hunter, while Tjibarri soldiers formed the main opposition, together with some Gutjanalese allies.

    The battlefield of Yangan is the most studied of all the battles of the Crusades era. Surviving accounts of the battle, its lead-up and its aftermath are plentiful, and allow military historians to provide a detailed depiction of where the battle took place, how events progressed, and the repercussions...

    Background

    The Crusades era, also known as the Yaluma period, was the time when the Dominion was forged as a new state in Aururia. In the first three crusades, the Dominion’s founding warleader, the Hunter, laid the foundations for a unified state from what had been many disparate, scattered peoples. The Fourth and Fifth Crusades, although given separate names, were part of a linked campaign to extend the Dominion’s rule to the countries further south: Murrginhi, Yigutji, Tjibarr and Gutjanal.

    The Fourth Crusade (AD 1717-1718) saw the Dominion conquer Murrginhi, despite some support from Yigutjian and Tjibarri forces. After a period consolidating control of Murrginhi, the Hunter led the Dominion forces into Yigutji, as the first phase of the intended conquest of all three Five Rivers kingdoms...

    Prelude

    The fall of Yigutji City on 25 December 1719 marked the effective end of the eponymous kingdom, despite a few holdouts. After this, Tjuwagga set up a temporary administrative capital in Garrkimang, while regrouping his forces, tending to the wounded, resupplying, and making the first appointments for rulers in what had been Yigutji.

    During this time, the Dominion had diplomatic contact with Tjibarr, exchanging a series of letters and emissaries. This contact did not lead any form of diplomatic resolution. The Hunter called on Tjibarr to submit, as he did with all forms of contact, and this was unsurprisingly rejected. Further exchanges followed, but did nothing other than convince both sides that an invasion was imminent.

    The Hunter and his war council decided to keep their armies on the right bank of the Matjidi [Murrumbidgee], to avoid being trapped on the more hostile side of the river, and because reliable crossings were few. The Dominion forces left Garrkimang on 27 February 1720, marching steadily downriver toward Tjibarri territory. They followed the course of the Matjidi [Murrumbidgee], taking advantage of the roads which ran alongside or near that river, and using captured boats to assist in bringing some supplies downriver. On 11 March 1720, they arrived in the vicinity of Yangan, where their scouts reported that the Tjibarri forces had been awaiting them.

    The Tjibarri armies had been deployed along the only plausible line of advance, in anticipation of the Dominion’s arrival. Yangan marked a sensible strategic choice. It was far enough from the former Yigutji-Tjibarr border that Dominion scouts would not know in advance the site which had been chosen. Crucially, at Yangan the Matjidi was reliably deep enough that regardless of rainfall, boats could still access the town to ferry troops and maintain supplies. The location also meant that if the battle proved unfavourable, they had a choice of two roads or by water to withdraw, and could not be easily encircled.

    According to some accounts, the Tjibarri had also chosen this location because it required the Dominion forces to advance past a variety of wetlands, so that they might catch an epidemic of swamp rash. This mosquito-borne disease was then endemic to the Five Rivers and often infected invading armies. While Tjibarri physicians of the time did not know that the disease was carried by mosquitoes, they had realised that being near wetlands made it more likely to catch the disease. Unfortunately for the Tjibarri, in this case there was no such outbreak of swamp rash.

    The Tjibarri armies, with some Gutjanalese allies, had chosen their preferred battlefield, and were well-armed and well-supplied in anticipation of the Dominion’s arrival...

    Geography

    The site which the Tjibarri commanders had chosen for the battlefield lay on the floodplain of the lower Matjidi, slightly upriver from the city of Yangan. This land was not used for permanent crops, because floods on the lower Matjidi were prodigious enough that this land would regularly be inundated, destroying valuable produce. Instead, the rich grasses had been used to graze considerable herds of cattle and horses and, in former times, noroons [emus].

    As a result of this, the floodplains were scattered with several artificial hills, which the Tjibarri called binbins. These were built using rock and soil extracted in the creation of the artificial wetlands closer to Yangan. They served as refuges where livestock could flee during times of flood. These binbins now served as part of the Tjibarri defensive strategy.

    The Tjibarri commanders had selected this floodplain because it offered relatively open ground for musket fire, but had several of the binbins as good defensive positions and sites for artillery. This was a useful place to occupy for defenders, but not so blatantly strong a position that the Dominion might refuse battle.

    While the terrain was a floodplain, in this particular year there had been no floods for several months, and so the ground was firm and suitable for manoeuvre...

    Forces

    Surviving records on both sides list the various Tjibarri and Dominion military units (except artillery) which participated in the battle, though not those of Gutjanal. These unit lists do not provide exact numbers, but permit modern historians to make reasonable estimates of the troop counts on each side. Notably, comparisons of sources from both sides also show that each side overestimated the size of their opposition.

    The unit lists for each side, with the best estimates for unit strength, and where known, the name of each commander, are recorded in Figure 11.3…

    Figure 11.3

    Dominion Forces

    Warbands (cavalry)

    Unit Name Commander Strength

    Blademasters The Hunter 2,400

    Green Serpents Kyulibah 1,900

    Thunderers Goonawa 2,100

    Long Irons Unknown [FN1] 1,800

    Harmony Battalion Malligo 600

    Old Scorned Minjaree 1,700

    Fearless Yongalla 2,200

    Sapphires Nowenrat 1,500

    Total 14,200


    [FN1] The Long Irons were formerly commanded by Jowarra, who retired to Cankoona after the Fourth Crusade. The name of their new commander has been lost to history.

    Goanna battalions (infantry)

    Unit Name [FN2] Commander Strength

    1st Battalion, “Spearthrowers” Munya 4,300

    2nd Battalion, “Listeners” Unknown 3,700

    3rd Battalion, “Eagle Eyes” Unknown 3,400

    4th Battalion, “Mantrappers” Unknown 2,400

    5th Battalion, “Burning Mouths” Ngondee 2,700

    6th Battalion, “Potters” Unknown 2,500

    Total 19,000


    [FN2] Strictly speaking, the names for the Goanna battalions were nicknames, since they were never given officially recognised names during this era.

    Artillery

    At least 40 guns.

    Tjibarri Forces

    Infantry

    Unit Commander Strength

    Royal Watchers Unknown 1,800

    Royal Guardians Unknown 1,600

    Royal Hammers Unknown 1,600

    Red Factionaries Unknown 3,000

    Gray Factionaries Unknown 3,200

    Green Factionaries Tjupangati 3,700

    Blue Factionaries Unknown 2,400

    Gold Factionaries Bunatjira 2,100

    Black Factionaries Nyulinga the Black 2,700

    White Factionaries Amaroo 3,000

    Azure Factionaries Unknown 2,800

    Total 27,900


    Cavalry

    Unit Name Commander Strength

    Trumpeters Koreng 3,900

    Fifth Quarterers [FN3] Yirrgan 3,500

    Wanyu Guriban’s Finest Wanyu Guriban 900

    Total 8,300


    [FN3] The name Fifth Quarterers was adopted as an ironic nickname to suggest that football is more important than warfare. It suggested that the unit members waited until after the end of football (i.e. the fifth quarter) before taking the field of battle.

    Artillery

    At least 90 guns.

    Gutjanalese Forces

    Infantry: 4,800
    Cavalry: 1,300

    Battle

    The Tjibarri and Gutjanalese forces deployed in a line of battle with their infantry deployed in the centre, taking advantage of three bin-bins, and their cavalry deployed on each flank. The royal battalions formed the centre of the line, with the White and Gold factionaries immediately on either side, the Azures and Blues further on their left flank, and the Reds and Greens on their right flank. The Grays and Blacks, together with the Gutjanalese infantry and cavalry, were kept in reserve. The Trumpeters screened the left flank, while the Fifth Quarterers and the Finest were on the right flank.

    The Dominion forces were deployed with their infantry battalions on the centre and left flank: the 1st Goanna battalion on the left flank, then the 3rd, 5th, 4th and 6th, with the 2nd being held in reserve. The bulk of the cavalry was deployed on a weighted right flank, with the Blademasters, Harmony Battalion, Fearless, Thunderers, and Green Serpents deployed to attack the right flank. The Long Irons and Old Scorned were deployed to cover the left flank, with the Sapphires held in reserve (see Figure 11.4).

    The Tjibarri plan of battle was to remain in a generally defensive formation and encourage the Dominion forces to attack, with sufficient cavalry available to screen their flanks and attack if needed, and use the reserves to plug any weaknesses in the line...

    The Hunter’s strategy was to try to break through on the right, using his weight of cavalry. In particular, his personal warband was intended to attack the opposing royal and White infantry, with the support of the Harmony Battalion in a flanking attack to break them. This role was similar to one which the Harmony Battalion had performed admirably at Nhumarup in the Fourth Crusade. The remaining cavalry were intended to exploit that gap, or any other opportunity which presented itself, to break into the Tjibarri rear and trap a significant portion of their army. The infantry were expected to advance slowly and force the Tjibarri forces on the left flank to remain in place, and then act as an anvil which could trap the Tjibarri forces if they were broken on the right flank...

    * * *

    Clear and bright dawns the day of decision. Unhindered sunlight spreads over the chosen field, with no cloud daring to drift overhead.

    From a distance, this land near Yangan appears to be a pattern of lines on a field of faded green. A winding ribbon of blue-brown marks the course of the Matjidi, while three criss-crossing lines of faded, khaki-coloured soil mark roads that travel near the river, through this land which is claimed by Tjibarr and contested by the growing power of the Dominion of Harmony.

    Look closer, and other lines emerge into visibility. Two lines, composed of men and horses, prepared for a confrontation which many have been eagerly anticipating, while equally many have been dreading. Impatient horses whinny and prance, while impatient men murmur a thousand variations on the theme of commencement.

    Above, a few ebony-coloured ravens and two black-brown eagles have already begun to circle, in nameless expectation of opportunity. No matter who claims victory on the field of battle this day, from the birds’ perspective, they will be the true winners.

    The southern line, composed largely of the men of Tjibarr, holds steady, unmoving. Mostly it is composed of men on foot, dressed in the colours of their faction or in the neutral brown chosen by royal warriors. Most of the soldiers carry muskets with bayonets attached. Two units of the factionaries, those wearing red and green and closest to the river, have some soldiers who carry long pikes as well as some with muskets. At either end of the line, men wait on horseback, carrying a more miscellaneous combination of pistols, muskets, swords and spears.

    In chosen places between the foot-soldiers, often on hilltops, rests artillery dragged there by horses or men the previous day. These guns are not expected to be decisive in battle, not according to any plans of the many men of many factions who have employed them. Yet in accordance with a much-repeated maxim, any enemy who falls to a cannonball is one less to reach the Tjibarri lines.

    In one of those units, composed of those wearing colours that are meant to be white but now marked with dust, Gurragang of the Whites stands, a musket by his side. He watches, the small elevation of the hill letting him see the enemy deployment. His heart beats rapidly as he considers, and frets.

    He muses that so much planning, so much subtle skill and manoeuvring, has been prepared for strengthening Tjibarr. The factions contain men experienced in the art of understanding their foes, and they studied the ways of the Yadji, of Gutjanal and Yigutji, and the many nations of the Raw Men. They all sought to understand, and to prepare as best they could, for how to strengthen the nation and weaken all rivals. Yet in all of this, no-one foresaw – no-one could have foreseen – the arrival of the Hunter.

    So, Gurragang watches, and worries, that Tjibarr has been forced into this battle which is a great gamble, against a man who has had a lifetime of winning battles against all comers.

    In the northern line, rather more men are on horseback, with most of those on the end of the line farthest from the river. The cavalrymen – and handful of cavalrywomen – are likewise armed with an assortment of weapons, including some with bows. The footmen – and in this case they are all men – carry a mixture of spears and muskets, with only a few of those muskets possessing bayonets.

    Just behind the main force of the northern line, the Hunter sits on his horse atop another of the small hills scattered across the field of battle. His warleaders Malligo and Yongalla await his final instructions.

    The Hunter surveys the deployment of the opposing troops, smiles, and speaks. “They have deployed as planned. The central hill is the decisive place. Malligo, I will lead my warband there, with yours shadowing us. If they break, you will be best positioned to rout them, with Yongalla’s warband in support. If they hold on the first charge, then you flank them as you did at Nhumarup. If any of their other foot-men interfere with you, Yongalla can attack them.”

    The two other commanders shake their heads in agreement, then all three of them ride down the gentle slope back toward their units. Soon thereafter, banners are raised as signals. Battle drums sound amongst the Dominion foot-soldiers, and they begin to advance on the centre and left of the field of battle. After the infantry have begun to close the gap, the Hunter snaps further orders and his warband begins to ride forward, with the other cavalry units also advancing, while staying a little further back than the Hunter’s unit.

    Cannons bark in response, with the cannonballs flying out through the gaps between the Tjibarri units. Some men and horses are struck down, but too few to stop or even slow the advance.

    The Dominion infantry are closing on the left, with musket fire cracking through the air, while the smoke from black powder rises. In the centre, the Dominion cavalry are also closing the gap, with the Hunter’s warband the nearest. One volley of musket fire follows from the Whites and the Royal Guardians. A few more men are struck down, but not nearly enough to stem the advance.

    With a cry of “for Tjuwagga and for harmony!” the warband charges into the Tjibarri lines. Men fall from pistol shot and sword-swing, while riders die from bayonet or musket-fire. Yet muskets are not quickly reloaded, and while bayonets offer some defence, it quickly proves that they are not a match to sword-carrying men atop horses. More of the foot-men are falling than horse-men, and it is clear that their line is wavering.

    Standing in the third rank from the front, musket and bayonet ready, Gurragang cannot stop a few tears from trickling down his cheeks. It is not his own death he fears, but the end of Tjibarr. He knows from reports he has heard many times what will happen if the unit breaks and the Dominion cavalry can attack the Tjibarri forces from both front and rear.

    Not far away, Malligo is at the head of his own warband. He watches and waits, preparing for the right time. The Hunter’s warband is fully engaged, and the Tjibarri look close to breaking. He needs to judge his moment carefully.

    A few more moments, a few more deaths, and it appears as if the Whites are about to break. A couple of men are fleeing from the rear.

    All looks ready. Malligo says, “It is time.” He raises his voice. “Trumpeter! Play Beat the Drums!”

    The trumpeter looks, blinks, and looks again. “Yes, commander!”

    The trumpet call rings out the favoured marching tune, and the Harmony Battalion begins their advance, gradually increasing their speed. The trumpeter keeps playing the tune at first, until the hastening pace means he needs to stop.

    In the vagaries of battle and wind, the firearms around Gurragang have stopped, and the cries cease for a few moments, letting the breeze carry the faint sound of the trumpet call across the gap. Gurragang recognises the tune, and he smiles wryly.

    The Harmony Battalion increases to a charge, on an angle which brings them toward the flank of the embattled Tjibarri Whites, and to the Hunter’s warband which is trying to cut the Tjibarri apart. Malligo is at the centre, but he needs to give no orders, no further refinements. This is a manoeuvre which his warband has practiced and discussed many times.

    The front rank of the Harmony Battalion charges past the flank of the Whites, and straight into the rear of the Hunter’s warband.

    Men die from pistols and swordstrokes as the Harmony Battalion cut through their completely unprepared former comrades. Emboldened, the formerly wavering Whites hold their ground. On their right, the Royal Guardians see the opportunity, and fire a volley into the Hunter’s beleaguered forces before charging into their other flank, surrounding them almost completely.

    Though the soldiers enveloping the Hunter are too busy to notice, other Tjibarri units on either side are advancing too, threatening any further Dominion cavalry who might try to come to the Hunter’s aid.

    Bereft of any support, outnumbered and encircled, the warband which calls itself the Blademasters has no hope. No surrender is called for, since all know it would not be honoured. The Hunter’s elite warband is cut down one by one.

    In the midst of this melee, no man can say for certain who fired the crucial shot. Twenty-two men will later claim the credit, some of them mistaken, some of them lying, and possibly one telling the truth.

    What is certain is that, amidst the closing struggle, Malligo was one of the first to notice that the Hunter had been shot. His voice of command, and the four elite warriors surrounding him, clears a path until Malligo stands over the Hunter.

    Words are hard to find, amidst blood and fading life, but the Hunter manages to ask, “Why betray your oath?”

    Many are the things which he could say, but only one which he chooses to utter.

    “Never trust a Gunnagal,” Malligo says calmly, and watches until the Hunter’s life bleeds away.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #123: What Becomes Of Dominion
  • Lands of Red and Gold #123: What Becomes Of Dominion

    “Though little-known in Europe at the time, the Battle of Yangan can well be argued to constitute a critical moment in history. It did not, despite what many Gunnagal and Wadang of the time hoped, mark the end of the Dominion. But it did, for several generations, define the limits of the Dominion’s ability to conquer on its southern border.”
    - RE Manford, The Whole of Aururia is Divided into Seven Parts

    * * *

    From: Jamberoo’s Decisive Battles in World History

    Battle of Yangan

    ... The entrapment of the Blademasters proved the decisive moment in the Battle of Yangan. The nearby Dominion commanders knew that the Hunter was either dead or captured, and either was sufficient grounds to halt the battle. Yongalla, according to his later explanations, declared that he judged it better to preserve the rest of the Dominion’s forces to fight for the Hunter’s legacy, or to stage a battle on better terms in the event that the Hunter still lived.

    Yongalla therefore withdrew his cavalry from the immediate part of the engagement. The other nearby cavalry units had no choice but to follow his lead. Following a hasty conference away from enemy fire, Yongalla and Goonawa redirected a cavalry feint toward the flanks of the royal and Gold units, who were engaged with Dominion infantry. This manoeuvre, which the Tjibarri centre did not contest, permitted the remaining Dominion infantry to withdraw from their engagement and be screened by the cavalry on their retreat.

    This marked the effective end of the battle, save for skirmishing clashes. The Dominion forces made an orderly withdrawal, their more numerous cavalry screening their rear. Tjibarri forces probed, and killed or captured stragglers and wounded, but did not pursue too far, wary of the reputation of Dominion cavalry against scattered enemy forces...

    * * *

    1st Day of Feasts [1], 30th Year of His Majesty Guwariyan the Second [15 March 1720]
    Whites Factionaries encampment, near Yangan [Balranald, NSW]
    Kingdom of Tjibarr

    It is done. Tjibarr is saved. Gurragang of the Whites thought that his famed father would be proud of what he had done. Perhaps even his never-met, but even more famous grandfather, Wemba of the Whites, would have approved of this machination in the Endless Dance.

    Or would they call it a pointless gamble? Gurragang did not know, but for now, he did not care too much. Victory was for savouring.

    He spared a glance for Norang Dadi [2], the great White land controller, one so great that he had successfully pled off being involved in the battle. Someone would need to guard the Whites’ interests if the battle failed. “Has there been any word?”

    “The Blues are coming,” Norang Dadi said, but did not elaborate. He had a sparing way with words, most of the time.

    No doubt busy meeting with as many notables of as many factions as possible, to tell them all that Malligo had been conducting himself properly from the beginning, not a late change of heart. Very few people had known of the true purpose of Malligo’s defection or the role of the Harmony Battalion. Even the king had not been told properly, though Gurragang suspected that Guwariyan knew anyway. The monarch was, by now, well-schooled in the machinations of the Endless Dance.

    As it happened, it was not too long until Malligo entered their tent, accompanied by Kerela Wallira, one of the most prominent Blues. Kerela might even be the most prominent; with Blues, it was usually impossible to tell.

    “It is done,” Malligo said simply. He did not say more. He did not need to say more. Celebrations would follow soon enough, but first planning had to be conducted.

    “The Hunter’s corpse is in our hands,” Gurragang said. The White factionaries had seized it, recognising the great opportunity it presented, and naturally would not release it again.

    “Burn it with honour, and have the ashes sent back to Cankoona,” Malligo said.

    “You think that is wise?” Kerela Wallira said. “With their army still on our lands, even if it is withdrawing?”

    “He was a man of courage and valour, like none other I have met,” Malligo said. “He deserves it, and he is no longer a threat to us. As for the Dominion’s armies, they are meaningless too. They will not stop this side of the border, and I expect they will quit Yigutji’s old lands even before we need to drive them out.”

    “Some of our fellow battle commanders feel otherwise,” Gurragang said.

    “They know not the Warego as I do,” Malligo said. “There is no unified command, and no time to resolve one. They can cooperate long enough to keep their forces intact, but not to plan further invasion of Tjibarr. Let our armies shadow them until the border, then allow them to go.”

    “Let it be so, then,” Norang Dadi said. “What of you and your path, then?”

    “I remain on the Seven-fold Path, as I always have.” Malligo smiled. “As for me, I think it is time I take a new name. Amity, I shall be called. A reminder for all time of the friendship of the Gunnagal.”

    Gurragang laughed, as did Kerela. Norang Dadi showed the briefest of smiles.

    Gurragang said, “We may yet need friendship. Victory here is important, but only the start of our problems.”

    Kerela raised an eyebrow. “The greatest victory in a half-century or more is only the start of matters?”

    “What has been done will be celebrated, but let us first keep cast one eye on what is to come,” Gurragang said.

    “Fair comment,” Amity said. “Yigutji is gone. One-third of our grand alliance has been removed. Now, Gutjanal will wonder what our alliance is worth.”

    Gurragang shrugged. “Divide the territory of Yigutji in half with them. Along the Matjidi [Murrumbidgee], with the right bank to us and the left bank to them. Nothing could be more generous.”

    Kerela said, “They may argue that give us the better half, with Garrkimang and Loona [Gundagai], the two largest remaining cities, on the right bank.”

    Gurragang said, “We would be leaving them the unravaged half. The Hunter’s forces plundered most of the right bank, but he sent nothing save a few scouts across the Matjidi.”

    Kerela said, “They might accept that. Yet it still leaves problems.”

    “Always there are problems,” Gurragang said. “Always we must keep one eye on what is to come. Yet if Gutjanal accepts such a bargain, they will cease to be an immediate problem. Integrating their half of Yigutji will keep them busy. Just as our challenges will remain with our new lands.”

    Of course, the largest challenge would be the manoeuvring amongst the factions for acquisitions amongst the new lands. Even more difficult than satisfying the former Yigutjians. Come to that, it would be fitting for Amity to be awarded with plentiful new lands for his efforts. Large lands, full of Yigutjians, and near the border with the Dominion. I must see what is available there. Let Amity be rewarded and kept busy at the same time.

    “Fortunately, the succession will be contested in the Dominion,” Amity said. “Perhaps they will hold together in the end, perhaps not. Regardless, they will have a bloody war first. That, too, gives us time.”

    “If they fall apart, we will still have several new states to the north, in contest with each other, that we must balance,” Gurragang said.

    Kerela said, “And if they hold together, then we have a more delicate balance. Dominion to the north, Yadji to the south, and Gutjanal ready to waver.”

    Norang Dadi said, “And then we must face the greatest enemy of all. The Raw Men.”

    * * *

    4th Day of Feasts, 30th Year of His Majesty Guwariyan the Second [18 March 1720]
    Boat on the Nyalananga [River Murray], near Tapiwal [Robinvale, Victoria]

    “This is too long to hide,” murmured Puckapunyal. King Puckapunyal, still the true ruler of Yigutji, no matter the disaster which the Horse-Men had brought to it.

    Nearly three months had passed, hiding on this boat. No matter how luxuriously it was furnished – this was the boat which Gurragang of the Whites used for his personal travel – this was still a cage. He dared not venture onto the deck of the boat except at night, to avoid being seen. During daylight hours, he could only look through latticework windows that offered mere glimpses of the world outside.

    Still, for all that the confinement grated, it remained infinitely preferable to the alternative.

    The Horse-Men had captured the city, Yigutji-of-the-Eagles. He had thought it impossible that they would ever breach the walls, but he had been tragically proven wrong. Few of the city’s inhabitants were left alive.

    Fortunately, Puckapunyal had been one of those few. He had been amongst the first people fleeing the city after the walls were breached, suitably disguised as a common soldier amongst common soldiers. They had rushed to the riverbank, where a few Tjibarri boats were waiting. His bodyguards, likewise disguised but far better fighters than most, had sacrificed themselves so that he could reach a boat; the only refugee in the first wave to do so.

    The Tjibarri boat had been crewed by men of the Whites. They had left immediately, without collecting any further refugees, and argued that it was safest if no-one knew that he lived, for now. A point he fully agreed with. As a fallen monarch he would not be immediately popular. Too many in Yigutji would turn on him or even hand him to the Horse-Men for their personal advantage. Too many in Tjibarr would seek to turn his presence to their advantage in their endless machinations, if they knew that he lived.

    So the Whites had brought him here, a safe distance past the border. Gurragang son of Lopitja had given him this much more comfortable boat to stay on water rather than on land, saying that it was both easier to keep him from prying eyes and quicker to escape if he was discovered.

    All of which Puckapunyal knew, and all of which he had brooded over many times. His imprisonment still grated, for all that it was voluntary and his best option for survival. A concubine had been provided for him, which with typical Gunnagal manoeuvring was one who did not know his name and could not recognise him by sight. Save for that, he had little to do save read – Gurragang had an extensive library on his boat – and plan for how he could rebuild the kingdom. He had considered many ideas for the latter, all of which would require Tjibarri aid. That would make Yigutji little more than a puppet for Tjibarr, but even that would be better than rule by the Horse-Men.

    A splash of oars outside interrupted his musings. A smaller boat pulled alongside, ropes were thrown to attach the boats together, and men clambered aboard. Through the nearest latticework window, he recognised Gurragang among the men on the boat.

    Important news, then. Gurragang had come to this boat only twice before, the first when welcoming Puckapunyal to it, and the second a courtesy visit a month later to see how he was faring. Other than that, the man had stayed away. To come here again signified something dramatic.

    He ordered the concubine to withdraw to the inner chamber on the boat, then readied himself to await the White aristocrat’s arrival.

    Soon enough, Gurragang climbed down into the chamber, with two bodyguards following behind. Gurragang looked the same as he always did: tall, deep-set eyes, a broad if rarely used smile, and a short-trimmed beard which left his upper lip bare. The two bodyguards had beards in a similar style; it was the current fashion amongst the Whites.

    Gurragang went down on one knee and lowered his head. His bodyguards did the same a moment later.

    “Rise,” Puckapunyal said. It was good to see the courtesies being maintained. “What portentous news brings you to visit here?”

    “Splendid news, Your Majesty,” Gurragang said as he rose. Behind him, the bodyguards also came to their feet. “The Hunter has fallen in battle.”

    “Is this certain, not rumour?”

    “Without doubt. I was nearby on the battlefield when it happened. The Dominion forces were defeated, and their great warleader killed.”

    “Then celebration is called for,” Puckapunyal said.

    “Indeed it is.” Gurragang waved a hand, and both bodyguards produced pistols from beneath their clothes.

    Puckapunyal had time to register that and half-rise before the quicker of the two bodyguards cocked the weapon and fired [3]. He felt fire erupt in his belly, and fell back into his chair. An instant later, a second tongue of flame leaped through his thigh.

    “Why?” he managed to ask.

    Gurragang said, “Keeping you alive was important, since you could help to rally Yigutji against the Hunter in case of our defeat when he invaded Tjibarr. With our armies successful, you are merely an impediment to our control of former Yigutji.”

    Despite his breath heaving against the pain, Puckapunyal still found it important to ask, “So this is how Tjibarr honours its alliance?”

    Gurragang shrugged. “It is said in your kingdom as much as in mine: never trust a Gunngal.”

    * * *

    Crimson Day, Cycle of Bunya Nuts, 31st Year of His Majesty Guwariyan the Second [2 April 1720]
    Near junction of Gurrnyal [Lachlan] and Matjidi [Murrumbidgee] Rivers
    Former Yigtuji-Tjibarr border

    Two banners had been planted in the ground, both coloured with the pure blue that the Five Rivers and now the Dominion had adopted to mark the presence of a herald. Pinjarra found that quietly amusing, given the well-deserved reputation of the Blues, who sought harmony but rarely found it.

    In truth, of course, that was merely a coincidence. The protocol for heralds had been borrowed from Durigal, where the Yadji rulers had chosen blue for reasons of their own, and insisted on it when dealing with others. The Yadji had no interest in adapting their diplomatic conventions to suit their rivals, and given the number of wars fought with Durigal, the Five Rivers had eventually adopted the same colour.

    Each of the banners had been daubed with two white dots, to signify that two people could come; each side’s herald, and one other. As protocol required, a herald accompanied Pinjarra, a pleasant if usually quiet man named Balmaringa. Pinjarra had already discreetly advised this herald to be silent unless called on to speak. He had only accepted this diplomatic duty out of a desire to avoid further bloodshed, and would not tolerate any interference.

    Only one man waited beneath the Dominion’s banner. Kullerin was entitled to bring a second representative, but had clearly elected to speak alone. Or perhaps no other representative could be found.

    “Good to see you again, my friend,” Pinjarra said sincerely.

    “And you also,” Kullerin said. The man sounded sad, even now, but that was understandable. A man of great vision had been lost.

    After a brief introduction of Balmaringa, Kullerin said, “And are you here on your own behalf?”

    “I volunteered for this duty, because I think it could spare much further loss of life. And because you know – most of the Dominion’s leaders know – that I have no interest in lying to you.”

    “You represent yourself, then, but I represent the Dominion,” Kullerin said.

    “Given our past friendship, I won’t make your role here any more difficult by asking which particular leader of the Dominion you represent.”

    Kullerin shook his head. “Tjibarr made the request for heralds to meet, so you may state the purpose.”

    “First, a question. Do the Dominion’s leaders plan on defending Yigutji? My apologies, I should say, what was once Yigutji.”

    “They are still in council. I do not know which way they will decide.”

    Pinjarra frowned. “Urge them to decide quickly, for the sake of all of those who serve under them.”

    “They will decide in their own time, and not before.”

    “Their time is limited, alas,” Pinjarra said. “This is the crux of the information I have been asked to convey. The kings of Tjibarr and Gutjanal have jointly called on the Dominion to abandon all of what once was Yigutji.”

    “What of the other lands of the Dominion?”

    “They say that so long as the Dominion’s armies withdraw from all lands that belonged to Yigutji, they can do what they wish elsewhere. The armies of the Five Rivers will not attack them further or interfere with their rule of other lands.”

    “What time do they give for this?”

    “They give the Dominion seven days to begin a withdrawal. Any failure to do so will result in invasion of former Yigutji, and battle on whatever terms seems best to them.”

    “Are they so sure that they can win another battle?” Kullerin asked.

    Pinjarra sighed. “You are a good man, Kullerin, but you need not ask questions which ill-become you. Tjibarr’s army was larger than the Dominion’s even before Yangan, and that battle cost the Dominion rather more soldiers than it did the Tjibarri. To say nothing of all the cannon which have been captured, and it was only those which let the walls of cities be breached.”

    “More, Gutjanal still has its own army, which is largely intact, as the Warego will know from when the Gutjanalese withdrew after the invasion of Yigutji. They will be invading, too. This is not a war which the Dominion can win. In their own homelands, perhaps, but not here.”

    “Is that the full message?” Kullerin asked, his voice cold.

    “All that the Tjibarri have asked me to convey,” Pinjarra said. And even that set aside Pinjarra’s doubts about whether the Warego could work together. They were assuredly now squabbling for who would inherit the Hunter’s mantle. That was not a contest which would be resolved without bloodshed.

    “This small message I add on my own behalf: I hope that the Warego listen.”

    “I will tell them.”

    Pinjarra said, “As for us, my friend, I fear that this will be our last parting. Any reply will have to be conveyed to others. I go now to Gutjanal, a place which I doubt the Dominion shall ever reach.”

    “I have long given up trying to predict what the fates have in store,” Kullerin said. “But I wish you a safe journey, all the same.” The herald picked up the banner again, turned, and began walking away.

    Once Kullerin was out of earshot, Pinjarra said, “I would wish you a safe journey, too, but I fear that safety will not be found in the Dominion for a long time.”

    * * *

    From Bareena Uranj, a Tjarrling religious text which is typically though inaccurately rendered into English as the Orange Bible:

    Chapter 150

    1. Following the treachery at Yangan, the Warego who remained [4] rallied the forces of the faithful at Garrkimang.

    2. The Warego met in council for many days, as they considered who should guide the Dominion.

    3. Goonawa said, “Tjuwagga was the strongest, and his successor should be the next strongest who is left.”

    4. The Warego each claimed to be the strongest, save Kyulibah who remained silent.

    5. Munya son of Nyambih, commander of the First Goannas, said, “Tjuwagga was a man of unrivalled vision. My fellows and I followed him because of this. I trust his blood and his heirs more than someone who followed him, not led.”

    6. Minjaree said, “Tjuwagga has two sons, but both are too young to lead. They cannot command armies, nor can they guide the Dominion.”

    7. Munya said, “They will grow. They are more worthy to claim the title of the strongest than this group of Warego who at one time were each defeated by the Hunter.”

    8. Kyulibah said, “Munya, they cannot rule now. Your choice means only that we argue over who should be regent. The decision must still be made.”

    9. Munya said, “The decision is already made. Tjuwagga named Jowarra as the guardian for his sons. Argue whom you will, but as for me and my men, we will serve Tjuwagga.”

    10. Munya called, and the First and Second Goannas followed him on the road to Cankoona, while the Warego were still in council.

    11. The council ended without decision, for each believed himself to be the strongest, save Kyulibah who still held his peace.

    12. Each of the Warego returned to his own warband, and each called on the remaining Goannas to join them.

    13. The Goannas divided their allegiance as seemed best to them.

    14. Nowenrat became the first Warego to depart, taking his warband and such of the Goannas as accompanied him to Murrginhi, where he claimed rulership in the name of succession to Tjuwagga.

    15. Each of the other Warego departed in turn with their warbands and allies, until only Kyulibah remained.

    16. Kyulibah said, “All who have remained, you are faithful to Tjuwagga. We will honour his memory and his heirs, but we cannot do so here. We must return to Cankoona.”

    17. Kyulibah sent heralds to the approaching River-Men armies, and negotiated for uncontested passage back to the Neeburra.

    18. And so the Five Rivers were once more deprived of harmony.

    * * *

    From: The Hunter and His Times
    RG Toohey (1996). Oxford: University of Oxford Press.

    Epilogue

    And so the tale of the Hunter himself is complete, ending as all human stories do, with a death. As with all histories, too, unless the final tale of humanity ever comes to be written, the question arises of what happened next. This tale can only be told in brief, for it is not the main subject of this work, but nevertheless, some details may be added to satisfy the reader’s curiosity.

    The Hunter made limited provision for naming a successor during his lifetime. The closest he came was naming Jowarra, the semi-retired veteran Warego, as guardian and educator of his sons. The disputed succession which followed was probably inevitable, given the ambition of the Warego class, but the lack of a clearly designated regent certainly made it worse. Perhaps the Hunter feared that naming a clear regent would be taken as justification for that regent seizing power in their own name.

    In any event, the Warego divided after the Battle of Yangan, and most of them sought to establish a powerbase for their loyal troops, in preparation for the expected warfare to follow.

    Initially, five Warego vied for rulership of the Dominion. In the Neeburra, Jowarra claimed to rule as regent for the Hunter’s sons, with Cankoona as his capital. In Kerowra [5], Yongalla ruled on no authority but his own. Goonawa claimed openly to be the strongest Warego, ruling the Daluming lowlands from Yuragir [Coffs Harbour], and contesting for the Daluming highlands [New England tablelands]. Around Narranuk [Taree], Minjaree endeavoured to set up an independent state over the Loomal inhabitants. In Murrginhi [Hunter Valley], Nowenrat sought to use the wealth and spices of the Patjimunra as the basis of his authority. The only senior Warego who did not make an initial bid for supremacy was Kyulibah, who went to the Neeburra and supported Jowarra’s regency claim.

    The number of Dominionship contenders was quickly reduced. Minjaree’s tenure as a sovereign Warego lasted less than a year before he realised that he lacked a viable position, and he pledged his support to Goonawa. Nowenrat ruled Murrginhi for three years, surviving the initial attacks by Goonawa and Minjaree. In 1723 he was overthrown by an internal Patjimunra revolt. This led to the restoration of Murrginhi as an independent state, now with expanded borders in the south. Murrginhi expressed its open opposition to the Dominion, and also had tacit Tjibarri backing. Nowenrat’s surviving forces largely joined Jowarra.

    The remaining three contenders had more stable power bases. With the notable exception of the Patjimunra, none of the conquered peoples in the Dominion showed a strong interest in removing the Yalatji as a ruling class. The debates of the subject peoples focused on which Warego was the best leader, not over whether the Yalatji should rule.

    These three leading Warego mounted several campaigns against each other throughout the first half of the 1720s, but none managed to decisively defeat their opponents. Goonawa successfully maintained control of the Daluming highlands, and the spices they produced, but otherwise the campaigns did not produce any significant outcome.

    In 1726, while on campaign in Kerowra, Jowarra died of what was probably a heart attack, though poison was widely rumoured. This suspicion of poison focused on Kyulibah, which meant that the loyalist forces refused to accept him as ruler. One of the middling-senior commanders, Weriyu, brokered a deal whereby Yongalla publicly ceded his claims to outright rulership in exchange for acting as the regent for the Hunter’s sons, and unification of his existing dominion with the Neeburra.

    In 1728, Yongalla was assassinated by a Kiyungu warrior who took poison before he could be questioned. At the time, suspicion fell variously on Goonawa, Tjibarr, the Nuttana, and the northern Kiyungu, and even the Dutch East India Company. When questioned whether Tjibarr was involved, their herald famously replied, “Why would we kill someone who was more use to us alive?” The modern consensus is that Goonawa was probably either behind the assassination or at least had been informed of the plot and did not oppose it.

    Following Yongalla’s death, Kyulibah took control of the regency in the Neeburra, and waged an ongoing campaign against Goonawa. In 1732, Kyulibah’s forces occupied Yuragir and Goonawa conceded defeat. Kyulibah accepted his surrender but then had him executed, blaming him for Yongalla’s death. To his last breath, Goonawa denied any involvement with the assassination.

    Kyulibah ruled as uncontested regent of all remaining Dominion territory until 1735. Then, the Hunter’s elder son took the name Justice and declared himself capable of ruling. He had Kyulibah sent on what was effectively an internal exile to watch the border with the northern Kiyungu, and had Minjaree likewise exiled to being a permanent herald with the Portuguese at Rramaji [Karumba, QLD]. Justice also commissioned a history of his ancestry, which has survived as The True History of the Yalatji. With that, the last of the Hunter’s senior Warego had been removed from power, and an end had come to the Hunter and his times.

    * * *

    Carl Ashkettle pauses, his hand aching from the endless writing. Clements’ description of the Hunter and his era has been engaging, thorough, and would doubtless make a suitable tale in itself, even if everything else the multiple-centenarian talks about was deemed worthless.

    After some thought, Ashkettle decides to ask a different kind of question. One which is not about what happened. “So, with the tale all told, what did you think after the Battle of Yangan? Forever condemning Gunnagal treachery?”

    Clements chuckles. “You know, for many years, I did. As many Tjarrlings still do to this day, having growing up reading the Orange Bible and its depiction of betrayal.”

    “You think that what happened was justifiable?”

    “At the time, no. But then, I was not close enough to witness the events, or play any meaningful part in the battle. As a herald, I had no role there. What I knew of Yangan, I learned as it was told by others. And time lets a man reflect on things, and even change his mind.”

    Ashkettle asks, “What conclusion has time let you reach?”

    “That with the life the Hunter lived, he would have inevitably died in battle, then or elsewhere. He led his troops into battle, and made his warband the vanguard of many attacks. Even at Yangan, a cannonball missed him by less than a foot. Death in warfare was inevitable for him, one way or another. He might not have survived Yangan even if the Gunnagal had fought straightforwardly. Or he might have fallen in the next battle against Tjibarr, or one against Gutjanal. Or even against Durigal, if he made it that far.”

    “And that excuses Gunnagal deception?”

    Clements shrugs. “Deception is part of warfare. What they did was misdirection in combat, conducted against someone who claimed to be the best in battle there ever was. Change of sides or not, it was still a victory in battle for them. And their people were fighting for their survival. Why should they not use every tool at their disposal?”

    “So in short, the Gunnagal did what they had to do, and should not be blamed for it?”

    “Not exactly how I would describe it, but it will do. The Hunter died in battle, as he inevitably would, but his legacy endures, as he would have wished. It is fitting, I think.”

    * * *

    “Here lie the ashes of Tjuwagga
    Lord of battle and seeker of truth
    He saw further and truer than any man
    And in both life and death changed the world.”

    - Epitaph found in the Hunter’s mausoleum in Cankoona

    * * *

    [1] The Gunnagal calendar is divided into 30 cycles of 12 days each, each of which are named, for the first 360 days of the year. The remaining 5 or 6 days, at the end of the year, are intercalary days which are named as days of feasts, and would normally be a time of celebration, except when interrupted by warfare.

    [2] “Dadi” functions as a kind of surname, although Gunnagal naming traditions in this era do not include fully inheritable surnames. Most people, including even some of the wealthy, simply go by a first name and a patronymic, such as Lopitja gang Wemba (Lopitja son of Wemba) and/or their place of birth. This is often enough to distinguish people from each other, or failing that, nicknames usually suffice.

    However, for those who are senior members of a faction, they are often permitted to call themselves by the name of the faction, such as Wemba Dalwal or Wemba ga Dalwal, which could be variously translated as Wemba the White or Wemba of the Whites. Where there are two senior members of the same faction who have the same name, the more high-status one at the time is awarded an “honour name.” An honour name such as Dadi functions like a surname in some respects, but it can only be inherited within the same faction; if the family changes factions, the honour name would be lost.

    [3] Though Puckapunyal is not in a position to make the observation, the pistols being used here are wheel-locks. Flintlocks are used for the more common soldier, since they are cheaper and more efficient for use on a wide scale. Wheel-locks are often carried by the wealthy and their bodyguards, despite the cost, because they can be carried loaded, and fired more quickly than a flintlock once loaded.

    [4] In the previous chapter, the Orange Bible states that one of the Warego, the commander of the Long Irons, had died from a cannonball, but never provides his name.

    [5] Kerowra is the Yalatji name for the lands of the former Kiyungu League, or in historical terms approximately the Gold Coast, Moreton Bay and Sunshine Coast.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold Interlude #5.5: Interview With The Eʃquire
  • Lands of Red and Gold Interlude #5.5: Interview With The Eʃquire

    This is a Halloween special with a different slant. This instalment features a cross-time interview with a certain Mr Fionn Hume, Eʃquire. This is the gentleman with a very distinctive letter-writing style who for one of the previous Halloween specials (Interlude #5) penned a letter to the editor for a Scottish newspaper, the Logos of Dundee.

    This interview is different because most of the questions for Mr Hume, Eʃq. have been contributed by LoRaG readers. There are a few ground rules which applied for this interview:

    (1) I do not propose to relate the means by which I was able to arrange a cross-time interview with Mr Hume, Eʃq. Suffice it to say that arrangements have been made.
    (2) When selecting which reader questions to include in the interview, preference was given to those questions which enabled Mr Hume, Eʃq. to be as pompous as possible.
    (3) Questions have been answered in character and based only on knowledge which Mr Hume, Eʃq. could reasonably have.
    (4) This chapter is explicitly non-canonical. However, the interview answers are accurate, for a given value of accurate based on Mr Hume, Eʃq. as an imperfect interviewee and my current plans for the future status of the LoRaG world.
    (5) This interview was conducted on 31 October 1965 (LoRaG time).

    With those caveats, on with the interview.

    * * *

    It is difficult to explain the manner in which interview questions may be asked across worlds.

    This is a matter with which I muʃt confess that I find myʃelf in rare agreement with your good ʃelf. Given ʃuch a ʃituation, I can only note that I have long held to the view that where it is not possible to give an anʃwer which a liʃtener will underʃtand, it is beʃt to give no anʃwer at all, and leave them to invent whichever anʃwer ʃeems beʃt to their individual and ʃovereign ʃelves.

    Fair enough. Before we begin the main questions, I would also like to thank you for agreeing to take part in this interview.

    For which I alʃo express to you, ʃir, my equal gratitude for this interview with my good and humble ʃelf. For if I might be permitted to obʃerve, while your manner is vulgar, I muʃt confess that I find this propoʃition of an interview to be not wholly unflattering, as it will permit me to uplift and inform what I preʃume to be a great body of readers, for the betterment of all mankind no matter in which world they dwell, and ʃo I have graciouʃly and humbly acceded.

    Erm, okay. My readers have supplied several questions on matters they find of interest. I thought to begin with those questions specific to Scotland, then move on to those which cover the British Isles more broadly--

    If I may humbly interject for a brief moment, ʃir, it would be a grave disservice if I were to fail to enlighten your diverʃe and profound readers of the error contained within that ʃtatement. The grand iʃland wherein I dwell, realm of diverʃe and ancient peoples, is one of ʃeveral iʃlands, none of which individually or collectively ʃhould be termed as the Britiʃh Iʃles, as that would be a miʃnomer of profound proportions that to pass it by would be to perpetuate a moʃt manifeʃt and unfortunate miʃconception on the part of your eʃteemed readers. In fact, if I might make ʃo bold as to ʃuggeʃt, you would be well-ʃerved from avoiding repetition of that term for the duration of this interview, if not for the reʃt of your natural life.

    I... see. Clearly that term means something different in your history to that which I know in mine. Let me rephrase. I would like to begin by asking readers’ questions which relate to Scotland, then to the regions which earlier in your history were known as England, Wales, Cornwall, Mann and Ireland, and then to questions which relate to other parts of the world.

    A fair and proportionate allocation of queries, and one to which I would be prepared to graciouʃly acquieʃce.

    Is the crown of Scotland still in personal union with England? If so, is there any resentment from either realm at perceived favouritism toward the other by the monarch?

    Sir, the obʃcure nature of your ill-informed queʃtion reveals much of the ʃeparation between your world of half-formed viʃions and obʃcure minutiae, and this, the true world wherein here, and only here, the Scottiʃh people can revel in their true nature, lacking not the ʃubjugation which reʃults from conʃignment to the demeaning, nay, demoraliʃing and affronting role of ʃecond and ʃcorned ʃon to the greater and honoured firʃtborn cauʃed by the abandonment of our native-born and proper reʃidence of the monarch in departure to the benighted and bewildering beacon of Buckingham Palace, a ʃlight overcome only by the ʃubʃequent abolition of the Crown in both England and Scotland and the impoʃition, nay, inʃtallation of the regime known with ʃome but not complete truth as the Common Wealth... I do beg your pardon, good ʃir, but what was the queʃtion?

    Is the crown of Scotland still in personal union with England? If so, is there any resentment from either realm at perceived favouritism toward the other by the monarch?

    The anʃwer to your queʃtion, ʃir, may be found in the pressing, nay, prime correction of your fundamental and ʃignificant error, in the truth that there is not, and has not been for ʃome centuries, a crown of Scotland, any more than there has been a crown of England. Hence, as you would ʃurely and naturally comprehend, there is no fitting anʃwer to your ʃubʃequent queʃtion, ʃince the abʃence of the common monarch makes any conʃideration of favouritiʃm not one which need be contemplated.

    So then--

    A moment longer, good ʃir, that I may finiʃh this brief and ʃtraightforward explanation, the firʃt part of which I have already provided, and thereby duly educate your diverʃe readers in an underlying truth which without my explanation they might not graʃp. The baʃic and moʃt-ʃuccinctly explained fact is that there is no crown of Scotland, juʃt as there is no king of Scotland, but there ʃtill is now, as there has been for a great many years, the preciʃe number of which I could not properly aʃcertain without reference to ʃome written ʃource of truth that I do not have conveniently to hand, there ʃtill is now a King of the Scots.

    How closely are England and Scotland linked? Is there much cooperation, how deep are the cultural links, how closely is the economy tied together?

    Sir, I find your order of queʃtions moʃt profoundly unuʃual, as you previouʃly ʃtated that your intent as interviewer was firʃt to aʃk queʃtions of my good and humble ʃelf about the nature of life in Scotland, before moving on to other regions of less relevance. You would therefore, I truʃt, comprehend that I find it a ʃource of confuʃion why both your firʃt and ʃecond queʃtions relate more to thoʃe benighted regions ʃouth of the Tweed than to the fair and glorious realm of Scotland.

    If you prefer I can ask this question again late--

    The queʃtion is already aʃked, ʃir, and ʃo ʃhould not be caʃually withdrawn. As with many queʃtions, this one is on a topic where no proper anʃwer can be brief, for the fundamental truth is that myriad interactions between men of all ʃtates and all nations are ʃuch that they cannot be ʃeparated entirely one from another, and that the deeds of men in one corner of our azure and white globe reʃonate to all the other corners, and ʃo the queʃtion of the linkage between the two realms is that there is an inevitable overlap between them, that cannot be caʃt aʃunder, and in ʃuch a ʃituation a man of learning muʃt conʃider whether it is feaʃible to give any anʃwer at all.

    I think the purpose of the question was more--

    In terms which your readers might underʃtand, ʃir, though England and Scotland repreʃent ʃeparate nations, they are part of the ʃame ʃtate, and ʃo in conʃequence a ʃubʃtantial amount of intercourʃe between them is inevitable. Some of this intercourʃe may manifeʃt through commerce, and ʃome of the intercourʃe is part of the more natural relations which are found between men, while fortunately moʃt of the intercourʃe is cooperative, and involuntary intercourʃe is correʃpondingly rare. I do not possess a benchmark of the frequency and duration of the intercourʃe which occurs in your world, and ʃo I can not ʃpeak more fully to how cloʃely the economy and culture are matters of intercourʃe in my world in compariʃon to yours, but I can ʃafely, no, indubitably ʃay that intercourʃe proceeds between Scotland and England.

    What is the form and structure of the Scottish Kirk at the present time: Presbyterian or Episcopalian? Established or disestablished? Is there one major church or has the spectre of division split it asunder? Or indeed has the Kirk been superseded by a subsequent organisation?

    Many queʃtions at once that is, ʃir, and indubitably more than ʃhould have been properly aʃked at once without permitting me, the humble interviewee, the necessary, nay, required time to conʃider them and treat them with the weightieʃt of deliberation. Never the less, deʃpite the less than deʃerving form in which you have relayed the queʃtions, a fault I place entirely on your part rather than that of the readers who ʃupplied the queʃtions, becauʃe the duty falls to you as interviewer to convert the unʃcripted queʃtions into a fittingly-ʃcripted interview, deʃpite this I have ʃufficient comprehenʃion of the underlying themes and coherence of purpoʃe that I can provide a full and eaʃily comprehended anʃwer.

    Now in giving ʃuch an anʃwer, ʃir, I muʃt firʃt make the obʃervation that I am not familiar with all of the ʃubtleties of this term you refer to as Preʃbyterian. Never the less, by inference to the more recogniʃable term preʃbyter, I ʃurmiʃe that this refers to that moʃt ancient and true form of ʃpiritual organiʃation properly termed Covenantiʃm, and this being the caʃe, it has long been and remains true today that the Kirk is in the form of Covenantiʃm rather than the rather vulgar form called Epiʃcopalian.

    Neglecting this brief aʃide, I need to explain alʃo that this queʃtion of eʃtabliʃhed or diʃeʃtabliʃhed is not one which makes a great deal of ʃenʃe to me, given that it contains preconceptions which would be beyond the ʃcope of this ʃhort interview to explore and properly explain, but I would refer you to my previous anʃwer that in this, the true and fair world, juʃt as there exiʃts no ʃuch thing as a crown of Scotland, ʃo plainly and logically it follows that even an outworlder can comprehend that there alʃo exiʃts no ʃuch thing as a church of Scotland. Rather, there is a Church of the Scots, which is its full and proper name, even if for eaʃe and convenience we more uʃually refer to it as the Kirk or the Covenant.

    The Kirk naturally remains whole and undivided, as anyone who is not a member of the Kirk can not be properly conʃidered as a Scot. It is true, and ʃhould not be left to pass without comment, than within the realm of Scotland there can be found more than a few individuals who do not follow the Kirk properly, or in extreme caʃes do not follow the Kirk at all, although I do not habitually interact with ʃuch individuals except in the moʃt passing, day to day ʃenʃe of the word, and ʃo I can tell you little about their habits or beliefs. I can obʃerve, however, that given the Kirk is properly and fittingly known as the Church of the Scots, that leads to the inevitable and indubitable concluʃion that no true Scotʃman is not a member of the Kirk.

    Does the system of Burghs and Shires endure or has it been replaced or rationalised?

    Unlike moʃt of your readers’ previous queʃtions, this enquiry is one wherein it is practical for my humble ʃelf to give an anʃwer which may be properly comprehended even across the gulf which ʃeparates the worlds. The ʃyʃtem of burghs and ʃhires did not long outlaʃt the eʃtabliʃhment of the Common Wealth, and ʃo has long passed into the province of loʃt antiquity, ʃave that with the reeʃtabliʃhment of the crown of the Scots, a ʃmall handful of burghs have been recreated with that rank for purpoʃes of ceremony and celebration, and without the exiʃtence of ʃuch re-formation I may not have underʃtood the import of this queʃtion.

    If I may be permitted a brief aʃide, ʃir, I would add that I would not conʃider that rational is a fitting term for the ʃyʃtem which replaced the ʃhires.

    If my readers were to pay a visit to your fair city, which establishment serves the best available food?

    If I might be permitted a brief obʃervation, ʃir, I find it ʃupremely doubtful that any of your readers would ever manage to viʃit my fair and noble city. Never the less, taking the queʃtion in the ʃpirit in which I believe it was intended, the anʃwer to that queʃtion would vary depending on the deʃires of the aʃker. If a viʃitor wiʃhed to experience the beʃt available cuiʃine that fits the heritage of the Scottiʃh Nation, then he would need to look no further than Hume’s Haggis on Haberdaʃhery Road. This moʃt outʃtanding eʃtabliʃhment ʃerves all the integral elements of authentic Scottiʃh cuiʃine, not merely the eponymous haggis. Naturally, for the ʃake of being ʃimple, clear, ʃtraightforward and honeʃt, I ʃhould obʃerve that the Miʃter Hume who owns and runs that fine eʃtabliʃhment is a couʃin on my father’s ʃide, although that triviality of courʃe has no bearing on my recommendation, which is made ʃolely on the quality of the ʃuʃtenance ʃerved at that eʃtabliʃhment.

    I would further add that while it is undeniably true that haggis is one of the foundational elements of the cuiʃine of the Scottiʃh Nation, it is alʃo indubitably true that man may not live by haggis alone.

    Or even Haggis alone?

    If you make another ʃuch abominable attempt at a play on words, ʃir, I ʃhall terminate this interview forthwith. The obʃervation which I wiʃhed to make for the edification of your readers is that if they wiʃh to avail themʃelves of another ʃtyle of cuiʃine while enjoying the fair ʃights of Dundee, then they need look no further than the Glass House, on Albany Terrace, where they may partake of the fineʃt ʃtyle of Daluming cuiʃine made in what I am assured is the genuine faʃhion.

    To what extent does government, national or local, organise public festivities for Samhain?

    A Nation has no government, ʃir. A Nation is the ʃum of its people, nothing more and nothing less.

    If I understand your earlier explanations, a national government is what you would call a state government.

    Then it would have been timelier and more conʃiderate toward your humble interviewee if you had rephraʃed the queʃtion in the firʃt inʃtance rather than ʃubʃequently. Never the less, now that I have comprehended the queʃtion, I can ʃay that within the ʃcope of the ʃtate in which I reʃide, the ʃtate government takes no part in the coordination of that moʃt joyful of celebrations, Samhain. Many local governments within Scotland ʃupport the celebrations in one faʃhion or another, according to their taʃtes and frugality, though for the moʃt part the feʃtivities are arranged by the community themʃelves, which to my way of thinking is the proper manner of celebrating Samhain, for it is the act of planning and coordinating theʃe feʃtivities which brings the community together in joyful and harmonious ʃpirit.

    Where upon the span of the globe is Samhain celebrated in true and proper fashion?

    A very fitting queʃtion, ʃir, and another of thoʃe rare occaʃions of queʃtions where I am in the fortunate, nay, blessed poʃition to give a ʃimple, clear, ʃtraightforward and honeʃt anʃwer. The reʃponʃe to your queʃtion, ʃir, is that Samhain is celebrated in true and proper faʃhion in, and only in, places where members of the Scottiʃh Nation reʃide. That means, naturally and indubitably, that it is for the moʃt part celebrated truly and properly only within the borders of Scotland, for that is where the greater part of the Scottiʃh Nation reʃides, but it alʃo follows, logically and inevitably, that wherever a true Scotʃman may dwell, whether within other parts of the Common Wealth or across the broader ʃpan of the globe, there Samhain may be celebrated in the fit and proper manner, with the bonfires, the jack-o’-lanterns made from moʃt worthy turnips, the children ʃinging in auld verʃe, and all the other accoutrements of that feʃtival.

    So--

    I muʃt further explain, ʃir, for the proper edification of your readers, that ʃeveral other peoples celebrate feʃtivals which they miʃcall Samhain, but none of them do ʃo in true and proper faʃhion. Only thoʃe who know and adhere to the ancient cuʃtoms of the Scottiʃh Nation, thoʃe who are of the blood of Alba, honour Samhain in the true manner of its feʃtivities.

    Is Wales considered a separate country, and if so, how is it viewed?

    Not for the firʃt time, ʃir, the nature of your queʃtions reveals the depth of your ignorance of this, the true world, for only one who was totally unfamiliar with the natural order of peoples could aʃk ʃuch a queʃtion in ʃuch a form, containing as it does ʃuch uninformed preʃuppoʃitions that diʃentangling them would be the labour of a far greater time than that which we have available to complete this brief interview, and ʃo fully anʃwering your queʃtion may not, nay, will not be a goal capable of deliverment.

    I don’t fully underst--

    There is no country called Wales, ʃir, any more than there is a country called Britannia. Never the less, there is a Welʃh Nation, and I can provide no more ʃuccinct deʃcription of how it is viewed than this: it is full of Welʃhmen.

    How severe and widespread are Aururian diseases in the present day?

    A pertinent queʃtion, ʃir, and one for which I muʃt confess that I do not possess complete familiarity with its ʃtatus across the ʃpan of the globe. As far as Scotland is concerned, I can ʃay that the miaʃma which is popularly called flu but which more accurately and properly is called influenza, includes a ʃtrain which is vulgarly called blue-ʃleep but which is more fittingly titled Aururian influenza. That diʃeaʃe remains one ʃtrain among many, more ʃevere than ʃome other varieties, but unlikely to cauʃe ʃevere illness or death in otherwiʃe healthy individuals, though as with all varieties of influenza it remains a threat to thoʃe whoʃe lives number only a handful of years and thoʃe whoʃe lives number a great many years.

    That other Aururian diʃeaʃe called Marnitja is a malady which in my younger days I recall being a great danger on thoʃe occaʃions when it emerged, though I ʃurvived it myʃelf with no ill effects, but in more recent times it has become a far less ʃignificant ʃcourge due to the final development of a vaccine which wholly protects againʃt it, a vaccine which is omnipreʃent in Scotland and elʃewhere in the Common Wealth. I have heard that this vaccine is being ʃpread in more and more lands, though I have little recollection of the details.

    I am given to underʃtand that the third Aururian diʃeaʃe, ʃwamp-raʃh, is a periodic affliction in lands which are afflicted with much more ʃun than Scotland, but as it is not a malady tranʃmitted by the moʃquitoes of this land, ʃo it is not of concern here, and ʃo I have given it little more heed.

    Does Asterix still exist in your world?

    A trite queʃtion, I would have ʃaid, ʃir, ʃince it appears of little import to any but typeʃetters and printers, but yea, the aʃteriʃk is indeed a character uʃed in this world.

    What is the nature of the Druids and do their practices survive to the modern day?

    This topic is a matter of which ʃcholars have had and continue to argue endlessly without proʃpect of reʃolution amongʃt themʃelves, for they are beloved of argument and bereft of the clarity of common ʃenʃe needed to reʃolve ʃuch a queʃtion. Fortunately I am possessed of that rare quality, namely the common ʃenʃe aforementioned, and therefore can ʃift through the endless diatribes and give your readers a ʃimple, nay, brief and clear anʃwer.

    The druids were a ʃocial class among the ancient Celtic peoples, conʃiʃting of the moʃt learned, the qualified juʃtices, and the leaders in matters ʃpiritual. Tragically for their modern deʃcendants who wiʃh to include this aʃpect of their anceʃtry in their ʃenʃe of nationhood, the druids’ learning was tranʃmitted orally from one to the next, and therefore endured no longer than the ancient druids themʃelves. Thoʃe who in more recent times have ʃought to revive druidic practices possess admirable ambition but deficient knowledge, and in truth what they have done is revived the ancient Britiʃh Nation, before the diviʃion into diverʃe peoples, ʃo thoʃe who call themʃelves druids today are Britiʃh rather than Scottiʃh or Welʃh or Corniʃh.

    How much do you know of the Hags?

    I believe I have already expressed myʃelf ʃufficiently on the topic of haggis.

    Hags, not haggis.

    I have never ʃampled hags, ʃir.

    The ancient Celtic goddesses.

    That is one of the rare topics on which I will gladly concede ignorance, good ʃir. I am and remain a proud member of the Kirk, and while I hold no ill will to thoʃe who follow or ʃeek to re-eʃtabliʃh thoʃe ancient beliefs, I leave them to act and believe as they wiʃh, juʃt as I truʃt that they will leave me to believe as I wiʃh.

    Well, that ends the questions which my readers provided. Thank you very much for your time and for your singular approach to interviews.

    Thank you for the opportunity to edify a group of readers whom I could never hope to reach through the letter column of The Logos.
     
    Lands of Red and Gold is now published!
  • Announcement - Lands of Red and Gold is now published!

    I'm pleased to announce that the first volume of Lands of Red and Gold is now published through Sea Lion Press.

    71-j8hzROmL._AC_UY218_ML3_.jpg


    It is now available as an e-book on Amazon here (UK site) and here (US site).

    The first volume, Walking Through Dreams is based on approximately the first 46 chapters of the timeline, although with a few later chapters moved in. It has been significantly revised and cleaned up, and includes over 10,000 words of new material as well as some new maps courtesy of @Alex Richards.

    For the purposes of readers here, I should add that I will continue to be writing new timeline chapters on AH.com, although for the next couple of months I'll be busy revising and expanding volumes 2 and 3 in preparation for publication. The published version will be the canonical version, although there aren't too many changes to what's been written on AH.com; mostly the published version just adds further details to the story rather than retconning what's been written here.

    If you read the published version and like it, I'd be extremely grateful if you could review it on Amazon or Goodreads. No need to write a long review (unless you really want to, of course), but even a few words about what you thought of it would be highly appreciated.
     
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    Aururian Fire Management
  • Thought I'd share something which while, not exactly a new LoRaG entry, gives some insight into how different the LoRaG world is from OTL Australia.

    It seems to have been covered around the world that Australia has been having significant bushfires this summer. An area of over 186,000 square kilometres has been burnt, or to put it in BBC measurements, an area over three-quarters the size of the United Kingdom. There has been substantial property destruction and tragic consequences for many of the native fauna (and to a lesser degree, flora). Some of the smoke from the bushfires was projected to travel all of the way around the world (over South America) and return to Australia from the other side.

    I was asked a question in another thread about how bushfires happened in LoRaG Australia, and I thought it would be worth useful to repeat and develop that answer more in this thread. This has been aided by a recent demonstration of how effective Aboriginal peoples' use of managed fire was at reducing the risk of fire destruction of inhabited areas.

    There are three reasons why bushfires are less of a threat in LoRaG Australia than in OTL Australia (though still a threat, certainly). I've ranked them from least to most important.

    Firstly, arson. This has become rather a political topic of late due to certain media commentators within Australia attributing the current bushfire season damage to arson rather than any possible effects of climate change. I'll leave the political aspects of that to the Chat forum, except to note that that fact-checking in response to this has corrected some misconceptions on my own part. The evidence indicates that about 1% of the area burned in the current and recent fire seasons has been due to arson. The percentage of fire started by human activity may be higher, but the most damaging ones have other or unknown causes (lightning strikes, accidental human activity, etc).

    However, whatever percentage of fires are caused by arson in OTL Australia, this is much lower in Aururia. Arson is less of a concern amongst Aururian societies because they have a much harsher approach to anyone suspected of lighting fires at the wrong time of year. (Short version, they don't wait for a court to decide.). Punishment in some form extends to the broader family, not just the individuals. Harsh, and not exactly fair by modern standards, but it has the desired deterrent effect.

    The second reason why bushfires are much less destructive to Aururian peoples is that the nature of Aururian agriculture is that their dwellings are usually a good way from bushland. Aururian farmers clear the land around them for various agricultural purposes. In OTL Australia, houses are very rarely destroyed if they are more than 500 metres from the bush, and almost never if they are more than 650 metres. In ATL Aururia, actual home dwellings are usually further from the bush than that. So with most Aururian houses outside of that range, the damage to dwellings is much less.

    The third and by far the most important reason is that because the Aururians developed from previous existing cultures, they have retained more of a tradition of land management to minimise the risk of uncontrolled fires. Aboriginal peoples had an extremely complex system of doing controlled burns of the forest at chosen times of year, taking into account type of soil and vegetation, times that plants flowered, and a lot of other things. ATL Aururians have preserved that tradition - it's not the sort of thing that they would give up.

    To over-simplify, this means that Aururians do things like controlled burn-offs in cooler months to reduce the vegetation load around their agricultural regions, which means that bushfires are much less devastating when they occur. Their method of doing burn-offs is also distinctly different to modern hazard reduction-burning, being (among other things) less intense and less inclined to get into the tree canopy. While different, it works very well.

    The effectiveness of Aboriginal peoples' methods of controlled burning was rather convincingly demonstrated in a recent case during this bushfire season. I've linked to the full newspaper article below, but in brief what happened was that in one part of the Hunter Valley in NSW, a homeowner had to evacuate his bushland property due to a spreading firefront. He came back a couple of days later expecting everything to be in ruins, as had happened to other properties in the area. His main dwelling was entirely untouched by fire, and surrounded by a small patch of green vegetation.

    The reason for this is that three years earlier, the area surrounding that property had been given a controlled burn in the traditional manner of Aboriginal peoples. This meant that because the undergrowth had been (mostly) cleared, the fire didn't spread to that region, leaving this owner's main dwellings intact. The only building that was burnt was a shed 500 metres away which was outside the area of the controlled burn.

    In ATL Aururia, while there will of course still be times when bushfires get out of hand and cause destruction, they will be much less than in modern Australia.

    Short version: Aboriginal cultural burning works.

    https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw...ing-saved-their-property-20200103-p53okc.html
     
    Lands of Red and Gold Interlude #15: Into Darkness
  • Lands of Red and Gold Interlude #15: Into Darkness

    Taken from Intellipedia. Accessed on 17 February 2008.

    Into Darkness
    is a 1966 comedy-epic film loosely adapted from the romance novel by Quentin Bryant Howard. Widely-lauded and commercially successful at its time of release, it has since been considered controversial for some of its content, especially the film’s depiction of its Native Aururian characters. Despite the controversy, it is most remembered today for being the only role where Brian Blessed won a Golden Serpent (for Best Male Lead Actor).

    Historical Background

    Into Darkness is set in late nineteenth-century Aururia. To Europeans of this era, Aururia represented the land at the far end of the world; the most distant inhabitable continent.

    Many of the coastal regions of Aururia were fertile. The native coastal peoples in those regions had been influenced [weasel words] and sometimes colonised by Europeans over the previous centuries. However, Europeans had no real knowledge of the Aururian interior. The Aururian desert defied detailed exploration. Even the coastal Aururian peoples rarely ventured into the desert regions, except for a few well-established opal and silver mines that were not too far into the interior [citation needed].

    So to Europeans the desert was the “dark heart” of Aururia, a black area on maps which remained both terra incognita and terror incognita. The film’s title references travel into this dark heart.

    Plot

    The recently widowed Rose Gold is travelling to Aururia on the grand clipper ship Aururian Queen together with her lovable rogue of a brother, Jonathan Hardwick. She intends to establish a Christian mission on the continent, and has forced Jonathan to come along.

    As the ship nears its destination of Dogport, Rose observes one of the passengers strike another. She intervenes, chastising the offending man, and he withdraws. The man who was struck is called Harry King, a larger-than-life man with a great booming voice. Harry explains that the other man attacked him after he refused to reveal what he knew about the opal trade within Aururia.

    Aururian Queen docks at Dogport, the great entrepôt and brass manufactory. Rose, Jonathan and Harry have just disembarked when the same offending man (Neville Drinkwater) reappears with several other anonymous passengers and fires a pistol at Harry. The shot misses, and the three are chased through Dogport by Drinkwater and his minions. This chase includes several of the film’s more celebrated scenes, including when they flee through the great brass works with its large thumping machinery and steamless engines (which operate without either steam or smoke). The three eventually escape when one of Drinkwater’s wild shots hits a native inhabitant, and an angry mob targets Drinkwater and his associates, who have to flee in turn.

    The three make their way to the only Christian church in Dogport (the film is careful not to depict the church as belonging to any specific denomination) to find that it is in flames. The natives of the city have turned against the church due to the actions of Drinkwater and his henchmen.

    Rose is devastated because she now has no leads on establishing a mission elsewhere. Harry reveals that he has a contact within the city, a celebrated native opal trader. This is the information which Drinkwater wanted to force out of him. Harry leads them through the backstreets of Dogport, avoiding the mob, until they arrive at the workshop of the opal trader, Lopidya.

    Lopidya has made an experimental blimp powered by a new steamless engine. He offers to let the three of them fly with him to Ngarringa, a large opal-mining town in the dark desert heart of Aururia. Harry wants to go there for profit, Rose because she hopes to establish a Christian mission there to bring the true faith to the natives. Jonathan’s motives are harder to fathom. The blimp lifts off as the enraged mob breaks into Lopidya’s workshop; Jonathan has to climb up the rope fast enough to escape the arms of the mob.

    At first the blimp flight is steady, offering spectacular views of the alien red landscape of the desert. Rose presses Harry, and he explains that he wants to go into partnership with Lopidya to trade opals much more cheaply since they can now be moved by air rather than by foot. Then the steamless engine develops a leak, meaning that quickly loses power. The blimp gradually drifts lower in the wind, which fortunately is blowing in the right direction, and the blimp comes to a soft landing south of Ngarringa.

    The four salvage what supplies they can from the wreck, then travel on foot into Ngarringa. Just as they arrive in the town, they find Drinkwater and several of his associates arriving in town on camels which they had stolen to flee the mob at Dogport. Drinkwater wants to attack them on the spot. A Native Aururian chieftain (Dignity Harrabba) intervenes, saying that the peace of the bunya nut is on the town, and that anyone who brings violence to their fellow man will be killed.

    Exhausted, the four make camp on the edge of town. In one of the most iconic scenes in the movie and all of cinematic history, Harry King wakes to find a camel’s head in his bed. Drinkwater has left it there to send a message that he could have killed them where they slept.

    Horrified by the message, Harry says that they need to flee the town before Drinkwater finds some way to kill them, bunya peace or not. Lopidya insists that Harry is doing exactly what Drinkwater wants, since if the man was capable of killing them in town he would have already done so. Rose and Jonathan support Harry. Lopidya concedes, and the four plan to steal some of Drinkwater’s still-living camels and escape further into the desert, where Drinkwater should be unable to follow them.

    The plan to steal the camels goes awry, as they are discovered mid-theft and Drinkwater and his men attack them. Rose, Harry and Lopidya manage to steal camels and escape unharmed, but Jonathan is shot as they flee. They ride away, but Jonathan bleeds as they ride and eventually falls from his camel and dies.

    What follows is another of the movie’s iconic scenes, the long camel chase across the desert, as Drinkwater follows them and sometimes comes close enough to shoot at them. The chase again shows a variety of desert landscapes, including some which in reality were in different areas of the desert and could not possibly have been part of the same chase [irrelevant addition – flagged for deletion].

    The pursuit culminates with the three of them arriving at the foot of the great Red Monolith in the centre of the Aururian desert. Drinkwater catches up with them then, and Lopidya and Harry stop to fight him. Drinkwater is killed, with Lopidya dying with him, leaving a bruised but otherwise unharmed Harry. Rose and Harry embrace, then the movie ends with the iconic sight of them climbing up the Red Monolith so that they can see what is on the other side.

    Cast

    Harry King - Brian BLESSED
    Rose Gold - Norma Jean Mortenson
    Jonathan Hardwick – Richard Burton
    Neville Drinkwater – Marlon Brando
    Lopidya – Charlton Heston
    Dignity Harrabba – Keenan Wynn
    Ship Captain – Peter Bull
    Unnamed Minion #1 – Martin Benson
    Unnamed Minion #2 – Michael Hordern
    Unnamed Minion #3 – Timothy Dalton
    Unnamed Minion #4 – Peter Diamond

    Production

    The Howard novel Into Darkness had been the subject of two previous attempts to convert to film, with both of those failing to proceed due to withdrawal of funding.

    Unusually for films of that era, most of Into Darkness was shot on location in Aururia, including a genuine shot of the lead actors climbing the Monolith. While much of the camel-chase scenes were filmed against studio backdrops, most of the other landscape scenes in the film are genuine. A real blimp was built for some of the flight scenes, although close-up scenes were filmed in studio.

    The costume designs and background sets were pioneering for their widespread use of brass and leather and heavy steamless machinery, to represent the common aesthetics of how things worked in Aururia at the time [citation needed]. While innovative at the time, these aesthetics became so widely copied for many other films over the next two decades that this era in moviemaking was jokingly referred to as the Years of Brass and Leather. This means that modern audiences unfamiliar with Into Darkness often criticise the film for being derivative, even though it was the trendsetter.

    Reception

    Into Darkness received largely positive reviews at the time of its release. Josiah Nelson of The Tribune offered a representative review when he commented that “King and Mortenson both turn in performances which are convincing and entertaining, with Burton providing valuable comic relief at what would otherwise be too heavy moments” and that “Brando makes for a chilling villain.”

    The film grossed £102 million at the global box office, making it the fifth-highest grossing movie in history at the time of release.

    Controversy

    Into Darkness used real Aururian actors to play minor parts and as extras. However, both of the major roles for Aururian characters (Lopidya and Dignity) were played by prominent white actors using makeup to darken their skin, rather than by Aururian actors. At the time of the film’s production this was unexceptionable [citation needed], however, in the modern era it has been widely-condemned. This has led to the film being rarely displayed in many countries, and re-broadcasts of the film still attract occasional criticism or protests. However, Into Darkness has been deemed to be a film of “cultural and historical significance” by the Historical Preservation Institute in London, England.

    A lesser but still often-repeated criticism is that of cinematic misgeography, as the film depicts disparate parts of the Aururian desert as if they are very close together. Most notably [citation needed], the film gives the impression that the Red Monolith is a relatively brief camel ride (no more than 2 days) from Ngarringa, when in truth the journey would have been much longer. Around 450 miles.

    Legacy

    The modern legacy of Into Darkness can be divided between those who see the film as the precursor to an iconic genre of brass and leather films, and those who see it as reducing the complex social and philosophical themes of the original novel to a comedy and chase movie.

    Howard’s original novel remains much-analysed in modern university and literary studies for its commentary on colonial attitudes and contrasts between so-called civilized and savage peoples. This commentary is largely glossed over in the film. However, the film portrays the native Aururian characters positively, and only has European villains, in contrast to other films made in the previous decades which depicted savage and brutal “natives.” Except that the mobs in Dogport could hardly be called non-villainous.

    The mixed reception was summed up by Concord Weebarilla, who commented that “the novel Into Darkness is still widely-read today, albeit often as a compulsory text in literature courses, while the film version is most remembered for parodies of its camel’s head scene.”

    Trivia

    In the scene in Dogport where the mob is turning on Drinkwater, the script contained a moment where an Aururian character was meant to say (in their own language) “get the murderers.” Originally this was meant to be depicted by an actor who spoke Gunnagal, however he left the film mid-production for reasons which have been variously claimed to be creative differences or bigotry.

    Another Atjuntja-speaking actor was engaged to provide the brief dialogue in his own language. However, none of the film producers understood Atjuntja. So in the chase scene where the character is meant to be saying “get the murders!” what the actor actually said was “Look at me, I’m in a big movie.” This moment continues to produce uproarious laughter whenever the film is rebroadcast in Teegal.
     
    Contest - Guess The Character
  • To celebrate Lands of Red and Gold finally getting published, and the hopefully not-too-far-away Book 2 - I've decided to hold a contest.

    The contest topic is: with the completion of the Hunter sequence, there are now enough clues in the published timeline to guess what's going on with Mister "I've Lived For 300 Years" Clements. However, no-one so far has (at least that I've seen) said what that is.

    So I've decided to turn this into a contest. There are a few rules.

    (1) All guesses MUST be by PM to me. Guesses in this thread will not be counted, and may lead to the contestant being barred from consideration.
    (2) One guess only per contestant. If in doubt, don't send in an answer until you're sure of what it is. If a guess is unclearly worded I may invite the contestant to clarify, but then again I may not, so don't count on it.
    (3) I don't just want to see if people can guess the answer, I want to see if they've read the clues which point out the answer. So a guess must also be supported by references to what parts of the timeline demonstrated what the correct answer was. This doesn't need to be a lengthy essay, but it needs to be enough to show how the relevant part of the timeline supports the answer.
    (4) To narrow the scope of things a bit, all of the clues which are necessary to work out the answer are in the Hunter sequence. That is, from the interview section between Clements and Ashkettle at the end of post #100, through to the end of chapter #123. While there are some additional clues elsewhere, they aren't necessary to work out the correct answer.
    (5) A guess must contain a minimum of two (2) references to the published timeline to show how they support the answer. More is better (see below), but the minimum is two (2) references.
    (6) The contest will be open for a minimum of two (2) weeks. If there are insufficient correct guesses, I may extend that timeframe.
    (7) Contestants must agree to keep the correct answer confidential, since one or two of them will find out that it was correct.
    (8) After I've received enough guesses, I'll close the contest and choose a winner. First priority will be to someone who has supported the correct answer with the greatest number of accurate, separate references (ie don't try to break up one section and call it three (3) references; I'll only count it as one, and I won't count a reference if it doesn't actually support the guess). If there are two or more people with the correct answer and the same number of references, I'll randomly choose between them for the winner.
    (9) If no-one has correctly guessed, I'll randomly choose a winner from amongst those who are closest to the right answer. Though I still won't tell them what the right answer is.

    The first prize for the contest will be a cameo appearance in the published Book 3, when that appears. I'll discuss the potential cameo in more detail with the winner since it will be part of the unpublished material, so there may be some options.

    I may also declare a second place, depending on number of contestants. If so, the second place will be the opportunity to ask one (1) question about some unpublished aspect of LoRaG (past or future). Contestant must also agree to keep the answer confidential.

    So, over to readers here.
     
    Lands of Red and Gold Interlude #16: Minutes Take Hours
  • Lands of Red and Gold Interlude #16: Minutes Take Hours

    Another of the Christmas specials. Usual caveats apply about not to be taken too seriously.

    --

    Interreligious Interfaith Intercreed Seasonal Festivities Planning Committee of New London

    Minutes of Inaugural Meeting


    1 December 2018, 11:00 – 11:46
    Cavendish Football & Wellbeing Complex, Field G

    In Attendance

    Ms Emily Dawson (CHAIR), Borough Social Planning Director (No Affiliation)

    Mr Clive Pompus-Maximus, Personal Secretary to Secretary of Bishop of New London (Roman Catholic)

    Mr Reginald Bailey, Special Assistant to the Assistant to Bishop of New London (Anglican Church of Alleghania)

    Mr Arthur McGowland, Adviser-Without-Portfolio to Synod of Southern Alleghania (Lutheran)

    Mr Keith Dawson (no relation), Personal Representative of Secretary to Bishop of the Eparchy of Cavendia (Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia)

    Mrs Luella Dawson (no relation and wife, respectively), “Oh, You’ll Do” to Coordinator for the Chair of the Eastern Convention (Baptist)

    Ms Rayne Dawson (no relation, daughter and daughter, respectively), I Met the Son of the Lord Moderator of the General Assembly in a Pub Once (Presbyterian Church in Eastern North America)

    Mr Saleem El-Mouelhy, Volunteer Temporary Adviser to Registrar of Alleghanian Federation of Islamic Councils (Muslim)

    Dr Manish Gupta, Founder, President, Executive Officer, Treasurer and Minutes Secretary of the East Indian Dharmic Society (Hindu)

    Mr Andrew Dawson (son, no relation, no relation and no relation, respectively), Once Spent Three Weeks Interning at the Secular Humanist Foundation of Cavendia (Agnostic Atheist)

    Ms Ottilie Dawson (no relation, daughter, daughter, sister and no relation, respectively), Unconfirmed Spokesperson for the Alleghanian Buddhist Association (Sure, I’ll be Buddhist for Today if You Need to Tick that Box)

    Mr Gumaring Anedeli, Second Cousin Once Removed On My Mother’s Side to the Eldest of the Alleghanian Harmony (United Gunnagal Plirism)

    Ms Pearl Dawson (daughter, no relation, no relation, no relation, sister and no relation, respectively), Administrator of Borough Social Planning Directorate (MINUTES)

    Apologies

    Dr Rivka Goldfarb, Chief Executive of the New London Jewish Federation (Jewish) – Apology received by email on 28 November (You Realise That the 1st is a Saturday?)

    Mr Determination Anderson, External Relations Spokesperson for the Congxie Spiritual Council (Traditional Congxie Plirism) – Apology received by telephone on 29 November (I’m Not Showing Up Unless You Agree to Remove All References to Christmas for All Committee Publications)

    Ms Gloire Mufatta, Coordinator for the New Congxie Spiritual Council (Reformed Congxie Plirism) – Apology received by telephone on 28 November (I’m Not Attending Unless You Promise to Withdraw the Invitation for the Representative of the Old Spiritual Council)

    Item 1: Welcome, Introduction & Apologies

    Ms E DAWSON welcomed all to the 3rd Meeting of the Interreligious Seasonal Festivities Planning Committee.

    Mr A DAWSON objected to the term Interreligious, noting that those he represented did not follow any religion.

    Ms E DAWSON welcomed all to the 1st Meeting of the Interfaith Seasonal Festivities Planning Committee.

    Mr A DAWSON objected to the term Interfaith, noting that those he represented did not adhere to any faith.

    Ms E DAWSON welcomed all to the 1st Meeting of the Intercreed Seasonal Festivities Planning Committee.

    Mr A DAWSON noted that his objection still stood.

    Ms E DAWSON noted that Mr A DAWSON had spent too much time listening to his father.

    Mr POMPUS-MAXIMUS sought clarification whether Intercreed was a word.

    Ms E DAWSON stated that she did not have a dictionary to hand.

    Ms P DAWSON offered to access an online dictionary via her mobile phone.

    Ms E DAWSON advised Ms P DAWSON not to adopt her brother’s smart-arse attitude, and welcomed all to the 1st Meeting of the Seasonal Festivities Planning Committee.

    Members introduced themselves and apologies were noted.

    Item 2: Minutes of Previous Meeting

    Members reviewed the minutes of the previous meeting.

    Mr A DAWSON objected to the previous minutes on the grounds that this was the first meeting of the Seasonal Festivities Planning Committee, and so there could not be any previous minutes.

    Ms E DAWSON cautioned Mr A DAWSON that he was only here because his mother had custody of him this weekend while his father was off bonking his new girlfriend in the Bahamas, so he could take his objections and shove them up his arse, and moreover to call her the CHAIR while the Committee was in session, and Pearl there’s no need to minute that.

    Mr A DAWSON stated that he maintained his objection, and frank discussion followed between him and the CHAIR.

    Mr EL-MOUELHY moved that the question of acceptance of the previous minutes should be put up for resolution.

    The CHAIR seconded the motion and the question was put to the Committee.

    Committee members approved the motion to accept the minutes of the previous meeting by an 11-1 majority, with one abstention because the MINUTES-keeper has to live with her brother sometimes.

    Item 3: Outstanding Actions

    Action 1: Reminder of Role of Committee – the CHAIR reiterated that the purpose of the Committee was community consultation, to ensure that the Borough was informed of diverse viewpoints within the New London community, and that votes from the Committee were advisory only and not binding on the Social Planning Directorate or the Borough as a whole – Action ONGOING.

    Action 4: Facilities for Committee Meetings – Mr K DAWSON, who reminded the Committee that he is no relation, requested an update on his previous suggestion that the CHAIR seek an alternative, preferably indoor venue for future Committee meetings.

    The CHAIR advised that this location is where Ms P DAWSON has football games on every Saturday afternoon at 1pm, and therefore this location was convenient for both the CHAIR and the MINUTES-keeper, and furthermore allowed the CHAIR to claim the mileage to and from football as a work-related tax deduction. However, the CHAIR would be prepared to consider an alternative meeting location once the football season is over – Action DEFERRED TO 22 DECEMBER.

    Action 5: Timing of Committee Meetings – Mr K DAWSON, who again reminded the Committee that he is no relation, requested an update on his previous suggestion that the CHAIR explore the feasibility of conducting future Committee meetings on weekdays, as this would be more convenient for the majority of Committee members. The CHAIR referred members to her response to the previous action item – Action DEFERRED TO 22 DECEMBER.

    Action 7: Non-Religious Community Representation on the Committee – the CHAIR commented that however irritating Mr A DAWSON could be, he was a genuinely non-religious pain in the arse – Action CLOSED.

    Item 4: Borough Involvement in Christmas Planning

    The CHAIR invited Committee members to share community views on what investment the Borough should make in supporting Christmas celebrations.

    Mr EL-MOUELHY stated that he had no objections to the Christian population of New London celebrating Christmas as they saw fit, but that on behalf of the Muslim population of New London-

    At that point, Mr MCGOWLAND interjected and asked if, for clarity, Mr EL-MOUELHY had spoken to the other Muslim member of the population of New London before he presumed to speak for the entire population.

    Mr EL-MOUELHY stated that he and his wife were of one accord over this matter. He added that the Muslim population of New London welcomed the Christian population of the city conducting whatever private Christmas celebrations they wished, but that the Muslims of New London unanimously rejected any suggestion that public funds should be used to fund any religious celebration.

    Mr K DAWSON stated that the Orthodox population of New London welcomed Borough assistance in community Christmas celebrations, but that to ensure equal treatment of religions, the Borough would have to allocate equal funding to celebrations on the Catholic-Protestant date for Christmas and the correct, Orthodox date.

    Mr BAILEY commented that if the Orthodox Church could not get their calendar right to align with the seasons, that was their problem, but not an excuse for the Borough to waste public funds supporting their mistake.

    Discussions were briefly adjourned while Mr MCGOWLAND assisted Mr BAILEY to locate two missing teeth, and Mr K DAWSON located an icepack for his right hand.

    The CHAIR excused Mr BAILEY from further participation in discussion of Item 4 while he sought medical attention to re-attach his teeth.

    Dr GUPTA stated that he supported the position of Mr EL-MOUELHY that Christmas celebrations were entirely welcome for Christians, but that it was unreasonable to expect that taxpayer’s funds should be expended to support religious celebrations.

    Mr POMPUS-MAXIMUS asked it if was necessary to fight the War on Christmas every year.

    Dr GUPTA commented that however robust the Committee’s discussions might be, they could not be characterised as a war, or even as a skirmish, recent dental-related matters notwithstanding.

    Mr MCGOWLAND noted that since the East Indian Dharmic Society is a not-for-profit organisation, Dr GUPTA did not pay any Borough taxes.

    Dr GUPTA stated that he found such remarks offensive, and that in any event he spoke on behalf of the entire Hindu community, not for himself.

    Mr POMPUS-MAXIMUS asked Dr GUPTA if his Society was so representative of the Hindu community, why he personally held every position of note in the Society, rather than seeking the participation of other prominent Hindus of New London.

    Dr GUPTA asked Mr POMPUS-MAXIMUS why the Committee should consider the input of someone who had only been sent here as the assistant to an assistant, which was indicative of the value that the Bishop placed on this Committee’s deliberations, and that if he (that is, Mr POMPUS-MAXIMUS) wished to join the Society, the position of General Dogsbody was still vacant.

    The CHAIR thanked the Committee for the full and frank exchange of views, and extended specific thanks to Mr A DAWSON and Mr ANEDELI for pulling apart Mr POMPUS-MAXIMUS and Dr GUPTA.

    The CHAIR sought any comment on this agenda item on behalf of the Buddhist population of New London. Ms O DAWSON stated that she was not sure, and would need to meditate on it.

    The CHAIR sought any comment on this agenda item on behalf of the Plirite population of New London.

    Mr ANEDELI stated that the Committee had already seen enough vigorous discussion without needing to revisit the well-known Plirite perspective on the Christian celebration of Christmas, and moved a motion that the meeting should proceed to the next agenda item, since he was only attending this Committee as a favour to his second cousin once removed on his mother’s side, and had better things to do with his weekend than waste time on a show of community consultation when the CHAIR would make up her own mind anyway.

    Mr A DAWSON seconded the motion.

    Committee members approved the motion to proceed to discussion of the next agenda item by a 10-1 majority, with one abstention because the MINUTES-keeper has to live with her mother most of the time.

    Item 5: Borough Involvement in New Year Planning

    The CHAIR invited Committee members to share community views on what investment the Borough should make in supporting New Year celebrations.

    Dr GUPTA stated that it would be more inclusive of the community of New London as a whole if the Borough funded New Year rather than Christmas celebrations.

    Mr EL-MOUELHY, Mr A DAWSON and Mr ANEDELI expressed support for Dr GUPTA’s observation.

    Mr K DAWSON reminded Ms O DAWSON that she was here to represent Buddhists today, and that therefore she should also express support for this perspective.

    Ms O DAWSON stated that she had not met enough Buddhists to comment.

    Mrs L DAWSON stated that Ms O DAWSON’s father, Mr K DAWSON, was more familiar with Buddhist thought since he had spoken to a monk once while waiting for a bus. She therefore moved a motion that for the balance of the meeting, Ms O DAWSON and Mr K DAWSON exchange roles and represent the Bishop of the Eparchy of Cavendia and Alleghanian Buddhist Association respectively.

    Mr K DAWSON seconded the motion.

    The Committee unanimously approved the motion.

    Mr K DAWSON expressed support for Dr GUPTA’s previous observation.

    Ms O DAWSON stated that there was no need for such antipathy toward the Christian community of New London.

    Mr MCGOWLAND sought clarification about what scale of investment the Borough was presently considering for New Year celebrations.

    The CHAIR stated that there were not any remaining Borough funds as all monies had all been allocated to Christmas celebrations.

    Multiple Committee members made deprecating remarks about the CHAIR which the MINUTES-keeper was not able to clearly record due to the number of people speaking at once.

    The CHAIR stated that there was no need for such language, and reminded the Committee of the need to treat all members with respect at all times.

    Mr A DAWSON enquired why everyone’s time was being wasted when the decision had already been made.

    The CHAIR stated that the Social Planning Directorate’s charter required community consultation about seasonal festivities, but did not specify whether this consultation should take place before or after making a decision.

    Mr EL-MOUELHY moved a motion that the meeting be closed immediately so that members could get on with their weekend.

    Dr GUPTA seconded the motion.

    The vote for the motion was 10-2 in favour.

    The CHAIR stated that the motion was invalid under Committee procedures because the agenda had not been completed.

    Dr GUPTA stated that he would rather wrestle an alligator naked than spend another minute listening to this bureaucratic gobbledegook, and made an unauthorised exit from the Committee meeting.

    Mr MCGOWLAND, Mr K DAWSON, Mrs L DAWSON, Ms O DAWSON, Ms R DAWSON, Mr POMPUS-MAXIMUS, Mr A DAWSON, Mr ANEDELI and Mr EL-MOUELHY followed Dr GUPTA in the unauthorised exit.

    The CHAIR moved a motion that discussion move on to the next item. The MINUTES-keeper seconded the motion.

    The motion was unanimously passed.

    Item 6: General Business

    The CHAIR opened discussion to general business.

    Ms P DAWSON asked if she should leave the meeting early and go find where Mr A DAWSON had run off to.

    The CHAIR stated that this was not necessary, as the little sod (i.e. Mr A DAWSON) would turn up again soon looking for lunch money, since he was too stingy to use the money his father gave him.

    Noting that there was no other general business, the CHAIR formally closed the meeting.
     
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