The main proponent of this thesis was the Count of Paris, who was convinced that, somehow, de Gaulle created the Fifth Republic in order to make him his successor.I've read once that Charles de Gaulle briefly considered reviving constitutional monarchy in France during the Fourth Republic, but then dropped the idea.
The problem with the second Empire is its growing impopularity, and its huge reliance over a personal, charismatic rulership. In spite of appearance, napoleonic France was relativelt weak institutionally and vulnerable to the first big crisis.A more straightforward way is for Napoleon III to let his generals do the fighting and not get captured at Sedan (or better, not fight that war at all).
After 1870? Virtually none : bonapartism was toasted, finished, achieved, crushed and scattered into lil' pieces.I'm not sure how likely it was that he could have become Napoleon IV
Meh, if you go by every apologetic text on royal houses in France, it generally goes down to "oh, all right this one was bad, altough not that bad, but his son was immensely popular and would have been great, you'd have seen so much".I've read that Louis Phillippe's eldest son (who predeceased his father) was quite popular. Had he lived could he have done anything to improve the chances of Orléanism or was that a lost cause from day one?
After 1870? Virtually none : bonapartism was toasted, finished, achieved, crushed and scattered into lil' pieces.
More or less like he was, incidentally.
After 1870? Virtually none : bonapartism was toasted, finished, achieved, crushed and scattered into lil' pieces.
More or less like he was, incidentally.
Meh, if you go by every apologetic text on royal houses in France, it generally goes down to "oh, all right this one was bad, altough not that bad, but his son was immensely popular and would have been great, you'd have seen so much".
More seriously, Orleans dynasty wasn't that that popular to begin with : Louis-Philippe's coronation essentially comes from a compromise between former Bourbon legislatures and bourgeois that weren't quite thrilled at the popularity of republicanism (especially in its neo-jabocine form) among the lower classes.
Not to say Ferdinand-Philippe was hated either, at the contrary. But remember that when people say he was popular, it generally means being popular among who counted politically, meaning there middle and small bourgeoisie that wanted to beneficy from the same freedoms than their higher counterparts (and indeed, Ferdinand-Philippe seems to have supported boarder voting rights, for instance).
Giving that the mid XIXth economical crisis is still going to play fully there, it's not really with a more or less supporting or benevolent urban group he would have to deal, but disgruntled popular classes on which anti-monarchist/anti-royalist tendencies played fully.
So, I wouldn't say it was a lost cause, but I wonder how significant his survival (after all, he wouldn't have played a major political role so far) could have changed things on such short term.
I guess Anglos don't really know about Boulanger that well, he almost accomplished such. That said, who knows if he really would have restored the monarchy if he did become President.Fascism is not democratic, so it is not that important what majority thinks. Say that French fascist leader (popular, charismatic war hero) is personaly supporter of monarchy. Problem is that such monarchy would not survive collapse of fascist dictatorship.
Fascism, for all its pretence of personal power, is really about a certain political and ideological balance : you caean't have a leader just "hiding" his monarchist tendencies and expect, when he suddenly reveals them (admitting that, among the paranoia that caracerize fascist polities, he's not spot on) and be accepted just like that.Fascism is not democratic, so it is not that important what majority thinks. Say that French fascist leader (popular, charismatic war hero) is personaly supporter of monarchy.
Tfw FN supporters make fun of you for liking your country's heritage....Most french fascists were, in line with the modernist definition of fascism, more or less anti-monarchists anyway.
Even today, french monarchism (while largely being reactionnary and authoritarians) is the laughing stock of most of French far-right.
Then it's not really the same political situation, isn't?That leader doesn't need to be literally fascist, just authoritarian and conservative.
Not only FN, but fascist or quasi-fascists as well. Exemple.Tfw FN supporters make fun of you for liking your country's heritage....
Well I'm not a real monarchist, Action Française is a joke. I just like medieval history a lot more than most people.Then it's not really the same political situation, isn't?
Now, it might be a better ground (at least on paper) to attempt this : after all Maurras underwent a relatively important popularity, and Action Française beneficied from a certain prestige.
Thing is, in the same time, 30's French politics were importantly concerned by a trend called sinistrisme. Meaning that right-wing politicians were more or elss ashamed to be conservative and went great lengths to say "at heart, they're moderated".
Maurrassisme never really had, in spite of its very real influence in intelligential, real popular roots.
And, of course, Action Française and Maurras were opposed to constitutionalism under any form; favouring a mix of traditionalist and regional legal basis.
But, yes, some sort of half-butchered restauration could take place, à la Franco. But giving the very important republican support you had in France (and that even French State didn't really managed to get rid of), it's indeed more or less doomed.
Not only FN, but fascist or quasi-fascists as well. Exemple.
That said, Action Française is as much about liking one's country heritage, than Lost Causers are about preserving American's heritage.