THE REGION THAT KEEPS ON GIVING
The nation was behind their President, but things were going to get tougher before they could get better. Over the course of January, February, and March, violence in Iraq was on the incline. The number of troop deaths had increased dramatically, and one event in particular sparked calls to reevaluate President Kerry's plan. The al-Askari Mosque bombing occurred at 6:44 a.m. on February 22nd in the Iraqi City of Samarra. The bombing was not as bad as it could have been. Between 600 and 800 people died in the attack, but it could've been worse - those who planned it had intended to use two bombs during the attack, but when several of the co-conspirators were nowhere to be found on the day of the bombing, the others used only one bomb. Much of the Mosque was destroyed, and the evidence pointed to Al-Qaeda. The President was mad that more hadn't been done to prevent the attack, but the CIA wasn't aware of what had happened. The bombing of the Mosque was the kind of evidence that Senator McCain and the rest of the "Three Amigos" were waiting for to roadblock Kerry's plan for withdrawal. The President consulted with his national security team.
General Casey was no longer as enthusiastic about the plan. The people who had bombed the Mosque were members of Al Qaeda, but early evidence suggested that some of them were Iraqi military and police, or, at the very least, they were able to steal uniforms for those positions. On top of that, Iraqi officials were responsible for protecting the Mosque and had been easily subdued and tied up so that the perpetrators could go through with their plan. It was a humiliating sign of weakness for the Iraqi forces. General Casey stressed that the timetable may need to be stretched out and, instead of withdrawing by 2008, withdraw by 2009. The President wasn't convinced. "We would be stretching our troops too thin," he argued. There were several options on the table, and Kerry wasn't sure which way to go.
He could simply ignore the Mosque bombing and go through with the timetable as he had planned. The plan could draw criticism, but the violence could correct itself. He could throw away his timetable and do the opposite: increase U.S. troop levels in the nation to combat the growing violence. General Casey did not support this plan. He argued that by increasing the number of American forces in Iraq, it would only make it easier for Iraq to shift the blame for their own failings to the United States, that was something Casey and the President both saw as problematic. No one really supported the surge plan, but it had been suggested by Senator McCain who called for such a surge. President Kerry could also lengthen the time involved in his timetable. Instead of having forces out by May 2008, he could get them out later in the year or in early-2009, but Kerry feared doing that would cause the military to be too weak during the dangerous summer months, and he couldn't support that. At the moment, Kerry was planning to cut-and-run. It wasn't something Kerry had really wanted to do, but he saw no better approach. Staying the course in regards to the timetable was the best solution.
The weight of the decision burdened Kerry. The President's hair was grayer, his hair line receding, his usual droopy face looked even more tired, and he suffered from fatigue. The media had picked up on it and argued that he had aged the worst in modern history, including Bill Clinton - and Kerry was only a year in. Stephanie Cutter had seen the President's mood deteriorate and she was especially concerned. As a spokesperson for the campaign, she had seen the toll the campaign had taken on the Senator, but now that he was president, Kerry's appearance was growing older and older. She herself had felt the burdens of the office. She was only 37 years old, but she was exhausted - physically, mentally. She hadn't expected the job to be what it was. She was only a spokesperson, but now she was sitting in on intelligence briefings, and she was the one generals contacted when something in Iraq or Afghanistan went horribly wrong. It hadn't been an easy transition, but in terms of organizing the administration's direction she was a pro. She worked the Hill like it was putty in her hands, and she was ready to combat the Three Amigos, as long as Kerry didn't give up in the face of opposition.
The President was torn, and it didn't help that at this moment past presidents were hoping to get involved. Jimmy Carter publicly denounced Senator McCain in hopes of encouraging the President to stay the course with his plan. Bill Clinton had visited the Oval Office, telling Kerry to stay strong, and former President George W. Bush was silent, until President Kerry decided to seek his advice. Since Kerry left office, books upon books have been published on his relationship with former President Bush. The two were enemies on the campaign trail, but in reality they had become quite good friends. Bush was always phoned by Kerry on important matters involving Iraq and Afghanistan, and most historians agree that no one other than Bush could relate to President Kerry. Even Bill Clinton couldn't - despite being President, he had presided over the country during eight years of prosperity, he didn't get the War in Iraq like Bush did. Cutter, Hagel, and others in the President's inner-circle hated when Kerry phoned Bush. Because the two never agreed, it seemed like Kerry was just asking to fill his head with doubt. This time was no different. When President Kerry sat in the Oval Office and called Bush, he had asked the President what he thought about the Mosque bombing and the increased violence in general. Bush urged Kerry to reconsider his plan and look seriously at a troop surge. The two discussed and debated the pros and cons and after their phone call, Kerry called his national security team back at midnight. "I want to see a report on the effects of a troop surge in Iraq, in the next 24 hours." Was it a sign that Kerry was reconsidering his plan to withdraw the troops?
While Iraq was engulfed in the mess, tensions with Israel had increased since the stroke of Ariel Sharon. Palestine was fidgeting and Israel was readying their troops. The President was not prepared to deal with war on the Gaza Strip, not now. He wasn't preparing to get involved unless something actually happened, but he was committed to helping Israel and the Palestinian people resolve their conflict, and he called a meeting comprising of Secretaries Hagel and Biden, Stephanie, and other members of his national security team: he wanted to know what he could do to help the two sides bring peace to a conflict that began in the 1940's. Hagel had a "screw Israel" attitude while Biden was less hostile, expressing his own desire to bring peace to the West Bank.
On the campaign trail in 2004, Kerry hadn't spoke out much about Israel, and he was often viewed as pro-Israel, but the truth was Kerry wasn't as comfortable with the nation as his image projected. While Kerry came down on the side of Israel throughout his Senate Career, he had often felt that sometimes the nation got away with too much. Still, if he had to pick sides: his side would be Israel, and that's why when Chuck Hagel went on television and blasted Israel, calling the nation "hostile" and a "trouble maker" Kerry was stunned and unsure of what to do next. Republicans called for his immediate resignation, and they were joined by some Democrats. Israel, of course, was offended, and the pro-Israel community was less than supportive of Hagel keeping his position. The President wasn't so eager about firing Hagel. Hagel had spoken his mind, and, in a weak sense, Kerry agreed with the sentiment, but over the next few days the controversy of Hagel's presence in the administration was too much, and the Secretary of Defense submitted his resignation to President Kerry, urging him to accept it so that his administration could move on. "The Republicans don't want me here, the Israeli Community here in America doesn't want me here," Hagel said, "and the Republicans in Congress will roadblock your defense agenda as long as I'm here. Please accept my resignation, Mr. President." And, on March 27, 2006, John Kerry announced that Chuck Hagel would be leaving his position as Secretary of Defense, and as he did so he scorned the Republican Party for playing politics at the expense of a distinguished public servant's career.
Secretary Hagel's resignation came at one of the worst possible times. The President had been briefed on the potential of an Iraqi Troop Surge, and he was unconvinced. President Kerry decided to stay the course with his plan for withdrawal, but the emphasis on aiding Iraqi forces would be increase along with the amount of training they would go through - Kerry didn't want to leave Iraq, only to be drawn back a few years down the line. So with Kerry's plan going forward, and Hagel's resignation, appointing a successor for the now ex-Secretary of Defense was a top priority for the Kerry Administration. President Kerry called on Vice President Edwards and Stephanie Cutter to join him in making the decision. Kerry had two names: General Casey and Jane Harman. Harman had been seriously considered for Secretary of Homeland Security and had been thought about for Secretary of Defense briefly during the transition, but Kerry wasn't sure. She was certainly qualified, and the President would welcome her expertise. There was also the idea of promoting General Casey. Casey's promotion would commit the President to his plan for withdrawal and would send a clear message to Congressional Republicans. On the flip side, the President wanted Casey in charge of Iraq and he didn't want his responsibilities burdened by inner-department politics and other frivolous responsibilities, he needed him focused on Iraq. And so, the President made history by appointing the first female Secretary of Defense: Jane Harman. Harman went on to be easily confirmed by the United States Senate.
The tension between Kerry and Congressional Republicans was proof that the Mid Term elections were fast-approaching. The President's approval rating was at 52% (pretty good for an incumbent this far along in his administration) and the timetable in Iraq had high approval across the board. Those two factors were enough to give the Democrats a surprising edge in holding on to the Senate and reclaiming the House. Both sides were at work to make sure that their party came out on top on Election Day. No matter what, it was going to be a close battle for control of Congress. Both chambers were close to flipping party control, and President Kerry was working hard to get Democrats back on top in the House and keep them in control in the Senate. Vice President Edwards travelled the nation in hopes of earning Democratic support while Republican surrogates included John McCain and Mitt Romney. The President's ability to pass legislation he wanted through congress was at stake with the elections, and he didn't want to risk anything.