Dublin 1922 - British attack Four Courts
- Thread starter theirishdreamer
- Start date
theirishdreamer
Banned
Chapter 3 : Last Days of the Liberals
As the crisis grew, the morning of the 27th was disturbingly calm in terms of military actions, as a flurry of diplomatic activity, negotiations and recriminations moved back and forth internally and between the leaderships of both the Irish and British governments. Unknown to the British the senior Republican military leadership had arrived for secret talks in regards a response to the crisis, this meeting taking place in Dame Street at a tailors shop (where Collins procured his uniforms) to avoid public attention. This would form the basis for re-integrating of the pro and anti factions of the Army and for the return of anti-Treaty TD's to the Dail over the following two days, and also the focus on the part of the Collins and Mulchahy on delaying an redeclaration of the Republic for several weeks to allow defensive plans to put in place and to allow possible raising of revenue and off import of arms before the restart of what would likely be a long war. This was opposed by Erskine Childers, though supported by a injured Liam Lynch (injured during the Four Courts fighting) who felt that an immediate declaration would force Llyod George to accept the Republic as a fiat accompli, surprisingly the view of Collins and Mulchahy would find strong support within the Republican leadership centred around de Valera, Aiken and O'Malley who felt a longer delay would only serve to strengthen the declaration as a result of British intransigence and unwilling to negotiate, and when fighting resumed they would be in a stronger position. By late evening of the 29th these negotiations would largely be completed, the military structure been largely similar to before the Treaty split and with the Army Council deciding upon limiting conventional combat with British forces to where either success seemed likely or where upon making a stand for morale reasons was required (Dublin and Cork) and reverting back to a flying column structure when success in conventional means was no longer likely. This, the so-called Mulchahy-Brugha Strategy would form the basis of the Irish resistance in the first fifteen months of the conflict. By the 30th a limited mobilization was starting to occur; with significant forces being moved into the Dublin area over the following three day period, orders also when out for accessing and developing any weapons for any likely conflict; this being focused mainly on modifying the Lancia's into armoured vehicles and creating ad-hoc armoured cars. (such at the Queen of the West).
One curious aspect of the restart of the Anglo-Irish war is the fact of the Dail debates held between the 29th of June and 9th July were largely within range of the British forces, and only few miles from these discussions violent clashes were occurring between this period between patrols of both sides, and of the fact the General Macready would be attendance at the session held on the 2nd attempting to persuade the Dail to hold to terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December and that recompense would be made for the actions in the Four Courts. This can explained by the British desire to not further escalate the conflict and the Irish reformed Government to make a symbolic statement of attempting to abide by the terms of the 1921 Treaty, this strategy would largely be successful within the Imperial Dominions, and also to a lesser degree with other international governments; this being helped due to the large international press presence in Dublin owing to the previously assumed possible conflict between the Irish factions. This coverage would prove damaging to the prestige of the British government as the consequences of the attack progressed in both nations. While this official strategy of the government remaining in Dublin was on display, on the 28th the departments of the Provisional Government had begun evacuating, while some records were destroyed the large part of these records, primarily the court and tax records, would disperse to various safe-house along with most importantly the recently raised tax revenues. Much has been made of the fact of the ability of the Irish Government to evacuate overnight by both the press at the time and by various historians but when looked at objectively the “Dublin Jailbreak” as it became know had occurred in the early stages of the negotiations without the British Military or international press noticing and when the Government fled Dublin only a skeleton service and the debating Parliamentarians remained rather than the view of a sudden efficient midnight evacuation has has been held.
In Britain the Irish crisis was continuing to evolve on the 29th with Llyod George moving to offer concessions to the Provisional Government in regards the Four Courts attack, this though was bitterly opposed with the Cabinet by Churchill and the Conservatives who felt that the attack itself had been justified, this would develop into recriminations against Churchill from within his own party over the course of the next three days as the press turned on the Government for answers and on the evening of the 2nd Llyod George requesting Churchills resignation by the evening of the following day, on the morning of the 3rd a meeting would take place in the Carlton Club of senior members of the Conservatives and Churchill. That evening they confronted Llyod George over his “mishandling” of the Irish situation and he should step down as Prime Minister and that the Conservatives would fight the resulting election independently of the coalition, with Churchill standing as a Conservative. This action would lead to Bonar Law taking position of Prime Minister on the 4th with an election being announced to occur immediately. This decision only served to further increase the paralysis on the British side, the clashes between the factions which was originally preventing the deployment of units to Ireland owing to fears of escalation was to be further delayed (to the great anger of the Earl of Cavan and General Macready) owing to the election. On the morning of the 5th the bitterness of the clashes between Llyod George and Churchill would make its way in the public with Llyod George and many Liberal MP's branding Churchill was indulging “in martial feats out of blood-lust” and the crisis was “Winston finally got the war he wanted”. This would only prove to make the election of July 1922 a hotbed of radicalization and accusations that proved of little benefit to the Liberals electorally, the polarization instead only serving to harden attitudes of Tories and increase the Labour vote. The Last Days of the Liberal Party in following months would prove a sad end for such a noble party by the Irish Question it could never quite answer.
Militarily the associated political crisis proved disastrous for the forces in Ireland, their orders being often contradictory in the early stages, followed by demands from the cabinet to reduce chances of escalation, this would prove to increasingly difficult for General Macready as he elements on both sides seemed intent on escalation, and while he had a degree autonomy in regards military activity the paralysis of the Government prevented his capacity to make urgently need political negotiations. By the morning of the 29th several deaths had occurred in Dublin between his units as former anti-Treaty units had attacked a supply convoy near Kingstown (Dun Laoighaire) making off with several dozens rifles and a thousand rounds of ammunition, in Cork on the morning of the 1st a firefight had erupted between the West Cork Brigade and a patrol by a Lt. Montgomery near Queesntown (Cobh). Even more disturbingly on the 4th July elements from General Cameron's Northern Command had moved into Donegal with Royal Ulster Constabulary support to “restore law and order” in violation of the Treaty, this action appears to have been due to at instigation of Unionist Tories with support of Bonar Law in his new position as PM. The following day elements of the IRA's Northern Division killed several members of patrol near Enniskilleen before being driven off. Most disturbing of all by the 5th Macready became aware of increased movement of Irish troops into Dublin and of co-operation between anti-Treaty and Free State units, and that his position was becoming increasingly precarious as the reinforcements and supplies originally supposed to arrive had been withheld for political reasons and attacks on his close in patrols and convoys was increasing. As such he requested on the 6th he requested that reinforcement and resupply within the following week or he would be forced to take action to secure his command by occupying Dublin before the situation became unsustainable. On the 8th he received orders from Bonar Law via Churchill to occupy Dublin as negotiations had failed and was to move against the city on the following day with reinforcements to help him secure the city to arrive with four days. On the morning of the 9th Macready informed the Provisional Government of his intention to occupy Dublin, by 12:00 the Battle of Dublin had begun.
As the crisis grew, the morning of the 27th was disturbingly calm in terms of military actions, as a flurry of diplomatic activity, negotiations and recriminations moved back and forth internally and between the leaderships of both the Irish and British governments. Unknown to the British the senior Republican military leadership had arrived for secret talks in regards a response to the crisis, this meeting taking place in Dame Street at a tailors shop (where Collins procured his uniforms) to avoid public attention. This would form the basis for re-integrating of the pro and anti factions of the Army and for the return of anti-Treaty TD's to the Dail over the following two days, and also the focus on the part of the Collins and Mulchahy on delaying an redeclaration of the Republic for several weeks to allow defensive plans to put in place and to allow possible raising of revenue and off import of arms before the restart of what would likely be a long war. This was opposed by Erskine Childers, though supported by a injured Liam Lynch (injured during the Four Courts fighting) who felt that an immediate declaration would force Llyod George to accept the Republic as a fiat accompli, surprisingly the view of Collins and Mulchahy would find strong support within the Republican leadership centred around de Valera, Aiken and O'Malley who felt a longer delay would only serve to strengthen the declaration as a result of British intransigence and unwilling to negotiate, and when fighting resumed they would be in a stronger position. By late evening of the 29th these negotiations would largely be completed, the military structure been largely similar to before the Treaty split and with the Army Council deciding upon limiting conventional combat with British forces to where either success seemed likely or where upon making a stand for morale reasons was required (Dublin and Cork) and reverting back to a flying column structure when success in conventional means was no longer likely. This, the so-called Mulchahy-Brugha Strategy would form the basis of the Irish resistance in the first fifteen months of the conflict. By the 30th a limited mobilization was starting to occur; with significant forces being moved into the Dublin area over the following three day period, orders also when out for accessing and developing any weapons for any likely conflict; this being focused mainly on modifying the Lancia's into armoured vehicles and creating ad-hoc armoured cars. (such at the Queen of the West).
One curious aspect of the restart of the Anglo-Irish war is the fact of the Dail debates held between the 29th of June and 9th July were largely within range of the British forces, and only few miles from these discussions violent clashes were occurring between this period between patrols of both sides, and of the fact the General Macready would be attendance at the session held on the 2nd attempting to persuade the Dail to hold to terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December and that recompense would be made for the actions in the Four Courts. This can explained by the British desire to not further escalate the conflict and the Irish reformed Government to make a symbolic statement of attempting to abide by the terms of the 1921 Treaty, this strategy would largely be successful within the Imperial Dominions, and also to a lesser degree with other international governments; this being helped due to the large international press presence in Dublin owing to the previously assumed possible conflict between the Irish factions. This coverage would prove damaging to the prestige of the British government as the consequences of the attack progressed in both nations. While this official strategy of the government remaining in Dublin was on display, on the 28th the departments of the Provisional Government had begun evacuating, while some records were destroyed the large part of these records, primarily the court and tax records, would disperse to various safe-house along with most importantly the recently raised tax revenues. Much has been made of the fact of the ability of the Irish Government to evacuate overnight by both the press at the time and by various historians but when looked at objectively the “Dublin Jailbreak” as it became know had occurred in the early stages of the negotiations without the British Military or international press noticing and when the Government fled Dublin only a skeleton service and the debating Parliamentarians remained rather than the view of a sudden efficient midnight evacuation has has been held.
In Britain the Irish crisis was continuing to evolve on the 29th with Llyod George moving to offer concessions to the Provisional Government in regards the Four Courts attack, this though was bitterly opposed with the Cabinet by Churchill and the Conservatives who felt that the attack itself had been justified, this would develop into recriminations against Churchill from within his own party over the course of the next three days as the press turned on the Government for answers and on the evening of the 2nd Llyod George requesting Churchills resignation by the evening of the following day, on the morning of the 3rd a meeting would take place in the Carlton Club of senior members of the Conservatives and Churchill. That evening they confronted Llyod George over his “mishandling” of the Irish situation and he should step down as Prime Minister and that the Conservatives would fight the resulting election independently of the coalition, with Churchill standing as a Conservative. This action would lead to Bonar Law taking position of Prime Minister on the 4th with an election being announced to occur immediately. This decision only served to further increase the paralysis on the British side, the clashes between the factions which was originally preventing the deployment of units to Ireland owing to fears of escalation was to be further delayed (to the great anger of the Earl of Cavan and General Macready) owing to the election. On the morning of the 5th the bitterness of the clashes between Llyod George and Churchill would make its way in the public with Llyod George and many Liberal MP's branding Churchill was indulging “in martial feats out of blood-lust” and the crisis was “Winston finally got the war he wanted”. This would only prove to make the election of July 1922 a hotbed of radicalization and accusations that proved of little benefit to the Liberals electorally, the polarization instead only serving to harden attitudes of Tories and increase the Labour vote. The Last Days of the Liberal Party in following months would prove a sad end for such a noble party by the Irish Question it could never quite answer.
Militarily the associated political crisis proved disastrous for the forces in Ireland, their orders being often contradictory in the early stages, followed by demands from the cabinet to reduce chances of escalation, this would prove to increasingly difficult for General Macready as he elements on both sides seemed intent on escalation, and while he had a degree autonomy in regards military activity the paralysis of the Government prevented his capacity to make urgently need political negotiations. By the morning of the 29th several deaths had occurred in Dublin between his units as former anti-Treaty units had attacked a supply convoy near Kingstown (Dun Laoighaire) making off with several dozens rifles and a thousand rounds of ammunition, in Cork on the morning of the 1st a firefight had erupted between the West Cork Brigade and a patrol by a Lt. Montgomery near Queesntown (Cobh). Even more disturbingly on the 4th July elements from General Cameron's Northern Command had moved into Donegal with Royal Ulster Constabulary support to “restore law and order” in violation of the Treaty, this action appears to have been due to at instigation of Unionist Tories with support of Bonar Law in his new position as PM. The following day elements of the IRA's Northern Division killed several members of patrol near Enniskilleen before being driven off. Most disturbing of all by the 5th Macready became aware of increased movement of Irish troops into Dublin and of co-operation between anti-Treaty and Free State units, and that his position was becoming increasingly precarious as the reinforcements and supplies originally supposed to arrive had been withheld for political reasons and attacks on his close in patrols and convoys was increasing. As such he requested on the 6th he requested that reinforcement and resupply within the following week or he would be forced to take action to secure his command by occupying Dublin before the situation became unsustainable. On the 8th he received orders from Bonar Law via Churchill to occupy Dublin as negotiations had failed and was to move against the city on the following day with reinforcements to help him secure the city to arrive with four days. On the morning of the 9th Macready informed the Provisional Government of his intention to occupy Dublin, by 12:00 the Battle of Dublin had begun.
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theirishdreamer
Banned
Chapter 4: The Rocky Road to Dublin
Symbolism; this is main factor behind the Battle of Dublin, while much can said of the military necessity of General Macready securing his increasingly vulnerable position or of the Irish Army fighting to protect its Capital (and by extension its government on the first day) the actual battle itself strategically occurred owing to the decisions of two men, Eamonn de Valera and Andrew Bonar-Law. And it was the symbolism and politics of the Battle that were used as weapons along with soldiers doing the actual fighting.
For de Valera only recently returned to being a central figure within the government the goal was to create a situation of British perfidy to allow him to make declaration of the Republic before the foreign press; that the British must be perceived as breaking their Treaty, even though himself had been a central driver of the attacks on British forces near Kingstown (Dun Laoighaire). As such their came into being the legend of the “Dublin Jailbreak”, when Macready informed the Provisional Government of his intention to occupy Dublin at 10:00 on the 9th a full session of the Dail was called at 11:00, this was fully attended by all TD’s and most importantly for de Valera the foreign press. A debate was then begun over General Macready’s demands, all the while fully aware General Macready would begin his attack within the following hours. When at 12:00 British units of the 2nd Royal Berkshire attempted to enter the city and came under fire from elements of the Irish Army, Micheal Collins entered the Dail chambers and stated that General Macready had begun his assault under direct orders from the British Government. At this point de Valera and Griffins stated before the Dail the Anglo-Irish Treaty was no longer valid and called for a declaration a Republic. This motion was passed after a forty minute debate and a declaration of war issued by the Irish Republic upon the British Empire for violations of Ireland’s sovereignty even as artillery and gunfire were heard in the distance. At 13:25 the Dail broke session and began a pre-planned evacuation to Kilkenny over the course of the following six hours. Much effort (in the majority successfully) was made by the Government to convince the international press and by extension public opinion of the reasonableness of the Irish position and that the attack on the 9th was an attempt by the British Army to decapitate the Irish Republic during negotiations. Even the choosing of Kilkenny as an evacuation point lies with de Valera, for its symbolism as the former capital of the Irish Confederacy during the War of the Three Kingdoms. Sadly several facts undermine this romantic legend; the primary one (though unknown at the time to the public) being that General Macready was under explicit orders to avoid injuring an of the Parliamentarians, and though he had been order to capture them if possible it is worth noting this objective seems completely absent from his tactical plans on the 9th and the 10th. Another fact undermining this is the fact the Irish were aware of inability of the British government to be able to make concessions, and the fact of the attacks on Macready’s patrols was forcing the General into a vulnerable position that would require either evacuation or seizure of the city. As such when the demand from General Macready arrived at 10:00 nearly a week’s worth of preparations on defenses and evacuations was already in place.
For Bonar-Law the situation within Britain itself called for decisive action and for the seizure of the city for very different reasons; the election announced on the 5th was to held on the 27th of July, and the Conservative’s electoral chances were been damaged by a perceived paralysis on part of the Government in regards the crisis. And as negotiations with the Irish through General Macready had started it had become apparent the Irish demands were outrageous in the extreme and that no sensible government could accept them. As such after consulting with the Imperial General Staff it was decided to seize Dublin and enforce and economic blockade of several Irish ports (Cork, Waterford & Galway) as an attempt to bring the Irish to a more reasonable position; this would also receive positive comment within the Tory press controlled by Lord Beaverbrook as opposed to perceived flailing and paralysis of Lloyd George and the Liberals. Bonar-Law and the Conservatives would take the position that the current crisis was the result of the flawed nature of the Treaty, to which the Conservatives themselves had been original opposed too; that a firmer hand and “some law and order” were required in Ireland. In fact the declaration of the Republic on the 9th indeed strengthened his position among both the Unionists and more hawkish Conservatives electorally as they would play on the fear that situation in Ireland was being incited by foreign, possibly Bolshevik, agitation and that the events of the past few weeks was a result of Irish anarchy such as the attacks in April on the Upnor and the assassination of Sir Henry Wilson. This view and the Battle of Dublin would dominate the July election of 1922, with Conservative party holding to the Treaty as a failed process and the Liberals and more successfully Labour and the Communists that this was “Winston’s War” brought about from Tory warmongering.
Unsurprisingly these politics played into the battle itself as it started at 12:00 on the 9th, primarily on the British side but the losses incurred (and weapons usage) on the Irish side would cause some issues for Irish Army over the first few weeks of the conflict. For General Macready the primary issue lay with his contradictory orders and limited intelligence on the strength of Irish forces within the city. He had been ordered to seize the city, but to avoid civilian casualties so he would lack Naval support initially and would have to reduce artillery fire a lower threshold than required; this would only serve to increase his own causalities which he had also been to keep to a minimum. As such the assault on the first day was fronted by his limited armoured forces (7 MkIV Tanks, 8 Rolls-Royce Armoured Cars and 7 Peerless Armoured Car’s) and employing four thousand of veteran troops with the remaining forces (over 5,000 troops primarily inexperienced recruits) to guard his supply line to Kingstown (Dun Laoighaire) and also to begin the transfer of prisoners to Admiral Beatty’s ships for transport to the mainland. While the British were being their assault overall control of the Irish forces within the city to newly promoted Major-General’s Paddy Daly and Ernie O’Malley with orders to delay the British till their position was no longer militarily feasible. As such a significant portion of the Army had been deployed (along with precious arms) to hold the city, over nine thousand soldiers (5,000 former Free State, 4,000 former anti-Treaty) were under their command along with two captured armoured cars’ (The Buccaneer and The Mutineer) and a half dozen modified Lancia trucks with steel plating and machine guns. Over the previous week a significant amount of time and explosives have deployed into assembling barricades and improvised mines and as such when the assault began it failed to make much progress over the course of the 9th and 10th, indeed by the evening of the 10th two of Mark IV’s had been disabled (one actually due to mechanical issues) along with the loss of four of the armoured cars (one being captured by the Irish rechristened Rory O’Connor’s Revenge) for only limited gain, only on the evening of the 11th had Dublin Castle been taken. The arrival of over six thousand troops and eight Mk II and four Mark IV tanks as reinforcements, mainly veterans formerly based in Ireland before the withdrawal, on the 12th allowed the British Army to push the Irish forces clear from O’Connell Street and Beggars Bush Barracks. By the 13th Daly and O’Malley had begun withdrawing their troops from the city back towards a rally point at Blessington, this would take require till the 17th to achieve and excluding some disruption from aircraft attacks the over seven thousand soldiers would fall back to Blessington after some savage street fighting with the advancing British. Though limited fighting would continue within the city till the 27th from small groups who had remained the casualties of the Battle of Dublin stood at;
- 623 British soldiers killed with a further 946 injured and 23 captured; also lost were 3 Mark IV Tanks, 4 Rolls-Royce Armoured Car’s destroyed with one further captured, with another 4 Peerless Armoured Cars being lost.
- Irish losses proved similar with 869 being killed and a further 795 injured and 292 captured; both The Mutineer and The Buccaneer being destroyed during the retreat.
- Civilian causalities sadly were also quite (much was made of this by the Irish Government) high with over 724 being killed and another 367 badly injured.
By the 18th Macready had begun to consolidate his position within the city, while Churchill had wished him to pursue the retreating Irish forces both Macready and the Earl of Cavan felt that the position within Dublin must be consolidated before any advance should be contemplated, especially considering the disorder that occurred in several units been returned to Ireland. Also a matter that would require attention was the old Irish regiments, while many had reenlisted with the outbreak of the conflict many had already joined the fledgling Free State army and others were now protesting the actions of the government within Britain, as such those of suspected conflicted loyalty within those regiments were interned over a period of the 18th to the 22nd July.
Symbolism; this is main factor behind the Battle of Dublin, while much can said of the military necessity of General Macready securing his increasingly vulnerable position or of the Irish Army fighting to protect its Capital (and by extension its government on the first day) the actual battle itself strategically occurred owing to the decisions of two men, Eamonn de Valera and Andrew Bonar-Law. And it was the symbolism and politics of the Battle that were used as weapons along with soldiers doing the actual fighting.
For de Valera only recently returned to being a central figure within the government the goal was to create a situation of British perfidy to allow him to make declaration of the Republic before the foreign press; that the British must be perceived as breaking their Treaty, even though himself had been a central driver of the attacks on British forces near Kingstown (Dun Laoighaire). As such their came into being the legend of the “Dublin Jailbreak”, when Macready informed the Provisional Government of his intention to occupy Dublin at 10:00 on the 9th a full session of the Dail was called at 11:00, this was fully attended by all TD’s and most importantly for de Valera the foreign press. A debate was then begun over General Macready’s demands, all the while fully aware General Macready would begin his attack within the following hours. When at 12:00 British units of the 2nd Royal Berkshire attempted to enter the city and came under fire from elements of the Irish Army, Micheal Collins entered the Dail chambers and stated that General Macready had begun his assault under direct orders from the British Government. At this point de Valera and Griffins stated before the Dail the Anglo-Irish Treaty was no longer valid and called for a declaration a Republic. This motion was passed after a forty minute debate and a declaration of war issued by the Irish Republic upon the British Empire for violations of Ireland’s sovereignty even as artillery and gunfire were heard in the distance. At 13:25 the Dail broke session and began a pre-planned evacuation to Kilkenny over the course of the following six hours. Much effort (in the majority successfully) was made by the Government to convince the international press and by extension public opinion of the reasonableness of the Irish position and that the attack on the 9th was an attempt by the British Army to decapitate the Irish Republic during negotiations. Even the choosing of Kilkenny as an evacuation point lies with de Valera, for its symbolism as the former capital of the Irish Confederacy during the War of the Three Kingdoms. Sadly several facts undermine this romantic legend; the primary one (though unknown at the time to the public) being that General Macready was under explicit orders to avoid injuring an of the Parliamentarians, and though he had been order to capture them if possible it is worth noting this objective seems completely absent from his tactical plans on the 9th and the 10th. Another fact undermining this is the fact the Irish were aware of inability of the British government to be able to make concessions, and the fact of the attacks on Macready’s patrols was forcing the General into a vulnerable position that would require either evacuation or seizure of the city. As such when the demand from General Macready arrived at 10:00 nearly a week’s worth of preparations on defenses and evacuations was already in place.
For Bonar-Law the situation within Britain itself called for decisive action and for the seizure of the city for very different reasons; the election announced on the 5th was to held on the 27th of July, and the Conservative’s electoral chances were been damaged by a perceived paralysis on part of the Government in regards the crisis. And as negotiations with the Irish through General Macready had started it had become apparent the Irish demands were outrageous in the extreme and that no sensible government could accept them. As such after consulting with the Imperial General Staff it was decided to seize Dublin and enforce and economic blockade of several Irish ports (Cork, Waterford & Galway) as an attempt to bring the Irish to a more reasonable position; this would also receive positive comment within the Tory press controlled by Lord Beaverbrook as opposed to perceived flailing and paralysis of Lloyd George and the Liberals. Bonar-Law and the Conservatives would take the position that the current crisis was the result of the flawed nature of the Treaty, to which the Conservatives themselves had been original opposed too; that a firmer hand and “some law and order” were required in Ireland. In fact the declaration of the Republic on the 9th indeed strengthened his position among both the Unionists and more hawkish Conservatives electorally as they would play on the fear that situation in Ireland was being incited by foreign, possibly Bolshevik, agitation and that the events of the past few weeks was a result of Irish anarchy such as the attacks in April on the Upnor and the assassination of Sir Henry Wilson. This view and the Battle of Dublin would dominate the July election of 1922, with Conservative party holding to the Treaty as a failed process and the Liberals and more successfully Labour and the Communists that this was “Winston’s War” brought about from Tory warmongering.
Unsurprisingly these politics played into the battle itself as it started at 12:00 on the 9th, primarily on the British side but the losses incurred (and weapons usage) on the Irish side would cause some issues for Irish Army over the first few weeks of the conflict. For General Macready the primary issue lay with his contradictory orders and limited intelligence on the strength of Irish forces within the city. He had been ordered to seize the city, but to avoid civilian casualties so he would lack Naval support initially and would have to reduce artillery fire a lower threshold than required; this would only serve to increase his own causalities which he had also been to keep to a minimum. As such the assault on the first day was fronted by his limited armoured forces (7 MkIV Tanks, 8 Rolls-Royce Armoured Cars and 7 Peerless Armoured Car’s) and employing four thousand of veteran troops with the remaining forces (over 5,000 troops primarily inexperienced recruits) to guard his supply line to Kingstown (Dun Laoighaire) and also to begin the transfer of prisoners to Admiral Beatty’s ships for transport to the mainland. While the British were being their assault overall control of the Irish forces within the city to newly promoted Major-General’s Paddy Daly and Ernie O’Malley with orders to delay the British till their position was no longer militarily feasible. As such a significant portion of the Army had been deployed (along with precious arms) to hold the city, over nine thousand soldiers (5,000 former Free State, 4,000 former anti-Treaty) were under their command along with two captured armoured cars’ (The Buccaneer and The Mutineer) and a half dozen modified Lancia trucks with steel plating and machine guns. Over the previous week a significant amount of time and explosives have deployed into assembling barricades and improvised mines and as such when the assault began it failed to make much progress over the course of the 9th and 10th, indeed by the evening of the 10th two of Mark IV’s had been disabled (one actually due to mechanical issues) along with the loss of four of the armoured cars (one being captured by the Irish rechristened Rory O’Connor’s Revenge) for only limited gain, only on the evening of the 11th had Dublin Castle been taken. The arrival of over six thousand troops and eight Mk II and four Mark IV tanks as reinforcements, mainly veterans formerly based in Ireland before the withdrawal, on the 12th allowed the British Army to push the Irish forces clear from O’Connell Street and Beggars Bush Barracks. By the 13th Daly and O’Malley had begun withdrawing their troops from the city back towards a rally point at Blessington, this would take require till the 17th to achieve and excluding some disruption from aircraft attacks the over seven thousand soldiers would fall back to Blessington after some savage street fighting with the advancing British. Though limited fighting would continue within the city till the 27th from small groups who had remained the casualties of the Battle of Dublin stood at;
- 623 British soldiers killed with a further 946 injured and 23 captured; also lost were 3 Mark IV Tanks, 4 Rolls-Royce Armoured Car’s destroyed with one further captured, with another 4 Peerless Armoured Cars being lost.
- Irish losses proved similar with 869 being killed and a further 795 injured and 292 captured; both The Mutineer and The Buccaneer being destroyed during the retreat.
- Civilian causalities sadly were also quite (much was made of this by the Irish Government) high with over 724 being killed and another 367 badly injured.
By the 18th Macready had begun to consolidate his position within the city, while Churchill had wished him to pursue the retreating Irish forces both Macready and the Earl of Cavan felt that the position within Dublin must be consolidated before any advance should be contemplated, especially considering the disorder that occurred in several units been returned to Ireland. Also a matter that would require attention was the old Irish regiments, while many had reenlisted with the outbreak of the conflict many had already joined the fledgling Free State army and others were now protesting the actions of the government within Britain, as such those of suspected conflicted loyalty within those regiments were interned over a period of the 18th to the 22nd July.
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An interesting though has occurred to me about the question of Cork Harbour, while the three Forts are in the hands of the British Forces, Haulbowline I think at this stage would be in the hands of the Free State. While I doubt that it could be held destroying its facilities would hamper the RN use of Cork.
theirishdreamer
Banned
yeah
Your correct Haulbowline is in Irish hands but its largely been left alone for the moment, the British are largely confining themselves to the forts and blockading with a cruiser and some destroyers. Destroying it doesn't benefit the Irish much or really impede the British, it'd only offend the populace of cork, something the Provisional Government badly wants to avoid.
Your correct Haulbowline is in Irish hands but its largely been left alone for the moment, the British are largely confining themselves to the forts and blockading with a cruiser and some destroyers. Destroying it doesn't benefit the Irish much or really impede the British, it'd only offend the populace of cork, something the Provisional Government badly wants to avoid.
I was think more along the lines of disabling the graving dock/basin capabilities to render it useless for support the RN in maintenance terms if it fell to the RN. The steps could be taken without much attention but could impact the viability of the harbour for any extended period. (hell the Irish navy/steel did it anyway for some reason later on).
theirishdreamer
Banned
hmmm
I hadn't thought of doing that, would it require much effort to do that?
I'm trying to stick close to realistic (though i haven't planned far ahead yet) and im working on the assumption that the Cork based forces operate on a similar operational plan as OTL (whats changing is the British aren't the Free State) and OTL they didn't appear to consider this option.
I hadn't thought of doing that, would it require much effort to do that?
I'm trying to stick close to realistic (though i haven't planned far ahead yet) and im working on the assumption that the Cork based forces operate on a similar operational plan as OTL (whats changing is the British aren't the Free State) and OTL they didn't appear to consider this option.
You could destroy/damage the pump house (which is one of the historical damaged areas, filled in with concrete for some reason
), or blow either or both the cassions that sealed off the Graving dock or the larger Basin (again OTL at least one is floating now in the Graving dock (you can see it on Googlemaps), if you wanted to go all out you could lay charges against the weak point that ruptured back in the 1900's (from memory I can find the book if you are interested it deals with the island and the Forts).In terms of the OTL I'm not sure what the dispositions were but consider the Cork forces knew that the Free State didn't have any naval forces of much value nor would damage to Haulbowline affect them much. On the other hand it would have at least some more impact on the RN's operations and support systems.
theirishdreamer
Banned
hmm
That requires less effort than id realized, and would be fairly actionable by the West Cork Brigade, il probably build it into an update on Cork. For the moment the British are going consolidating in the North and around Dublin as per the Imperial General Staffs plans for economically blockade of the Free State, this combined with the election will cause the British to be relatively defensive after Dublin, bear in mind a disproportionate number of those causalties are among Macready's veterans - and the relationship between him ad Churchill/Bonar-Law is now quite bad. Next update's going to be on the election in Britain and resulting Government. Maybe up later tonight or tomorrow evening, so any suggestions on it don't be shy.
That requires less effort than id realized, and would be fairly actionable by the West Cork Brigade, il probably build it into an update on Cork. For the moment the British are going consolidating in the North and around Dublin as per the Imperial General Staffs plans for economically blockade of the Free State, this combined with the election will cause the British to be relatively defensive after Dublin, bear in mind a disproportionate number of those causalties are among Macready's veterans - and the relationship between him ad Churchill/Bonar-Law is now quite bad. Next update's going to be on the election in Britain and resulting Government. Maybe up later tonight or tomorrow evening, so any suggestions on it don't be shy.
theirishdreamer
Banned
hmm
Hi Belfast,
Yes both sides had managed to import a decent amount between December 1921 and May 1922 but ammunition will be an issue after the first few weeks. OTL during the Civil War both sides favored these kind of weapons, in fact the Civil War operated at times as a proto-blitzkrieg owing to the Irish doctrine (or lack thereof at times), Free State units especially operating with a small task forces of armored Lancia's and Rolls Royce 's and sub machine equipped infantry to storm irregular positions (Waterford/Rochestown).
Hi Belfast,
Yes both sides had managed to import a decent amount between December 1921 and May 1922 but ammunition will be an issue after the first few weeks. OTL during the Civil War both sides favored these kind of weapons, in fact the Civil War operated at times as a proto-blitzkrieg owing to the Irish doctrine (or lack thereof at times), Free State units especially operating with a small task forces of armored Lancia's and Rolls Royce 's and sub machine equipped infantry to storm irregular positions (Waterford/Rochestown).
theirishdreamer
Banned
hard
When the blockade kicks in thats going to be hard, for the moment the blockade is fairly porous - the election and bad press is causing the British to hold off. But once the elections ends that will tighten up fairly rapidly so the government (Irish) are going to try and get as much in and out in the next few weeks as they can. In fairness at the moment the Dail can buy the guns for cash, they'd successfully raised tax revenues back in Jan - May and still control most of the country outside Dublin at the moment. Yeah the British have a bad rep at the moment, but as OTL most Governments have little interest in dealing with the Irish, they feel a great deal of sympathy but don't expect much in the way of support baring let us buy guns and send delegations on tours.
When the blockade kicks in thats going to be hard, for the moment the blockade is fairly porous - the election and bad press is causing the British to hold off. But once the elections ends that will tighten up fairly rapidly so the government (Irish) are going to try and get as much in and out in the next few weeks as they can. In fairness at the moment the Dail can buy the guns for cash, they'd successfully raised tax revenues back in Jan - May and still control most of the country outside Dublin at the moment. Yeah the British have a bad rep at the moment, but as OTL most Governments have little interest in dealing with the Irish, they feel a great deal of sympathy but don't expect much in the way of support baring let us buy guns and send delegations on tours.
Yeah they should be able to get in as much as they can use and hide before the RN closes the approaches to Ireland.
Considering events like the Connaught Rangers Mutiny in India in 1920, you could perhaps see more refusals and avoidance in the British Army going back to Ireland.
I love the fact the mention of the Mutineer and the Buccaneer by the way.
Considering events like the Connaught Rangers Mutiny in India in 1920, you could perhaps see more refusals and avoidance in the British Army going back to Ireland.
I love the fact the mention of the Mutineer and the Buccaneer by the way.
How's what's happening to Ireland being seen by the other British colonies?
Will it have any impact on other nationalist movements?
Will it have any impact on other nationalist movements?
theirishdreamer
Banned
in regard
In regards the British Army; Im working off the Imperial General Staff's notes and memos from Macready, so their is a significant problem within the army about bringing in reinforcements. When they fought in 20/21 there all in global forces (navy/army/marines/support) was around 600,000 by June 1922 it was down to 350,000 and set to drop to 330,000 by December, the Earl of Cavan had plans get around this but a lengthy campaign is serious worry for the Imperial General Staff as OTL in late 1921. Its only early days so far but the fact of slow reinforcement is partially to do with returning soldiers and the loyalty of the old Irish divisions. OTL the Irish divisions disbanded and over half enlisted in the Free State army, a significant number were back in Ireland before all this kicks off ITTL but the British are worried about the loyalty of the ones still in england.
Well the Mutineer was in the Four Courts on the 24th, and the Free State had as yet named Rolls-Royce on the 25th nearby so might as well stick to the historical names
In regards the British Army; Im working off the Imperial General Staff's notes and memos from Macready, so their is a significant problem within the army about bringing in reinforcements. When they fought in 20/21 there all in global forces (navy/army/marines/support) was around 600,000 by June 1922 it was down to 350,000 and set to drop to 330,000 by December, the Earl of Cavan had plans get around this but a lengthy campaign is serious worry for the Imperial General Staff as OTL in late 1921. Its only early days so far but the fact of slow reinforcement is partially to do with returning soldiers and the loyalty of the old Irish divisions. OTL the Irish divisions disbanded and over half enlisted in the Free State army, a significant number were back in Ireland before all this kicks off ITTL but the British are worried about the loyalty of the ones still in england.
Well the Mutineer was in the Four Courts on the 24th, and the Free State had as yet named Rolls-Royce on the 25th nearby so might as well stick to the historical names
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theirishdreamer
Banned
hmm
Hi Pesterfield,
Il probably go into the other Dominions in a later update but for the moment there's a great deal of confusion and anger at the British Government for mismanaging the situation but for the moment nobody wants to get involved in the affairs of the mother country.
As to resistance movements, not at the moment but alot will depends what develops. This isn't going to be a short or easy war for either side; and this will a serious, serious problem for the British especially as time goes by.
Hi Pesterfield,
Il probably go into the other Dominions in a later update but for the moment there's a great deal of confusion and anger at the British Government for mismanaging the situation but for the moment nobody wants to get involved in the affairs of the mother country.
As to resistance movements, not at the moment but alot will depends what develops. This isn't going to be a short or easy war for either side; and this will a serious, serious problem for the British especially as time goes by.
Certainly I think the inability for Britain to suppress Ireland would create issues for the perception of the Empire in other parts of the Empire (looking at India there).
Not too mention the impact of having such numbers redeployed back into Ireland when many of them don't want to be there.
If Collins survives, this might give greater support to some of his ideas like adopting a Swiss model of national service.
theirishdreamer
Banned
hmm
Now i haven't decide how things go but the fact of the drain of Ireland, a much more hardline Tory government and increased radicalization within Britain could lead to alot of internal problems such as Red Clydside. OTL Britain had alot of problems in the 20's, Labour disturbance, the Communists, Egypt, India, clashes with the Dominions, a serious post-war financial problem. OTL Ireland cost alot in the War of Independence. And im mirroring that cost here, I haven't decided how Britain will weather that storm of the next few year was a substantial land-war in Ireland dragging on in the background.
As for the Army - thats going to depend heavily on when and who peace is negotiated with. Its going to late 1924 at the earliest considering the entrenched attitudes on the Irish side.
Now i haven't decide how things go but the fact of the drain of Ireland, a much more hardline Tory government and increased radicalization within Britain could lead to alot of internal problems such as Red Clydside. OTL Britain had alot of problems in the 20's, Labour disturbance, the Communists, Egypt, India, clashes with the Dominions, a serious post-war financial problem. OTL Ireland cost alot in the War of Independence. And im mirroring that cost here, I haven't decided how Britain will weather that storm of the next few year was a substantial land-war in Ireland dragging on in the background.
As for the Army - thats going to depend heavily on when and who peace is negotiated with. Its going to late 1924 at the earliest considering the entrenched attitudes on the Irish side.