=Eternal National Glory, - A cyberpunk-themed Timeline and Taiwan's Invasion of the Mainland=

For the next chapter, what should the focus be on?

  • The election results of 1960

    Votes: 9 64.3%
  • A few months into the winning candidate's election of 1961

    Votes: 5 35.7%

  • Total voters
    14
  • Poll closed .
The Soviets had good ideas for cybernetics, but not computers powerful enough in reality. More investment there and less in the nuclear arsenal?

Otherwise, it is quite well known but little developed in the uchronies, Allende's project for Chile:
In some ways, the soviets could take funds from more vanity-projects like hydrofoils and dedicate them to more significant computational research. The soviets in reality had very good sciences with regards to mathematics and by extension the beginning of early software/computer programming logic. Much of cybernetics as a field, despite gaining attention and huge support by the Soviet government under Aksel Berg, ended up squandering its funds in bureaucratic expansion under the cybernetic council with many original scientists involved ending up breaking ties with the field.

And the Cybersyn is probably one of the closest things we ever got to a socialist cyberntic planning system. It showed promise when some parts of it were first completed before Allende's suicide and overthrow.

I think that many of the early Setun series of trinary computers would actually be hugely beneficial for the soviets to continue in regards to cybernetics, because the trinary system of logic can make up for a lack of Soviet hardware in computational output seen in miniaturised binary computers in the west at that time. And I'm currently writing about this when I get the chance.
 
Here’s some more in that kind of style if you’re ever needing 80s:

nice music, I'll give it a listen for when I have time to write again!
 
Division 1 – The Inauguration and the Technologies
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Friday, 20th January 1961 – Washington D.C.

For the last few months in the latter half of 1960, the campaigns of both Republican and Democratic nominees, Richard Nixon and John F. Kennedy were certainly varied. Both parties showed a variety of different and even new tactics to get as many Americans to vote for their candidate. Kennedy held campaigns in particular states where the choice of voters wasn’t fully obvious, the well known “Swing-states” as they were referred as. Nixon’s campaigns targeted the whole country however and tried to gain as much broad appeal as possible, a strategy that was beginning to feel shaky for many in the Republican establishment. However, midway through the election months, nearing October, Republican vice-president nominee Walter Judd and especially Henry Cabot Lodge proposed some major changes to Nixon’s campaigns. No one would be better suited for helping manage Nixon’s campaigns in that last month than Lodge, who was the major force of the Draft MacArthur movement for the 1952 election previously. Lodge would advise Nixon to focus on the Swing-states of New Jersey, Illinois, and Minnesota. These proposals to target the Swing-states would culminate in Nixon’s final tours of those states, with Walter Judd, a Minnesotan politician himself, accompanying him as a major figure during the Saint Paul city rally. Kennedy’s worries during the campaigning was summarised with the potential for his Catholic faith not being able to achieve a broad base of support amongst the predominantly Protestant US public. Other issues regarding Harry F. Byrd’s influence amongst the Southern Democrats in Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi also posed a potential problem for taking away the necessary votes needed by Kennedy to win the election. Despite it all though, and leading into the last month of the election up to early November, Kennedy was sure that his earlier efforts in targeting the Swing-states, the Black vote with a recent call of endorsement from Martin Luther King Sr, and his “Missile-Gap,” tough on Communism rhetoric, would all culminate in his succession as the next president of the United States. This fate however hung in the balance of the electoral votes from New Jersey, Minnesota and Illinois...

It was a cold wintery midday in Washington D.C. The temperatures had dropped since last night and Walter Judd was seated beside Sam Rayburn. As much as everyone in the capitol had been worried about the potential of a snowed-in Capitol Hill during the nor’easter, with the help of the US Army Corp Engineers and a slew of boy-scouts, the walkways and open-terraces of Capitol Hill had been freed of hefty snow for the benefit of those attending the inauguration. Kennedy, one of the most prominent men that day looked out at the crowds of people, the cameras, presumably filming a live television broadcast of the event, for the first time in colour of all things. The occasion was momentous, thousands of onlookers viewing the scenery all the way down from the Capitol Building as their new president was sworn in. And as John Fitzgerald Kennedy took a momentary glance at his wife, Jackie, who sat beside him, his attention was caught once more by the man in front of him.

“...So help me god,”

Nixon repeated after Earl Warren as he gave his presidential oath in front of the Bible. Just after lowering his right hand, Nixon shook the Judge’s hand in congratulations. And with that, the end of the MacArthur years and the beginning of what would come to be known as the Nixon administration had begun. Nixon subsequently shook the hands of few front-row figures, Douglas MacArthur, Walter Judd, and last but definitely not least, his now-defeated fellow, John F. Kennedy. Kennedy took the event well like everyone else, it had been an extremely close election, maybe even the closest in US history thus far, but a fair win was a fair win, and Kennedy had given this round a fair shot. Sitting back down beside his wife and with his running mate Lyndon B. Johnson sitting right behind him, he listened to Nixon’s presidential speech. What followed within those next 15 minutes was a speech delivered by President Nixon that touched on many of the topics that had been the focal point of his campaign, interluded by the occasional bouts of viewer applause with the punctuation of each promise and each statement. Multiple hints of influence or assistance from Vice President Judd and upcoming Secretary of State William P. Rogers were also present in the speech.

And as the president’s speech neared the end, Judd’s influence shined brighter more than at any other point, with the president speaking of the need for the US to support it’s allies both in the west and with emphasis, in the Far-east. In line with the successes of the MacArthur doctrine and the furthering of alliances between the Formosa Chinese, Koreans and Japanese within SEATO and America’s scientific research. Nixon promised that his tenure as president would be marked with increased spending in scientific fields, to bring strength and support to the US’s allies and to present America as a beacon of scientific progress and democratic values. Afterall nothing mattered more than the,“Struggle to achieve the dawn of tomorrow,” as Nixon put it in his speech. And by the very end of his inaugural speech, Nixon closed with the words,“... My fellow Americans, with the continuation of our prosperity as a nation, ask yourself, are you prepared to be a part of history?,”. And with that open-ended question, one which signalled a shaky yet ultimately positive outlook for the future, the audiences applauded the president as he shortly moved off of the pedestal. Kennedy momentarily stood back up to shake Nixon’s hands once more for common courtesy, sitting back down as the event continued with a musical band playing. Kennedy looked back across the swathes of people that had appeared here before the Capitol, just as he did moments before, and thought about Nixon’s last words. Just like most in that audience, they were very unaware of the future technologies and paradigms that awaited them at this point. All of this as the Advanced Research Projects Agency was supporting some of the greatest leaps in technology at that moment.


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Tuesday, 18th January 1961 – Palo Alto

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Chih-Tang Sah & the Fairchild Labs
Chih-Tang Sah and Frank Wanlass like many scientists of the late 50s and 60s were believers in the future of the semiconductor, with the current Bipolar Junction Transistors seen by the two as an overly bulky solution to the future of computation which they believed would require the scalability offered by Mohamed Atalla’s MOSFET system in 1958. With Chih-Tang having demonstrated the potential of Atalla’s Metal-Oxide Semiconductor Field-Effect Transistor (MOSFET) circuit to the executives of the Fairchild company in 1960, he was immediately granted a team of researchers consisting of 64 chemists, engineers and physicists to develop his idea for a Complementary Metal-Oxide Semiconductor (CMOS). In that short year span of time, not only was he granted the researchers needed, but the Fairchild company was also visited by a seemingly obscure man by the name of Jack Ruina. Ruina was the Director of ARPA at the time, and after an initial visit followed up by two more visits to the company’s facilities in that year of 1960, involving some discussions with head reasearchers, including Chih-Tang, a deal would be made. The deal ended up being a jackpot for Chih-Tang, Wanlass and their team. Not only were they given greater federal funding through the ARPA agency, but using the Federal government’s system of extensive listings of researchers and connections, established by the 1959 “Sciences and Communication Act”, they also established a formal connection with Atalla himself, who ended up helping out with the research team’s endeavours with CMOS. Atalla saw great potential in the ability to combine the P and N type transistors into one cohesive unit, the potential to lessen heat loss would prove extremely useful if further miniaturisation of the transistor continued. As two fellow researchers he ended up giving advice and recommendations via mail to Wanlass and Chih-Tang. Chih-Tang, who admired Atalla would respond back every time. The contacts between the two parties would be kept unknown from the Fairchild corporation and Bell Labs, the latter being where Atalla was employed in at the time. Though from impressions of what was going on at Fairchild, Atalla began to consider working for them instead of Bell Labs, it seemed that his research would be better appreciated in Fairchild...

It was on this day not too long after the beginning of the New Year that Chih-Tang was finishing up work in the lab. He was getting ever closer to achieving the final results of the project he’d been working on for the last year. And under the microscope, he observed a recently made prototype CMOS transistor chip. He was feeling a little more giddy than usual today, and instead of awaiting just another moment for one of his assistant electrical engineers to show up, he instead began to test it himself by flowing some voltage through the prototype. He observed the chip once more as he carefully operated the miniature equipment, checking the readings of the analytical instruments on the lab countertop. And then he noticed it, the electricity was flowing through the device, the electronegative charge was present, the P-type and N-type substrates of the device seemed to be functioning as planned, “Oh my lord, I think it works,” Chih-Tang thought to himself as his eyes went wide and a smile spread across his face. Wanlass was at another area of the lab, diagnosing some other silicon wafers and ensuring that the crystallization process had went well with some colleagues. Noticing the time, it was nearly 6pm, and as he was about to finish his notes he heard a call from the other end of the lab, “It works! Get over here, our Semiconductor is working!,” Chih-Tang called out in excitement to the others from the doorway. Wanlass looked at the other fellows for a moment before carefully placing down his notes and heading up with others to see just what was going on at Chih-Tang Sah’s workstation.

Monday, 20th Feburary 1961 – Novosibirsk University

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Cyberneticists Alexei Lyapunov & Aksel Ivanovich Berg

Aksel Ivanovich Berg was seated alongside his colleague and good friend Alexei Lyapunov. The two of them were discussing matters of cybernetics amongst each other in an empty meeting room. The room like the rest of the building was clean and new, both in design and when it was built in the 50s. All was possible upon Sergei Sobolev’s initial founding of the institute in 57’. The two professors in many ways wished to emanate the successes of Sobolev’s recent contributions to Soviet education and science, and thankfully, he was also as keen as they were on a field that was rapidly gaining traction within the Union; Cybernetics. Berg and Lyapunov knew that their window of opportunity was within reach at this point. Mainly due to the ascendancy of Nikita Khrushchev, the current General Secretary of the Union, a man from humble backgrounds who had built himself up in the party ever since his involvement in the Soviet administration of Ukraine. Khrushchev both shocked and relieved the world when he denounced Stalinism and opened up the country more to the wider world. And no matter what came from his policies, they at least allowed the sciences to pick up pace again, especially since the days of Stalinist witchhunting. And since the end of those days and a return to normalcy across the country, Berg, Lyapunov, Sobolev, Anatoly Kitov and more scientists, eagerly legitimised the field of cybernetics across the Union, and they were closer to that dream than ever before. The ideas of using feedback-loop systems and automation with new computational technology seemed to closely resemble the ideological Marxist principles of the USSR. And with this potential of a fully-automated command economy, all ran by perfectly calibrated algorithms, being the future, many upcoming, young scientists began to support the field.

But for those two scientists, Berg and Lyapunov, one more thing remained so that the field could flourish. Namely, a dedicated Institution of Cybernetics in Moscow itself. This prospect would’ve seemed like a pipe-dream in the 50s, but now things had changed, Aksel Berg had setup and become chair of the Council of Cybernetics in 1959, having been able to convince the Presidium of the Academy to create the Council. Lyapunov himself had also established a Department of Cybernetics the previous year for the primary purpose of research and development. But as him and Aksel discussed the matter of forming an institute, perhaps even merging both the future institute and and council together, both knew that Khrushchev, might simply decline the formation of a new institute. After all, Soviet resources and state funds weren’t unlimited and a halt to new, more expensive institutions was inevitable,

“...well, we don’t have the option to send the Presidium, let alone the leader of the country a single letter asking for funds, we’ll look like hopeless beggars in these politicians’ eyes,”

Berg commented with a pessimistic tone, his chair creaking as he leaned back a little before leaning forward and continued, his eyebrows perking up,

“They’re giving loads of resources to Korolev ever since he put that tin-ball into space, and it doesn’t seem likely that they’ll just stop either. No, we’ll have to get some sort of petition, a large grouping of scientists, technicians, mathematicians anyone with some status in the Union to show support for the Institution,”

He continued as he scratched his head a little before Lyapunov commented at his suggestion, Lyapunov’s hand stroking at his beard,

“That might just work Aksel, we could even write a report on it, maybe even request a meeting with Khrushchev, you can get that done couldn’t you? You could even get some higher-ups in the military right?,”

Lyapunov suggested as the room was flooded by the yellow light of an evening sun. In this discussion though, Lyapunov knew that the odds would be ultimately decided by the General-Secretary Khruschev, and that like other bureaucrats, they liked to be wowed by a promising concept more than actual lesser interesting but more significant sciences based on things like numbers and data. Berg had been able to present the cybernetic concept and vision well thus far but maybe another bureaucrat like him would be required...

“Maybe, I think it’s certainly possible. I could try and organise something with the Academy, a meeting with Kitov could be good, hmmm... I’m not sure about the military, however maybe there’s someone in the Soviet Space Program who could be useful...is there anyone else I should consider?,”

Berg replied to Lyapunov as he glanced out the window before looking back towards his scientific comrade. Almost as if a lightbulb had lit up above his head, Lyapunov clicked his fingers, catching Berg’s attention as he knew another figure that could be of use; Mstislav Keldysh, one of the most prominent men in the Space Program right now! And he was rising higher and higher in the academic ranks, maybe even poised to be directly a part of the Academy of Science’s Presidium!,

“I think... I think I know who we should bring in to help us with this Institute...,”

Monday, 20th February 1961 – Forests of Katanga


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Patrice Lumumba Being Captured by Mobutu Forces & Moise Tshombe Standing Before the Katangan Flag

Gabriel Tshilobu like the many men across the rapidly disintegrating Congo, had been enlisted from his home village to fight for one of the regional factions. He in particular was enlisted for the newly self-declared South Kasai breakaway state. This devolution of circumstances had affected the young man deeply, he was only 18 and was handed one of the few rifles the breakaway state had in stock. And there were always promises of more munitions and weapons on the way. Why things had gotten to this point, he did not fully understand. Nearly every politician who had worked together in the former Lumumba cabinet seemed to have their own interests in mind, with many simply breaking off to their own tribal people, or at least that’s what Albert Kalonji had done. With conflict all around, positions of his group needed to change over and over with the unstable fronts in the forests of South Kasai before moving towards the Katangan border. The same region where Kalonji had fled to since the overrunning of Bakwanga by General Mobutu’s Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC). Gabriel remembered the way that the conflict had been told to him when the tribe Chief told everyone of the need for supporting Kalonji, afterall, the Congo government had failed and only independance was desirable unless it offered federalisation. Gabriel however, only having been in the seperatist forces for a few months wished that this conflict hadn’t happened, every moment felt like it could be his last and god knows how long this conflict would take. The experience of having had to shoot some of what would have been his fellow countrymen had been a brutal experience, something that no one should ever experience. But with some of the reported massacres and destruction brought in by the Congo government forces, or the ANC, into his homeland, what else could he do but shoot at them.

And every now and then, he spotted the men with the blue helmets, or blue berets. And oftentimes did he see them with some sort of white most likely Belgian mercenary in their custody. These were the UN forces and were there to establish peace, or so they proclaimed. Their inaction and proposed neutrality from all sides of the conflict was staunchly criticised by many, and especially by the central government that had been spearheaded by the former Patrice Lumumba, or at least that’s what Gabriel heard. Gabriel may have been young and from a local village, but he was not a fool, he knew very well that much of this conflict, from Tshombe down in Elisabethville, to Kasa-Vubu in Leopoldville, to Gizenga in Stanleyville was being decided by the cash of foreign nations. He turned to one of his compatriots, another man of arms named Akile. He like Gabriel was Baluba too, and at the age of 19, he came directly from Bakwanga. He had a pack of cigarettes on him and a lighter, the former he had bartered from one of the French mercenaries in the Katangese gendarmerie.

He offered Gabriel a cigarette, to which Gabriel declined. Gabriel himself was a non-smoker, and didn’t like the taste of the cigarette smoke. The two stayed in their post, keeping a lookout for ANC troops just a kilometer up ahead. Suddenly, rainfall began to pour down on them, the rain season was still in full swing. With Akile’s cigarette lit up, the smoke went up in the air as Gabriel looked around, counting the minutes as the sounds of raindrops was combined with the chirps and squwaks of the jungle birds. Despite the situation he was in, he hoped for a better outcome, if seperatism worked out for Katanga and his own South-Kasai, at least then there could be some official peace to go with it. America in the west seemed not to be involving itself all that much with the conflict so far, and the fate of what that powerful country would do, would inevitably involve it’s newest president, Richard Nixon.
 

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New post up, just a few important technical developments around the world and the new president! The next division will be focused on the buildup in the Taiwan Straits and some developments in Europe, a calm before the storm...
 
The passage through the Congo for the mines of rare metals used for alloys and electronics?

Vive le Katanga libre

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You've discovered the pattern my friend! Copper, cobalt, germanium and more, are well known for their uses in technology. Though the region may play a bigger part in another scientific field too...

Also, I'm not so sure what viewers will think of this chapter, there are many references to technical details that I wanted to realistically represent, and if that's too boring or I'm inaccurate with those details, just lemme know!
 
So is the poll regarding what the next chapter should be a one-off thing or something we should quite frequent everytime the next chapter is up?
 
So is the poll regarding what the next chapter should be a one-off thing or something we should quite frequent everytime the next chapter is up?
Normally a one-off thing. I'll be honest, I just wanted to test the feature out since I hadn't used it before and now I don't know how to make a new one and reset the old lol:coldsweat:
 
Just a little update, but expect the next chapter to be the longest chapter thus far, I've got some big exams tomorrow and in the subsequent days, so progress will be slower than I'd hoped for.

The next part will go into further detail of the turbulent early 60s confrontations between the eastern and western blocks. From the Americas, to Germany, to the Heart of Darkness, and to little Formosa and the sea in between.
 
A Cuban Interlude
Thursday, 6th April 1961 – Escambray Mountains

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The Revolutionary Armed Forces & Osvaldo Ramírez García.
The sudden whooshes of a jet engine soared above the mountain tops of Escambray! Luis Borges, a private within the Cuban Revolutionary Army, cowered at the sounds of the thunderous Skyhawk above him, making sure to hide amongst the bushes of this dangerous area! The Americans had recently upticked their bombing campaigns across the country. This was signified with the increased presence of the Douglas aircrafts like the B-26 and on rare occasion, the A-4 Skyhawk cluttering the Cuban skies. Luis himself was a young man who had taken up his role in the Cuban army, partially by his hatred for the Americans and partially by his patriotism for Cuba. However, despite the high levels of enlistment, it seemed like the enemy's overwhelming forces in air and on sea always kept the Cubans on the very edge of failure. Bases and other important sites all across the nation that comrade Che Guevara had recently taken command of seemed to be teetering at the edge of complete destruction. Anti-Guevarites and similar anti-communist rebels were strewn all across the country and to Luis, all of them were bandits, traitors, fascists or all three at once. And the one region where this type of decrepitness took place most was here, within the confines of the untamed Escambray Mountain-range.

Luis looked back towards his fellow comrades in arms, there was even a woman amongst his squad, a young woman by the name of Carmen. She like himself was a fighter and a patriot to the revolution, having taken up the banners since Castro took power of the nation in 59’. Gun shots were heard in the forest however, and Luis and his group readied their weapons. Luis held tightly onto the gun barrel, with his other finger ready at the trigger. The group held their readied stance for a moment before loosening up a little when nothing fired nor came. And as Luis and his squad continued along the mountain-range, trudging on crunchy and moist leaves with each step, Carmen was talking to another soldier. The two were talking to one another about the dreaded leader of the Escambray bandits, Osvaldo Ramírez García. The local guerilla, native to the region had been an activist of the Cuban revolution against Batista. But like so many that time, he fell out of favour with the new regime and established his own counter-revolution. Luis was of the mind that these “bandits” as had been referred to by comrade Che were nothing more than rebel-rousers with no interest to help the Cuban people, but rather their own interests. Even more nefarious was that they may be under the thumb of the American and imperialist powers. But as he continued to trudge through the elevated forested terrain, he suddenly felt the whizzing of a bullet flying past him! It missed the top of his head by a single centimeter as the sound of gunfire rushed momentarily after! He instantly dropped himself to the ground as he looked to his right, seeing one of his squadmates fall to the ground in death! And right after that, amongst the shooting, another THUD! was heard from behind as another of his comrades in arms fell to the ground! The sudden chaos of the attack startled him momentarily as he quickly fired back hitting an insurgent from behind a treetrunk! He saw the young woman of the group, Carmen, who had gotten down in the ambush, get shot twice in the shoulder and then in the chest before dying there in the grass and leaves. He saw a handful of men from the other side begin to leave their position as they moved in for the kill. He was the last one left, and on the spot, he made a decision to get the hell out of there! He jumped into action and fled the area as quick as he could, the anti-Guevarites called out from behind, stopping and shooting at him,

“¡Muerte a los traidoras comunistas!,”

The men shouted from behind as he ran and ran, rifle in his hand and another plane whooshing by! Luis wouldn’t stop running until he was far from whence he came! Others would’ve called it cowardice, but for Luis, this was simply survival until the fight for the next battle began. And as fate would have it, tomorrow would be the most important battle of Luis’ life. It couldn’t be denied, Cuba was descending ever further into the throes of chaos and violence, all of which was exasperated by it’s own inner turmoil...
 
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Hey folks, I'm nearly halfway through exam season, but as I'm writing, I just had the idea for a little interlude teasing the next chapter. If you can't already tell by the tone of this last bit, the world's turmoil is leading up to an upcoming fire. What happens to Cuba next will be interesting to say the least.
 
Here, obviously, a successful massive anti-Castro landing?
You'll see soon, not gonna spoil it, but the conflict ain't gonna be the quickest.

With Mac Arthur president, it amazes me that Batista had to abandon Havana in 1959.
Fulgencio Batista was a real piece of work. Much of my approach to MacArthur's presidency is very much drawn from the Eisenhower presidency and that's for a few reasons, but the main one is that the two generals had similar attitudes in many ways to politics when it came to their fundamentals. MacArthur differs in that he took a harder stance on Communism with regards to Asia in this TL as that region was his specialty up to the 50s as in the real world.

Based on that general approach, I came to conclude that it would be unlikely that even MacArthur would side with the heavily critiqued Batista regime. Eisenhower, who also did much to quell Communism like he did irl with Guatemala also didn't side with Batista, even embargoing his state, so you can tell from that, that Batista was gonna be on his way out. He couldn't even get the CIA on his side by the time his regime began to crumble.
 
Hey folks, next chapter is close to being done. All my Examinations are complete too, and the stage is now free for me to go ahead. If any of you are well-versed on the United Nations and it's first General Secretary, then this chapter may peak your interest!
 
Division 2 – A Period of Crisis New
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January 1961-July 1962 – Nixon and Dulle’s Administrations

Nixon’s tenure as president began at the turn of the new decade, taking office from the previous president MacArthur. Upon his seating within the Whitehouse, Nixon would be briefed on the first of many crises that would define his days in office. The first and foremost issue was the problem of Cuba and it’s newest revolutionary leader, Fidel Castro. The prospect of having a communist nation directly within America’s sphere of influence or rather within it’s southern pond, the Caribbean, was seen as a huge security risk. One that if the Soviets could get a hold of, maybe even guarantee it’s independence somehow, would be a major blow to US interests and a loss of saving face. It would be in these early months of 1961, that decisive orders and decisions would be made regarding the rogue communist state. Covert intelligence and military action would be the US government’s greatest asset at this point as the Director of the CIA, Allen Dulles would meet with Nixon and his cabinet on multiple occasions to lay out the plans. The plan to bring an end to the communist regime in Cuba was codenamed Operation 40. Under the directive of Dulles, 40 primary agents, mostly anti-Castro Cuban exiles would be the main instigators in a overarching scheme to carry out terror, instigate violence and create popular upheaval against the regime. Dulles presented to the president, the plan as a multi-stage operation. The initial plan was to be the assassination of the regime’s paramount leader Fidel Castro, and other figures like him such as Che Guevara, then the organisation of dissenting figures in the government and then the transport of Cuban exiles to the island at which point a full civil war to oust the communist regime would be in place.


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Director Allen Dulles

Nixon would end up signing off on the various schemes to train and utilise the Cuban exiles being trained both in the US and significantly, in Guatemala. Having been in-the-know with many of the initial plans the year before as vice president during the MacArthur days, Nixon often saw eye-to-eye with the CIA director. The anti-communist Cubans who were being trained in Guatemala, Panama and Florida (the Florida-trained group was eventually asked to relocate by Everette Howard Hunt to Mexico City for security reasons) were under the command of various dissidents and counterrevolutionaries like commanders Manuel Aritime, Pepe San Román of the 2506 Brigade as well as José Miró Cardona and Manuél Varona of the Cuban Democratic Revolutionary Front. These counterrevolutionary forces, specifically the militants, had been organised by Richard Bissel months before Nixon’s inauguration based on the approval of then president MacArthur. Other figures like Gerald Droller, another CIA agent, would be notable for their training and organisation of the 2506 Brigade. And while Nixon was on-board with the proposals from his own involvement in them since 1959, discussions on the plans for further intervention would still take place between Nixon and most of the major departments, from the Treasury, to the Defense, to the State etc...

In these lengthy talks and collaborative discussions, the figures of Nixon’s newly appointed government would take prominence on video and photo footage of the White House archives. William P. Rogers, the Secretary of State, would end up being characterised as much of a yes-man for Nixon since he was assigned to that position due to Nixon’s inherent distrust of the Democrat-heavy position since the Truman days. Other figures in talks with Nixon would also include the more proactive New York governor, Nelson Rockefeller, the Attorney General, and his trusted associate Henry Kissinger, who had earlier directed Rockefeller’s Special Studies Report. And also in the White House was the ever omnipresent Vice President, Walter H. Judd, the staunch anticommunist, who despite his greater focus on Asian affairs kept a keen eye on America’s southern backdoor. In those first months of 1961 discussions and plans were made and approved in the White House. However, more covert operations unknown to even the president and his wider cabinet, were taking place across the US, in a war of secrets, lies, deception and assassins.

Robert Maheu was what one could describe as a typical “Langley cutout”, a careerist in the field of US intelligence who could act as a middleman. He had worked for the FBI and in Las Vegas under the eccentric industrialist Howard Hughes during the 50s, the two figures having had a cordial relationship despite never meeting one another. But in the Summer of 1960, he changed his field of work from the FBI to the CIA. The CIA who were given the green signal by MacArthur to eliminate Castro by any covert means possible, began to consider all options available, including a notorious enemy of the FBI. And within that period of 1960, Maheu under new directive, would begin to establish connections for the CIA with the mob, in plans to “remove” Fidel Castro. His first of many major contacts would start in Las Vegas, meeting up with the West-Coast chief representative of the Chicago Outfit, Johnny “Handsome Johnny” Roselli in September. The two figures would make talks about the ongoing troubles in Cuba, with Maheu presenting himself as a international corporate affiliate. At another meeting in New York, alongside associate James “Big Jim” O’Connell, Maheu initially offered Roselli CIA-backed money worth nearly $200’000. Roselli would decline, saying instead,“I’d rather have that bastard killed for free, consider it an act of patriotic duty to my country,”. From this establishment of relations, Roselli would further introduce the agent to the mob bosses interested in the scheme. The two figures introduced to Maheu were top bosses, Sam Giancana, head of the Chicago mob and Santo Trafficante, head of the Tampa Mafia in Florida. Both had vested interests in Cuba and like the federal government,were concerned about the communist governments’ expropriation of their businesses, mostly casinos and other money-making operations. Giancana was the first to recommend the use of poison pills and to supply them to his contact who was close to Castro, Juan Orta. In the following months, meetups would be conducted by Maheu and his underworld associates to finalise everything. The CIA would then be instructed about the technical requirements for the assassination. James O’Connell would act as Maheu’s superior within the CIA’s Operational Support Division. O’Connell would use his work and successes thereof to further his position in the CIA’s Far East Division.

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The CIA's Skeletons in the Closet, from left to right: Johnny Roselli, Sam Giancana, Santo Trafficante, and James O' Connell
With these plans for an assassination in place, by the onset of January 30th 1961, the CIA had provided the six pills which were instilled with extremely deadly Botulinum toxin, a poison which checked all the quotas required for the operation. These pills had cost multiple delays in the latter part of September to November 1960 due to the extensive testing by the CIA’s Technical Services Division. The pills eventually passed the checklist for water solubility, traceability, and “sufficient lethality”, all under similar criteria of another obscure project at that point, codenamed MK-ULTRA. In Febuary, Juan Orta began his assignment. It would be his first and last assignment...

It was on that faithful day of March 5th, that Cuba’s trajectory would be forever changed. Situated in Havana’s Palacio Presidencial (Presidential Palace), was the revolutionary leader and his new government. They resided there after the successes of their recent revolution as well as to establish their legitimacy, suffice to say however, they were far from rest. Castro was organised with his closest confidants. However, there was amongst them a mole, specifically Juan Orta, the one figure who unlike many of his other “former” comrades, had somehow not been removed or purged. Orta’s position would’ve otherwise been considered a miracle, especially considering how much Castro had recently kept only his most loyal supporters by his side. But it seemed that figuring out the matters of one’s government had to be pushed to the side a little as Castro discussed the continuation of buying more Soviet armaments with the rest of his council. Issues arose amongst the men’s talks about whether to continue contact with the Chinese communists, considering the effects of the Sino-Soviet split. Orta wasn’t even that close to the inner circle with castro like Che Guevara, the current Minister of Industries. But despite his position as a glorified junior secretary, he still got closer to the big man himself than anyone else. And it was in that evening that as the men stood around the table with papers, Orta was asked by Raúl Castro, the Minister of Defense, to prepare drinks for himself and his brother Fidel. Guevara declined the offer, he wasn’t a fan of alcohol. Orta nodded and got the Rum & Coke ready.

Although he didn’t show it, it was in that moment that Juan Orta’s adrenaline rushed through him! The clock in the room began to tick louder and louder with each move he made. TICK! He got two glasses and first poured in the rum. TICK! Then he poured in the cola, momentarily wiping the sweat from his brow. TICK! And with a careful slight of hand, he poured the poison pill powder into the two drinks. He had crushed 3 of his last poison pills earlier. TICK! If anyone had spotted the powder from his sleeve, he would be arrested, and summarily executed tomorrow. Keeping this in mind he gulped and maintained his composure as best he could. TICK! It looked to him like the most difficult moment had passed. And as he cut and inserted the limes and ice, he moved to the two men, Raúl and Fidel Castro. TICK! And with that he handed them their drinks. Raúl took the first sip as Fidel did the same right after. TICK! Orta would remain in the building for the rest of the evening as he tended to his duties as a secretary. Finally, when he came back home from the job his feet began to feel colder. As soon as he could, Orta got his nearest phone and got into contact with his mafia superiors. Sill unsure if the pills had worked or not, he wasn’t going to risk it.

On the 7th of March 1961, Allen Dulles was seated in his office in the E street Building. With the day still in it’s morning hours, sun rising, Dulles looked through some reports that he had requested from the other departments. The front titles on the papers all had the typical TOP SECRET plastered on them with unique code-names. One old report was codenamed Operation Mongoose, another was Operation Little Dragon, another one was a report on the Congo Crisis and the last was simply titled Electrogravitic Theory. In the midst of overviewing this paperwork submitted to him, the new CIA headquarters was nearly done being built. The community of Langley was a perfect fit for the director’s ambitions for the agency. It was close yet separate from Washington D.C., the complex had a campus-like arrangement to it and the best part was that it allowed for the agency’s expansion. But as he was looking through the Operation Little Dragon report, analysing some U-2 pictures from a recent mission to China, he received a phone call. The timing was a little odd to him, but he picked up the ringing phone nonetheless.

“Allen Dulles speaking,”

“Good morning to you too Charles, that’s very good to hear,”

“Oh really? Is that so?,”

“Hasn’t been announced yet? Okay, I see, thank you for letting me know,”

“Excellent, I want you to send O’Connel and Maheu to my office. ASAP,”

“Good, and keep that report in mind, tell them that their “guy” can’t be let loose you understand? We can’t be having loose ends running around. I’ll let the president know of things once the news breaks out!,”

“Yes, and... wait a bit for now, we’ve got half the effort done in this operation. And making sure that we keep that success is gonna be fundmental to the invasion plans. Got it?,”

“Okay, that’ll do, see you soon Charles,”

Allen Dulles took his lit pipe from his desk holder and puffed on it some more as he sat back comfortably. The first phase of plans, the terrorism and covert operations had been a striking success. The red despot of Cuba had finally fallen, and with it would the rest of his country in what would become known as the Bay of Casilda Invasion!

The death of Fidel and Raúl Castro would send shockwaves across the world that surprised even the US government and much of the CIA itself! And with shock across the world, many would come to see the events that unfolded after Castro’s death to have been inevitable. Afterall, just like with Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Hispaniola, these countries were in America’s direct sphere. Analysts would discuss the events of Cuba and it’s significance with the wider Cold War ongoing at that time. Much of the present consensus of the 21st century agrees that Cuba, trying to counter the US’s hegemony in that region was bound to fail. And certainly not a socialist Cuban regime of all things! But at that point, Nixon, now under the impression that Dulles’ plans were going very well would dedicate more resources and time to the upcoming invasion of the Cuban islands. On March 24th, after a press conference on the Laos and Indochina crisis the day before, Nixon would approve a direct plan for Cuba. The president would approve of the infamous invasion plan titled Operation TRINIDAD. Based on the original plan of the same name, it had recently been modified by US military planners and by US Air Force Chief of Staff Curtis LeMay. The new focus was on a more concentrated invasion area of the Trinidad county and a complete dedication by the Air Force to bomb “all communist infrastructure”. Nixon’s Secretary of Defense Thomas Gates, along with General LeMay, would present these plans to the president in full on the 24th. Bissel who was there at the final approval also had an input, declaring that,“All the guerrillas are trained Mr. President, the green little men are at their highest morale and we now have the CRC (Cuban Revolutionary Council) to back it all up,” From there, By the 6th of April 1961, preliminary airstrikes were carried out by the US Air Forces with nearly all of Cuba’s major sites bombed to ashes or at least continuously bombed for the rest of the war’s duration until the Anti-Castro forces had gained enough power to support themselves. The conflict was being reported on across the world with multiple figures across the Eastern bloc back in Europe denouncing the intervention as US-imperialism. Ernesto “Che” Guevara, now the leading figure of the Cuban state called out for “Total resistance against imperialism and capitalist America” amongst the populus. Suffice to say however, even amongst those who had taken part in the July 26th movement, many had begun to resent the socialist regime since Castro’s power consolidation. Many of those who had fought alongside Castro and Che, like the imprisoned Huber Matos, the defected Raúl Ribas and Manuel Artime would all become common names amongst those commanding the fight of the Cuban Civil War. On the 7th of April in that same year, the invasion forces consisting of 6 landing divisions including a paratroop division would land using US equipment. The most infamous battalion of defected Cubans, known as the Blindado Battalion or Brigade 2506, would be the frontal assault force in the Bay of Casilda invasion. Using the advantage of constant air support, in only a few days, the whole province of Trinidad would be overwhelmed by the attackers. The Anti-Castro faction would also soon be referred to as the Anti-Guevarites, and would consist of moderate liberals, to social-democrats, to anarchists, to hardliner capitalists!


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From left to right: Fidel Castro (deceased), Raúl Castro (deceased) and Che Guevara (defacto leader of the Communist government)

In the turbulence of Cuban affairs and covert operations, Nixon’s administration could at least assign the invasion as having been successful. Allen Dulles and others like him in the CIA were awarded with medals and shook hands with the president as the Anti-Guevara faction steadily reclaimed the island with US support. But, like all things, the victory was short-lived and soon enough Nixon would have to deal with other international issues. The Congo-crisis for one was a matter that was spiraling out of control. A peaceful resolution between Kasa-Vubu’s Congo government and Moise Tshombe’s new Katangan State had taken place. And the occasion was organised by the UN General-Secretary Dag Hammarskjöld as a “Resolution to recognise self-determination and cooperation,”. The formal agreement between the two central African countries was promising to say the least. And across the western world, approval by governments in that sphere, particularly amongst the Belgian government were seen and heard. Former Prime Minister Lumumba’s still-recent opening of the country to the Soviet sphere still presented issues however. When the Soviet influence came to the country with the over thousand Soviet military and technical advisors, many in the right of the government saw this as a betrayal to the country. But when Mobutu had dealt with the Soviet Union “issue of influence” replacing much of them with his own committee of technocratic advisors, the left of the government now threatened the government with claims of illegitimacy. And these issues as always, manifested in the form of civil strife for the country. With these recent moves having been carried out by Kasa-Vubu’s government, Antoine Gizenga, a left-leaning member of the former Lumumba government, had declared a separatist Free Republic of the Congo from it’s new base in Stanleyville! Conflict was still burning across the Heart of Africa and the situation required more attention from the US. Nixon would act on the Congo crisis in the months to follow, supporting the UN’s peacekeeping forces as well as the two other western-aligned factions of the war. Emphasis on funds from the CIA were also focused on General Joseph Mobutu, a man who would soon gain more notoriety in the years to come.

And as if the Nixon administration couldn’t catch a break, a new crisis in July of 1962 would begin to unfold. Initially, minor reports from CIA agents stationed in Taiwan had reached the Far East Division’s office back in the US. In these reports, the agents, working alongside the Kuomintang government’s National Security Bureau (NSB - 國家安全局) led by Dai Li under Generalissimo Chiang, had stated that military drills and mock-invasion training had increased tenfold under the administration of planner Deng Longguang. US intelligence knew it just as well as those high in the US civilian government, Taiwan was about to attempt it’s plans for the mainland and bring Chiang’s dreams to reality...

This crisis on the other side of the planet was developing rapidly, soon to become one of the greatest focal points of the 20th century!



February 1961-August 1961 – Two Germanies and the European Economy

Over the last few months since the election of Richard Nixon, Europe had been experiencing many changes, both international and national. However, most eyes lay on the proceedings in Europe’s heart, Germany. Germany both east and west since the end of the second world war had emerged from a war-torn wasteland into the revitalised emerging power of the continent. For West Germany (formed in 1948), one of the most successful renewals of an economy ever seen would be taken under the administration of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and his Finance Minister Ludwig Erhard. Similarly, but not as pronounced for East Germany, Walter Ulbricht, the First Scretary of the SED (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands) and leader of the German Democratic Republic, had overseen the rebuilding of his side of Germany, with economic and technological development being at the forefront of his planning. Many government figures in either East and West were staunchly opposed to each others’ legitimacy. The western German government had even gone on to establish the Hallstein Doctrine with it’s key architects being Wilhelm Grewe and Walter Hallstein, two important German politicians at this point in time. The Hallstein Doctrine, like many anti-communist and nationalist doctrines espoused by many ideologically-split nations, was a means on the foreign theatre to isolate and illegitimise the East German communist state. This policy of West Germany’s “Alleinvertretungsanspruch” would have varying degrees of success in the years to come since 1955.

West Germany had also been at the forefront of the European binding of states through the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1952 via the Paris Treaty, and then more directly through the establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC) and European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) in 1957 through the Treaty of Rome. Key figures in these events had been Walter Hallstein, French diplomats, Robert Schuman, Jean Monnet, and Italian statesman Antonio Segni, just to name a few. And with these developments, and its joining of the NATO alliance in the 50s, West Germany had been able to rebuild much of the broken relations with those who had been warred with from the 30s and 40s. Another facet to Germany’s rapid recuperation was it’s rebuilding of its strong industrial base and scientific intelligentsia. The German government had initiated multiple business-plans in that time-frame as well, with multiple agreements with the industrial heads and now rehabilitated “Betriebsführer” of the NS days having been made. In time, former institutions like the Chemical Industry Group, “Verband der Chemischen Industrie” (VCI) setup in 1950 and the German Research Foundation, “Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft” (DFG) in a 1951 government merger of two other organisations, would go on to flourish in the rebuilding process. Despite their dubious backgrounds, figures like Konrad Meyer, the new head of the DFG, and Hermann Schlosser, who rebuilt the VCI. Men like them were the remnants of Germany’s intelligentsia and were urgently needed to fill in the roles of the many leading figures who had led Germany’s industry prior to 1945. This fact of former Nazi-party members, such as even the executives of IG Farben having been acquitted after the IG Farben Trial in Nürembeg, was known and even reported on by many. And this all despite the West German government's attempt to sweep this under the rug. The East German, “Deutsche Demokratische Republic” (DDR), was most outspoken in their resentment of the fact. This criticism of West German industry was constantly shown with the state having released propaganda films like “Der Rat Der Götter” (Council of the Gods) in 1950.


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Hermann Schlosser, founder of the modern VCI

The series of research councils (Forschungsräte) which had been setup by individual industrialists and scientists funded by the government, and the approval of the German “Forschungsföderungsgesetze” of the 50s, much to the recommendations of Ludwig Erhard (who had been inspired to implement them based on former President MacArthur’s own military research initiatives), had helped rebound and further German and European science as a whole. Nowhere was this more seen than at the 1961 Hannover Messe, (Hannover Fair) in April. Hermann Schlosser, who had become head of the board for the chemical giant Degussa, was out and about, attending this fair no less. He had walked through the large exhibition hall and took keen observations at the variety of technologies and novel business ideas offered at each booth. Looking for inspiration he noted down some technologies and even spoke to a Japanese businessman who spoke to him of the potential for a new “Lean” mode of factory production. Having had some interesting discussions and talks along the way, one piece of technology caught his attention in more than the rest though. He was at a booth wherein a interesting computor-controlled device was drawing elaborate patterns and repeating designs. He spoke to the machine’s inventor, Konrad Zuse, who told him that the device was called a plotter, this model being the Z64 Graphomat. It was used for computational art and design. All of it was mathematically programmed, and was powered using new transistor hardware. Zuse and Schlosser spoke about computers for a bit, Zuse telling him of his career as a computer scientist, and electrification of the devices. Schlosser having been a businessman and chemicals-specialist first and foremost, saw the great advantages to the technology in potentially improving the processes in factories. And as Zuse excused himself to talk to another onlooker, another interested computer technician, Schlosser looked at the machine draw out another fascinating diagram. The wavy patterns of the device, the Z64 Plotter operating in perfect precision was nearly hypnotic to the naked eye. But Schlosser eventually moved on, computers, lean manufacturing, what else could catch the man’s interest?

But then, stopping at another booth, Schlosser spotted a plastic-manufacturing process by the Lahn-Kunstoffe company, they were showing a streamlined method of production that lowered the cost for decorative item moulds. As far as he remembered, he was sure that a former superior of his, Gerhard Peters, was the leading executive of that company. Close-by however was one more booth, this one under the brand of BRABAG. The coal and carbon fuels company was well-known for the myriad of funds that had been thrown at it for synthetic fuels during the NS years. And despite the fact that everything they had built was destroyed after 1945, somehow, over the last few years, they had rebuilt their standing in the German economy. The company had been broken down somewhat after East Germany’s nationalisation of the industry, especially in Silesia. Assets from the reduced KRUPP company were granted to them shortly after the Budesrepublik in West Germany had been declared. This had been to compensate for their eastern losses to the DDR. All-in-all, this revitalization and rebuilding of BRABAG and other related synthetic fuel companies had been swift and a somewhat unexpected turn for many in the European political sphere. However, the recent policies of austerity in France due to current French president Charles De Gaulle, had surely left it’s impression on Adenauer, who believed that economic interplay between their nations was the best path forward. Some in the German Bundestag, like Eugen Gerstenmaier opposed these recent actions as “welfarism” by the state.

Reaching the stand, Schlosser began to speak with one of the spokesmen at the booth. The spokesman, named Walter, told him that the company was growing in size as the need for synthetic fuels had been greatly subsidised by the government. Current plans were to increase the infrastructure to levels were the fuel could be manufactured and sold at prices just below standard ground oils from the Middle-Eastern Gulf. As cheap as middle eastern petrochemicals had gotten, the concept of subsidising such resources for Fischer-Tropsch or Lurgi-Ruhrgas methods of synthetic fuel production seemed... ambitious, maybe even unlikely, but... possible.

The advent of space travel had rocked the world into a race for space that had many new ramifications for the current technology. In 1957, the first artificial satellite, Sputnik 1, was launched by the researchers of the USSR. Chief architect of the launch, Sergei Korolev was narrowly followed behind by the US’s own satellite launch, Explorer 1, (After Sputnik 2) in 1958. The key figure of much of this catch-up was the German-now-American scientist Wernher von Braun, who had led the ABMA (Army Ballistic Missile Agency) rocket testing site with his Peenemünde cohorts from Germany. With these artificial satellites high up in the region of Low Earth Orbit (LEO), they now presented a new advanced form of advanced communication. With the power of an artificial satellite, mapped imagery of the Earth, faster travel times in the sky, and especially, telecommunications capabilities, could now be utilised to bring the nation ever closer and improve the means by which people could communicate with one another. The big two powers of this current global cold war, were able to launch the all these early satellites into space for their own national interests. Other nations in-between the big two, either in the east, south or the centre, sought satellite technology too. Nowhere was this demand more observed than in the country of Italy of all things! It was in the early days of August that two of the largest Italian telecommunications companies were in talks about the formation of a join-venture.

Giovanni Polvani was a well-regarded physicist who had recently become helmsman of the Italian National Research Council or CNR (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche). While Polvani himself wasn’t as astute with rocket sciences like many of his other colleagues, being better-read in the fields of electromagnetism and general thermodynamics, he did have a knack for setting up committees and organisations by which emergent young scientists could establish their work. And as it turned out, in the beginning of August, he had been sent a proposition by two leading company chairmen for overseeing a new space prospect. He sat in his office and took a sip of his esperesso, and looked at the plans. The two men, Carlo Enrico Martinato, of the Italcable company and Marcello Rodinò di Miglione, of RAI Broadcasting, had proposed a corporate joint-venture between the two businesses to setup a new satellite management company, Telespazio. The two businessmen had proposed that the CNR support the venture with scientific reserch and space-technology know-how that would be required to launch such artificial satellites. Telespazio, under the auspices of both the CNR and the Italian Post and Telecommunications Ministry would be able to successfully begin to launch satellites in the span of the next 5 years with further proposals for more telecom projects later on. The idea seemed like one worth pursuing to Polvani. Plus, it would give the people of Italy something to be inspired by in this era of division. Especially considering the political divides in the Italian Parliament, wherein the Christian Democratic government was on thin ice against the Communist or Socialist Parties of the leftist tide. Polvani gave his signature on the paper. Though the idea of the new space company reminded him of a report he heard of last year. Recalling that it was published by the Committee for Space Research, it had mentioned the use of an equatorial launch site for the most energy-efficient launch. One of the suggestions for that was... Kenya, right..? He took a last sip of his espresso as he put the cup back on the saucer,

Clink!

Heinz Rechner was just another German living in Berlin. And if the banners of the “Sozialistiche Volksrepublik”, he walked past wasn’t a dead giveaway as to what side he was on, then the name of the road, “Karl-Liebknecht-Straße”, would tell the rest of the story. And as it happened to be all across the East German State, people were emigrating out of the country into West Germany. Most went through the legal loophole that was West Berlin, acquiring often Visas to leave or simply going to the other side. Heinz knew plenty of friends, friends of friends and even just some local neighbours who had left the East to refuge in the West. Heinz himself wasn’t overtly fussed about getting out himself though, the country had gotten better, more stable at the very least, and while often repressive, it wasn’t totally negative either. His wife and two children lived here and he knew of the rumours that spread across the local community. People telling him about how “they’ll hear you,” how this state group “will make you disappear,” and “your own wife could be listening, telling them of your disloyalty to the state,” and other such rumours. He wasn’t going to risk anything, if the worst rumours of torture were to be believed, then it was best for him to keep his head down and keep going to work. He, like many other able men, was a construction worker, having been assigned by his building manager that they were to keep building at the East-West divide. All over the border, guards and police watched, their batons and guns at the ready as the construction workers kept toiling at their graft. Large concrete-panel walls were erected across the divide and Heinz like the other workers knew why. With all the thousands that had already left, probably in the millions since 1946, it was no surprise that the DDR and the USSR had come to the decision that a wall was required to keep people in.

Indeed, Walter Ulbricht, the First Secretary of the DDR, had eagerly asked Khrushchev for the erection of a wall between East and West since the halfway-mark of 1961. Seeing it as a necessity to prevent further weakening of East Germany’s declining demographics. This contrasted with his original statements that there would be no wall, having said in June 20th,"Niemand hat die Absicht, eine Mauer zu errichten!," (No one has the intention of building a wall). Alongside his worries for East German decline in demographics, the recent defense initiatives by the Western states also furthered worries. This included West Germany’s joining of NATO in May of 1954, and similarly the attempt at a European Defense Community proposed in the treaty of Paris in 1952. Khrushchev was initially worried about the international reaction to such an undertaking. But, the US’s direct intervention of the Cuban crisis with heavy-handed air support to the Anti-Guevarist faction convinced him that he needed to show strength against the US. Afterall, the territory was in the DDR’s sovereign control.
And as construction continued on, the grave consequences for the relations between East and West would make themselves more manifest than ever before.


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Construction of the Berlin Wall begins after much planning



17th-30th September 1961 – Hammarskjöld’s delegation and Trials in Africa

Another plane flew into the sky as it left the terrain of the tarmac runway. Dag looked out the large window panel, eyes looking up with curiosity as he was seated on a bench. The airport terminal he was in felt and appeared a lot smaller than what others of his native Sweden would be used to, it totally paled in quality with his travels by plane and with the airports across western nations. But, ever since his experience in Arabia during the Suez-crisis, he had gotten rapidly used to such situations. Two of his colleagues were also close-by, sitting opposite to him as one checked his watch, tapping his foot on the airport terminal floor. Dag Hjalmer Hammarskjöld was a very important figure in this period of worldwide tension. Being the current General-Secretary of the United Nations was no easy burden for any man to bear, yet Hammarskjöld held his head high in the role. He was well-known for his reformist, pacifist mentality combined with a geopolitical know-how and approach to politics that many could easily have envied. Having brought a strictly neutral approach to leading the recently formed peacekeeping forces of the UN, the political pressure would continue to stack up against him. Europeans, Americans, Soviets, Chinese, everyone had their own agendas in mind, and all of them wanted to use the UN for whatever need they wished to fulfill. Hammarskjöld, knew that he had to keep the organisation as neutral as possible, and while nominally sided with the west, an overt amount of Western influence in the system would surely cause anger amongst those in the Eastern sphere of the well-established Iron Curtain.


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Dag Hammarskjöld, First General-Secretary of the UN and well-regarded International Peacekeeping Diplomat

This crisis in the Congo only made the issues and pressure more obvious to Hammarskjöld than at any other period. The Belgian government and their mining companies had vested interests in the Heart of Africa, as did the Soviets and Americans in getting allies amongst the resource-rich nation. It wouldn’t have surprised Hammarskjöld if Patrice Lumumba, who had been 1st Prime Minister of the fledgling Congo Nation, was captured and killed due to some external manipulation from outside Africa. And as followed with this, he and his colleagues were being presently guarded by the best security that the UN could fund, and these guards consisted of soldiers and suited men. The “men in suits” Hammarskjöld referred to them as, stood around the main group as they were soon to take the next flight to Ndola airport in Northern Rhodesia. The whole delegation of 16 people was to leave from the Leopoldville airport soon today. One of the guards that sat beside Hammarskjöld was Seargent Frank Eivers. The Irishman accompanying the delegation was one of many Irish that had been brought into the UN under the peacekeeping forces. The Irish Defense Forces was a military force from a primarily neutral nation, Ireland, akin to Hammarskjöld’s own nation, Sweden. With many of the peacekeeping forces having been attacked on occasion by the Seperatist groups of Katanga, peace and negotiations with the separatist leader, Moïse Tshombe, seemed like the best option to Hammaskjöld at that point. Calls had been made by the Congo government in Leopoldville for direct use of the UN forces against the secessionists. But despite these requests from figures like Kasa-Vubu or General Mobutu, the prevailing neutral stance of Hammarskjöld’s leadership of the UN had trumped their calls. Still though, time was ticking and it was only a matter of time before further secession was attempted by opportunists to further the bloodshed spilled by the crisis.

Hammarskjöld, still partially in thought, went towards the restrooms closeby,entering one of the bathroom stalls. He heard someone else to his left open the door and flush the toilet. With a rough BANG! of the door as the person hurriedly left, Hammarskjöld shortly finished up after and exited his stall. He noticed a slip of paper on the floor however.

“That hasn’t been there before... has it?,”

Hammarskjöld thought to himself as he picked up the paper off the floor. His eyes widened as he read what was written on the paper slip.

“Do not board the Albertina.
Reschedule your flight at a minimum of 2 days from now.
Do not tell anyone of this note.
This is for your own safety.”

Written in perfect Swedish, Hammarskjöld looked at the paper up, down, and all over. Harrowed by this, and with thought at the back of his head of sabotage, he looked all around him, opening each stall as subtely as he could before opening the door out of the restrooms. No one was around... whoever had left the stall beside him, whoever had left the note out for him, was gone now...

The UN delegation led by Hammarskjöld, would end up flying from Leopoldville on the 21st of September in the evening, landing in Ndola airport on the 22nd of September early in the morning. The original plane flight was delayed for a few days due to Hammarskjöld “feeling unwell”. The chief security officer of the UNOC, who was the leading security man for the delegation, Harold M. Julien, was originally a little skeptical of just how sick Hammarskjöld had felt. As if the General-Secretary was stalling time for some reason. In that time, Julien was asked to check the DC-6 aeroplane’s internals, for safety. And contrary to his suspicions, nothing was out of order. And by the 21st, Hammarskjöld, feeling better, and a little less tense after being told about the plane safety-check, was ready to board the plane to get the meeting up and running. The delegation would end up landing safely in the town of Ndola. The town, located at the border of Katanga was a place of refuge for Tshombe. He had fled there since the initial September push of UN peacekeeping forces. However, the hardiness of his Katangan forces and European mercenaries for hire had done a good job of holding back the UN’s Blue-berets, and now the UN delegation, lead by the General-Secretary himself was to appear before him to organise a cease-fire.

The results of the discussions that took place in Ndola from the 22nd to the 23rd led to a successful cease-fire amongst the forces of the Katangans and the UN. Dag Hammarskjöld was described to have been very pleased with the outcome. And Tshombe expressed views of being open for further peace delegations between his still-unrecognized state and the Congo government in Leopoldville. This ceasefire was eventually followed up with the Leopoldville-Elisabethville Agreement, after a series of discussions from the 25th to the 30th. Those involved in the discussions included figures like Kasa-Vubu, Hammarskjöld, Tshombe, Mobutu, Justin-Marie Bomboko and Evariste Kimba. Many of the Congo government were initially apprehensive to the idea of an independant Katangan nation. But many eventually relented due to other issues being of bigger priority. Antoine Gizenga’s secession in Stanleyville was a bigger worry since the recognition of his movement by the Eastern Bloc nations. Another push was the subtle pressure from the Nixon administration, which had come to recognise the Tshombe as a legitimate leader of Katanga. To many conservative republican and democrat politicians alike, Tshombe was a leading figure that fit well with the conservative Anti-communist, yet liberalising and racially-conscious leader of an upcoming African state. Overall, the talks and resulting agreement represented a great political victory for Tshombe who would continue his presidency over Katanga.

The agreement stipulated that the main tenets of Katanga’s independance would be allowed on the basis that; Katanga would maintain economic trade and monetary unity with the Congo. That Katanga would be allied with the Congo in the case of any insurgency respective of either participant country. And that Katangan administration would not interfere with any internal politics in the Congo so as to undermine the Congo’s government.

With this agreement ratified by either side, Katanga relented its immediate support for South-Kasai’s inependance, which would temporarily remain an Autonomous Province under the greater jurisdiction of the Congo government, headed in Leopoldville. Those that were involved, while indifferent or optimistic towards the deal (depending on what side of the conflict they’d been on), were at least satisfied with some sort of peace. The two forces of the Gendarmerie Katangaise and the Armée Naitonale Congolaise would end up operating together under their respective commanders, Joseph Yav, and Joseph-Désiré Mobutu. This joining of forces was done to combat Gizenga’s rebellion per the stipulations of the agreement made some few days earlier. Nixon even commented on the agreement stating,”I’m very happy for president Tshombe, the Katangan people’s right to self-determination and that Hammarskjöld was able to make peace happen... -it’s rare that such bitter enemies can cooperate to the degree seen here today,”. At the event, Dag Hammarskjöld was quoted to have said simply,"Thank you everyone, today has been tiring..., but for one day less bloodshed, I think that’s more than worth it,”.
According to those who had worked with Hammarskjöld since the meeting at Ndola, and even for years later, many would comment that Hammarskjöld seemed more anxious than before, after he “felt unwell” at Leopoldville...
 
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New chapter's up lads, this is the longest one I've made so far. It covers many aspects across the world, and already quite a few large changes compared to OTL. Many of the events here will only continue to further deviate more and more with each next entry.
I also managed to include a lot of intrigue and conspiracy within parts of this chapter, so lemme know what you think of these tonal changes. Many of the events portrayed are also highly speculative, but grounded in reality to the best of my ability.

Anyways, China, the main event of the 60s, will be next up on the chopping block! I'll let you lot speculate on that one.
 
The CIA which successfully assassinates a head of state? This is unprecedented!

Lots of information about German industry and the Italian space program that I have to look closely to see what has changed.

But France, with the five-year deadline for the Italian project, has a good chance of still being the 3rd space power with the Asterix satellite :)
 
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