Update 15 - William F Crowley
Update 15 - William F. Crowley

(South Coast of New Found Land, June 1595)

William F. Crowley looked over the bow of his ship at the shoreline. It all looked the same to him from here. An unending rocky coastline with an impenetrable forest behind, broken by the occasional beach or marsh. There were no fields or villages, almost no sign of human habitation. The only Indians [1] they had met were a small group they had seen fishing down by the shore a week ago, although they had fled as soon as they saw Crowley's ship Princess Charlotte[2] approaching. The shoreline itself was inundated with coves, bays and the sea off the shore was scattered with shoals and small islands. Despite this, every piece of the land seemed equally barren, equally bleak, and equally wild.

It was Crowley's job to find a site on this savage coastline on which to found a settlement. He had been placed in charge of this expedition by King Henry himself. The King had asked Crowley to found a colony on the shores of New Found Land, in the hopes of creating a settlement which could be inhabited year-round. The winters at New Aberdeen [3] were too rough to keep the trading post operating year-round, and King Henry had hoped that a settlement to the south, where the winters should be milder, would be more successful. Looking at the landscape, Crowley began to doubt that a settlement here would have any chance of success at all.

At the same time, though, the land here did look more appealing than that around New Aberdeen. Crowley had travelled to New Aberdeen once when he was younger, and the landscape there had been barren even in the summertime. There had still been patches of snow on the ground in New Aberdeen in early June, and icebergs had regularly been sighted offshore. At least here, on the South coast of New Found Land, the ground was free of snow and the sea was free of ice.

Captain Woodruff, who commanded the Marlin Maiden, the smallest of the three ships in Crowley's expedition, had tried to convince Crowley to build his settlement farther East near where the cod fishermen would come ashore to dry their catch. Woodruff was a fisherman himself and had been sent along on this expedition as a guide who had much experience navigating the waters off New Found Land. He was a man of much character, to say the least.

When Crowley had asked him to rename his ship to something “more fitting of a Royal expedition”, Woodruff had bluntly replied “I've sailed the ocean for twenty years in the Marlin Maiden, and have never once hit a shoal. You ask me to sail to New Found Land in a ship called the King's Mistress and I'll probably sink before we make it past Ireland. You may be the expert on governing here but I am the expert on sailing. My ship may be in service to the King, but it's still my ship.”

That incident had made Crowley uneasy at first, but during the months it took to prepare the expedition for departure, Captain Woodruff had grown on him. On the day the expedition's three ships were scheduled to leave Bristol, Woodruff had refused to leave the harbour claiming that a storm was on its way. Sure enough, the next day the worst storm of the spring season had struck, and Woodruff had greeted Crowley with his best “I told you so” face. After that point, Crowely began to acknowledge that while Woodruff was crass and tactless, he certainly knew the sea better than any man Crowley had met before. Crowely had come to the conclusion that, difficult as he may be to work with, Woodruff would certainly be an asset to the expedition.

So, when Woodruff had showed the expedition the way to the New Found Land fish-drying grounds [4] and had suggested that the settlement be built there, it had been difficult to convince him otherwise. Given the rocky landscape of the fish-drying grounds, it had seemed obvious to Crowley that it was a poor spot for settlement. Crowley had hoped that sailing farther West along the South coast of New Found Land would yield less rocky terrain, although, so far at least, the landscape had changed very little.

The Princess Charlotte was currently anchored offshore at the mouth of a long inlet [5]. Her longboat had been sent up the inlet to look for a potential settlement site, while the Marlin Maiden and the Tudor Rose had been sent ahead to explore more of the coastline. The longboat had already returned with the same news as always: the landscape up the inlet was rocky and barren with little sign of fertile soils. Now Crowley was just waiting for the other two ships. If the Maiden and the Rose returned without finding a suitable settlement site, Crowley was ready to turn around and sail back east towards Woodruff's preferred site.

But then word was sent down from the lookout that the Tudor Rose had been spotted on the horizon. Soon the Rose was alongside the Princess Charlotte, their boat was lowered, and an excited crew came aboard the Crowley's ship. Leading this group was the expedition's cartographer Francis Burton.

“We've found it!” Burton said to Crowley as he came aboard. “At least we've found as good a place as any. As we rounded a group of islands, we caught site of the silver line of a beach. The Marlin Maiden continued up the coast as we went ashore. The beach is the largest I've seen on this side of the ocean, there's a river which drains into the lagoon behind the beach that we can use for fresh water. But, most importantly, there's soil. Real soil. It may be a little bit sandy, but sand is at least more fertile than rock.” [6]

“Sounds like it could be promising,” Crowley replied, “but I can't say for certain if it's suitable until I take a look. If we do choose to settle there, though, I will name the settlement Fort Burton after the man who found the site.”

* * * * *
(Isle of Mniku[7], October 1595)

Crowley had not expected to find himself at a diplomatic meeting with the High Chief of the L'Nuk nation. In fact, when he had left the settlement of Fort Burton he had no idea that the L'Nuk people even had a High Chief. He hadn't even known that these particular Indians called themselves the L'Nuk. [8]

When Crowley had left Fort Burton, the settlement had been struggling. The soil at their chosen site had proven to be less than fertile, and the food they had brought with them from England had almost run out. Woodruff had made a trip out to the fishing grounds in August, but the expedition didn't have enough salt to preserve the fish all winter. Even hunting expeditions had also come back empty-handed; the area around Fort Burton was empty of the deer that were so common elsewhere. [9]

Thus Crowley had set out to make contact with the local natives in the hopes of trading for food. The Indians of New Found Land seemed fearful and unwilling to engage in trade, but Woodruff had told Crowley that he had experience trading with the the Indians of Cape Breton [10] to the South, and even knew a few words of their language.

Thus, Woodruff, Crowley, and a handful of others had set out across the Cabot Strait in the Marlin Maiden, with a cargo of iron tools, cloth, and other trade goods. Making contact with the Indians of this land of Cape Breton was not difficult, and Woodruff seemed to know enough words of their langauge to make his intentions known. However, at one point during the trade negotiations, Woodruff had said the words “King of England” and pointed at Crowley. This had cause a commotion amongst the Indians, who had then demanded that Crowley come with them to this island of Mniku. Woodruff and the crew had stayed behind with the Marlin Maiden.

When they had arrived at Mniku, Crowley was met by a man named Sebastian, who was the son of a local L'Nuk woman and a Bristol fisherman who had been stranded in this land thirty years ago. Sebastian's father had returned home after three years amongst the L'Nuk, but Sebastian had picked up enough of his father's English that he had been able to serve as an interpreter between the L'Nuk and English fishermen and traders. Through Sebastian, Crowley was now able to communicate with the L'Nuk.

“You are lucky to have arrived here so close to the time of the Grand Council,” Sebastian said, “if you had arrived earlier in the summer, they might have kept you here for months before you were needed.”

“What do they need me for?” asked Crowley. “I'm not some sort of hostage, am I?” Crowley felt that he had been treated more like a guest of honor than a hostage, but the local warriors certainly hadn't been willing to let him leave.

“No, nothing like that,” replied Sebastian, “they told me that you are an emissary of the King of England. Have you been sent here to speak to our chiefs?”

“Not really, I do represent the King in that I have been put in charge of his Royal expedition. But, I am no diplomat. I simply came to negotiate a trade.”

“Well then your arrival must be a fortunate coincidence. All this year, the chiefs of the Wabenaki nations have been doing their best to try to enlist the support of your King. But all of the traders we've spoken too have laughed at us when we asked them to carry a message to England for us. We need a messenger who has the King's ear, and we think that that messenger is you.”

“And what do the chiefs want me to say on their behalf?” Crowley asked. “And who are the wabanegi?”

“Wabenaki is the name that is use to refer to the alliance between our people, the L'Nuk, and the Abenaki people farther inland. We have both come under attack by the Kwedech in the river valley beyond Gaspé [11]. We have discovered that these Kwedech are obtaining their terrifying weapons from the French, who we hear are the old enemies of you English. The chiefs want to buy weapons from you the same way that the Kwedech buy weapons from the French, and they are willing to offer you much in return.”

“What are they willing to offer?”

“Well, wait until the council begins. Once the chiefs meet, they will be able to make you an offer.”

This could be promising, thought Crowley. Crowley had a hatred for the French that dated back to his elder brother's death in battle at Amiens more than 10 years earlier. [12] However, King Henry's current treaty with King Charles of France meant that Crowley had no hope of getting his revenge on the battlefield. But, supplying weapons to those who could fight the French for him, that could be a better way to go.

* * * * *

(Fort Burton, April 1596)

It had been over six months since Crowley had last laid eyes on the small settlement at Fort Burton. Crowley had originally planned to return before the seas had begun to ice over, but the Grand Council he had attended had lasted a lot longer than expected. It had been early December before Crowley had returned to the Marlin Maiden. While the sea had still been mostly clear of ice at that time, Captain Woodruff was unwilling to cross the Cabot Strait in the unpredictable winter weather, so the Marlin Maiden had spent the winter in Cape Breton.

Now that the Spring thaw had come, the Marlin Maiden was returning to Fort Burton with a full load of food and furs obtained from the L'Nuk. Crowley was more than a little worried as to how the colonists would be doing. Unless they had succeeded at finding game, they would have run short of food months before. He hoped that he would be returning in time.

As the Marlin Maiden rounded the headland, and Crowley could see up the inlet, he could already see that something was wrong. Rather than two ships waiting at anchor, there was only one: his flagship the Princess Charlotte. And the Charlotte was not in good shape. She was listing to one side, and the sails that had been so neatly furled when Crowley had left were hanging in tatters from her yardarms. And she wasn't in the anchorage where she was supposed to be: once Crowley got closer he could se why. The Charlotte was perched on top of a shoal. She must have been clown free of her anchor, Crowley thought.

The absence of the Tudor Rose and the fact that the Charlotte had been left damaged on a reef filled Crowley with dread. If the colonists were still alive they surely wouldn't have left my ship like that, he thought. As the Marlin Maiden's boat pulled up to the beach, Crowley, Wodruff, and the sailors were greeted only with silence. There was no noise from any of the colony's buildings, and no sign of life anywhere around.

In fact, all that Crowley could see were signs of death. In the field to the North of the buildings, where they had planned to plant cabbage next spring, there were rows and rows of crosses. The crosses closest to the buildings were made of carved wood, while the ones farther away were often no more than two sticks lashed together. And in the farthest corner of the graveyard were four mounds covered in blankets. Crowley didn't need to lift up the blankets to know that they concealed the bodies of the last survivors.

Instead, Crowley walked toward the buildings and took a look inside. The mess hall was empty as was the store room. It was in the barracks that he found the bodies of two men, curled up around what must have been the last fire they had been able to keep lit. On a table next to the bodies was a folded piece of paper with the title “the Last Log of Fort Burton” scrawled on it. Crowley picked it up and read aloud.

“January 22, 1596. Burton is dead. Since Crowley is gone, and Woodruff with him, Burton put me, Gregory Smalls, in command. Rations are running low, but due to Burton's strict rationing, and his selfless policy of always taking the smallest portion for himself, we have enough food to last another month, or maybe 6 weeks. We hope that Crowley and Wodruff return with food soon.”

“February 16, 1596. Today, a scouting party captured a band of 5 Indians, in the hopes that they would have food to trade us. They didn't, and I almost had to shoot one of my men to keep him from killing the Indians. I think he meant to eat them. 'If they live like animals, we can treat them as game' he said. What hunger will drive us to do.”

“February 18, 1596. Fox has worked out a rough sign langauge to use when communicating with the Indians. One of the Indian boys seems to know when deer can be found, although he says that this is the wrong time of year to be hunting them. But Fox and Baker seem to think that he's just telling us that so that he can steal from us once we've all starved to death.” [13]

“February 21, 1596. Fox and Baker are trying to organize a party to go out and find the deer that the Indian boy speaks of. They have gathered a group of the dozen strongest men around them and are demanding half our food stores to feed them through the hunt. I have told them that they can have no more than their share of the food, but they insist that they will need more of it as they need to be strong enough to travel.”

“February 23, 1596. Fox and Baker are getting more restless. I have placed guards at the storeroom door, but many of my men are too hungry to shoot straight. I worry what would happen if it came to blows.”

“February 24, 1596. Today Fox and Baker chose to mutiny against my command. They killed 2 guards at the storeroom door, and ten more men were injured as Fox and Baker's gang made their escape to the Tudor Rose. While the Rose still lies at anchor, the mutineers have taken all of our boats, and I dare not order my men to swim out in the frigid cold water. I only have to hope that the mutineers have a change of heart. Fox and Baker have taken all but the last of our food, and I fear that we have very little time left.”

“March 10, 1596. Today we saw the last of the Tudor Rose. The ice that had been blocking the mouth of the anchorage was blown away by a storm last night, and the Rose slipped out of the anchorage just before sunup this morning. The same storm drove the Charlotte up on the rocks, so we have no hope of pursuing the mutineers. Two more passed away in the cold stormy night, and there are only fourteen of us left. Only five of us are still able to move from out beds.”

“March 15, 1596. Three weeks without food can certainly sap a man's strength. I no longer have the strength to bury the dead, although Davidson and I were able at least to drag the bodies of our last four comrades to the graveyard, and cover them with blankets to protect them from the elements. Even if we wanted to cook up the bodies to give us a little sustenance, neither of us has the strength to do so. I figure this log entry will be our last.”

Crowley put down the book. “Well it seems pretty clear what happened to them. I only wish we'd been able to come earlier.”

“We should be thankful that we've survived,” interjected Woodruff, “if we'd tried to cross the stormy waters any earlier, we may not have made it, and Smalls and Davidson would have still suffered the same fate.”

Crowley couldn't hold himself together. “Damn you Woodruff! Damn your seas and your storms! All you care about is your own ship and your own skin! If you hadn't been so damn selfish we could have been here in time! Why couldn't you....” Crowley broke down into tears. It's time to go home, he thought.

* * * * *

(Kespukwitk[14], July 1599)

Sebastian was standing on the beach as Crowley's boat pulled up to the shore. “Good to see you old friend,” Crowley called out.

“I was travelling in the area, when I heard news that your ship had been sighted off the shore. I figured I should put in an appearance. Besides, while your grasp of our language has gotten better over the past three years, it's still not enough that you couldn't use an interpreter.”

“Yes, your services will be very helpful,” replied Crowley. “I've spent the past year trading arquebuses to you Lennockians [15], but I've never been to this part of Lennockia before, and, I must say, I'm impressed. I'd always thought that Lennockia was all rocks and trees like New Found Land. But this valley here, it looks positively fertile. Who's land is this?”

“The Chief of this district, Kespukwitk, is Chief Membertou. [16] Do you remember him from the Grand Council.”

“The ancient-looking one who claimed to have met Jacques Cartier? Of course I remember him!”

“He did meet Jacques Cartier. He was impressed at first. Although, once he found out the French had befriended the Kwedech, he saw the French for the traitors that they are.”

“Anyways, in addition to the usual business I'll be doing with the local traders, I'd like to speak to Membertou. I have a proposal for him.”

A few hours later, Crowley and Sebastian were seated in Membertou's wigwam. The Chief sat across from them.

“We English have been trading with you Lannockians for a few years now. We've been supplying you with weapons to help fight against your Kwedech enemies, but we want to do more. The Kwedech have Frenchmen living with them, teaching them their ways. The Kwedech don't yet make their own arquebuses, but their blacksmiths are able make their own metal tools, putting you Lannockians at a disadvantage.”

Crowley waited for Sebastian to translate and then continued. “While we might be able to hold our own against the Kwedech for now, we think you will need some more help in order to decisively defeat the Kwedech. We think that to counter the fact that the Kwedech have Frenchmen living among them and providing them with military training, you should have Englishmen living here in Lannockia, teaching you all the things the Frenchmen have taught the Kwedech. We want to help you learn the skills you will need to finally beat the Kwedech.” [17]

Crowley stayed silent as Sebastian translated, and Membertou made his reply. “The Chief wants to know what you want in return,” Sebastian translated.

“Land is what we want,” replied Crowley. “We want land in this valley to build a settlement so that our people can come here. And we want you Lannockians to guarantee that you, and the other members of your Wabenaki confederacy, will never give land to any other European nation. We want you to make a permanent alliance between your nation and ours, so that the interests of Lannockia and England will always be as one. What do you say?”

After the usual pause while Sebastian translated, the Chief made a reply. “Your plan sounds good,” he said, “but I cannot speak for the whole Confederacy, or even for all of the L'Nuk. You will have to present your idea to the Kespukwitk council, and then the Grand Council, and only then may you present it to the other nations of the Confederacy.”

Good, Crowley thought, that will give us time to draw up a treaty.

Footnotes:
[1] Crowley would have used the term “Indians” for the Native Americans at this point, so it's the term I use when I write from his point of view. The Beothuk, who were native to Newfoundland were known OTL to be distrustful of Euorpeans, and to have little interest in trade or diplomacy, hence why they're making themselves so scarce.
[2] King Henry IX's eldest daughter is named Charlotte.
[3] Remember New Aberdeen is the Scottish trading post in Labrador which was originally founded with the hopes of becoming a permanent settlement. Many of the higher-ups in the Scottish Northwestern Trade Company that runs the New Aberdeen trade post are actually Englishmen, so there is much cooperation between Scotland and England in North America already, even though the two Kingdoms are not yet in Personal Union.
[4] The “fish-drying grounds” I write about are near the site of OTL St. John's, which was chose as an settlement site OTL largely because of its proximity to the Grand Banks.
[5] This inlet is OTL's White Bear Bay.
[6] The beach that Burton sighted was OTL's Sandbanks Provincial Park near the OTL town of Burgeo, Newfoundland.
[7] The Isle of Mniku in the salt-water-lake we know in OTL as the Bras d'Or is the traditional site of the L'Nuk Grand Council. My sources have been unclear about what time of year the Grand Council traditionally met, although other L'Nuk councils met in the Spring and/or Fall, so an October council meeting seems reasonable to me. The fact that the Grand Council meets in Cape Breton seemed too good to be true when I realized that the closest natives that these colonists would be able to trade with (again, the Beothuk are likely not really that interested in trade) would be in Cape Breton.
[8] Remember, L'Nuk is the autonym used by the people we know OTL as the Mi'kmaq.
[9] Deer and moose were, OTL, only introduced to Newfoundland in the past 150 years. Before that, the only big game available would have been caribou during certain parts of their migration route. When Crowley thinks of deer as “common elsewhere”, he's thinking of mainland North America. White-tailed deer and mosse do both range through coastal Labrador near the location of New Aberdeen, although that is the Northern limit of their range
[10] The name “Cape Breton” seems to predate the POD. It was named by Basque sailors who named it after the town of Capbreton in the French Basque country. Incidentally, Capbreton is part of the small coastal territory France ceded to Bourbon Navarre.
[11] The term Kwedech is used OTL in L'Nuk/Mi'kmaq oral history/mythology. It refers to a people to the Northwest with whom the L'Nuk fought many wars in pre-contact times. Some sources guess that the Kwedech were the Mohawk and/or other Iroquois nations, although I prefer the hypothesis that they were the St. Lawrence Iroquoians/”Kanatians”. Thus, in TTL the L'Nuk will used the term Kwedech to refer to the people the French refer to as Kanatians.
[12] The English seiged and captured Amiens during the war between King Charles IX of France and King Henry III of Navarre.
[13] The “deer” that the Beothuk boy is referring to are really caribou. The boy is trying to convey the fact that the caribou only visit Newfoundland once a year, and that they are currently around to be hunted.
[14] Kespukwitk is the Mi'kmaw name for what we know in OTL as Southwestern Nova Scotia. This scene is taking place near OTL Annapolis Royal.
[15] Lennockians is the anglicization of L'Nuk. Lennockia is the term that Crowley and the other English now use to refer to the land we know in OTL as the Maritime Provinces of Canada.
[16] This is the same Membertou from OTL. He supposedly was an adult when he met Jacques Cartier, so I decided that his position as District Chief wouldn't have been butterflied by the POD. However, in TTL, he is just a Disctrict Chief, not Grand Chief.
[17] The English are seeing the vassalage relationship between the Stadaconans and the French as the model for their own relationship with the natives. Given that the English didn't explore the region first, they're looking for a vassalage agreement with the natives as a way of establishing a claim to the land. Colonialism in TTL will look different than it did OTL.
 
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Ok, finally finished the update I've been working on since august!!

I also have the revised "France" post more or less ready, but realized that I can no longer go back and edit the original post! So, I think I'll have to post the new revised version in a separate update.

Next post will be about smallpox (I've put it off for long enough) and then back to Europe with Spain and the Netherlands.
 
Update 16 - Sensitaa
Update 16 - Sentsitaa

Update 16 – Sentsitaa:


(Achelacy [1], September 1586)


Sentsitaa lay delirious with pain on the hospital sleeping platform. She had been sick before once, three years ago when she was five, but she hadn't remembered it hurting nearly this much. Back then she had had a cough, a sore throat, and a fever, but she had recovered soon enough. But this time it was much worse. When she'd first fallen ill, she'd had the same fever and aches as she'd had before, but then the rash had appeared. The rash had gotten worse, and now the rash had developed into raised painful bumps. The pain was excruciating, and she was glad that Jewa had given her a cup of his pain-relieving tea. The tea wasn't quite as good as tobacco was for the pain, but Jewa had told her that his tobacco supplies were almost gone, and that she'd have to make do with the tea. [2]


She was worried for Jewa. He had been in charge of Achelacy's hospital [3] long before Sentsitaa had been born. Sentsitaa's parents had told her that Jewa, as a survivor of Old Stadacona, was immune to disease, and that's why he had been put in charge of the hospital. Certainly, when Sentsitaa had last been sick, Jewa had spent days caring for her and had never gotten sick himself. But that was definitely changing now; Jewa seemed to be getting sick himself.


A few days ago, Jewa had been fine. He had been running around the hospital with the normal vigor that he displayed in the face of an outbreak of disease. He had been busy brewing his tea, applying tobacco leaves to the rashes of his patients that were still alive, and burying those that had died. As usual, he had permitted no one else to touch the sick or enter the hospital, and for the most part the village had complied. Sentsitaa's parents had told her that Jewa's healing only worked if the village followed his orders – they told her of the fate that had befallen Old Stadacona, and how disease could spread from one person to another if the boundaries of the hospital were violated.


But now, Jewa was clearly sick himself. Whenever Sentsitaa asked him how he was doing, he said he was ok, but watching how he moved now, Sentsitaa could see otherwise. He had now moved a pile of hides over to where the fire was, so he could brew his tea while lying down, and he circulated amongst the patients much less frequently. He had complained of headaches under his breath when he thought no one was listening, and had begun to take lengthy naps. He hadn't had the strength to bury the dead – or even move them from their sleeping platforms – in two days now.


Sentsitaa saw a shadow in the hospital's doorway, and looked up to see a woman enter the hospital. Jewa was taking a nap when she entered, so Sentsitaa sat up on her sleeping platform to greet her.


“Where is Jewa?” the woman asked in a thin voice, “has he gone outside to bury the dead?”


“No, he's just laid himself down for a nap,” Sentsitaa replied, “he should be awake and able to brew you some tea shortly. But don't wake him – he has a headache. If you need to lie down, I think there's a free sleeping platform over there, between those two dead people.”


“Wait... between the dead people??” the woman replied. “Why are there dead people lying here?Does Jewa need help burying them?”


“Jewa's too weak to bury people now. He's sick.”


“Sick...” the woman though for a second. “Jewa's sick.” Sentsitaa saw a look of horror go over her face. “Thank you for letting me know.... I think I need to get out of here....” the woman quickly turned and shuffled towards the door, as fast as she could move in her weakened state.


As soon as the woman left the hospital, she started yelling. “Jewa is sick! Jewa is sick! His medicine will not be able to save us now! This village is cursed, Jewa is sick!


Over the next few days, Sentsitaa began to recover. She was soon able to move from her bed and walk around the hospital, where she discovered that she was not the only one recovering. There were two men who were also getting better: Keyara, a trader who had recently returned from Stadacona and had been the first to come down with the disease, and Sentsitaa's own uncle Joseph [4].


But as Sentsitaa, Keyara, and Joseph recovered, Jewa got worse. Soon Jewa was not able to move from his sleeping spot near the fire, and he had to send Sentsitaa and Keyara to go and check on the other patients. Keyara and Joseph took on the task of burying the dead (of which there were many), while Jewa taught Sentstiaa how to brew tea for those who were still sick, and how to perform the correct ceremonies to pay respect to the tea's medicine.


The patients recovering inside the hospital had no way of knowing what was going on in the village outside. No new patients had entered the hospital since the woman had left screaming, and Jewa reprimanded Sentsitaa, Keyara and Joseph when they even mentioned leaving the hospital. He told them that their only hope of saving the village was not spreading this disease outside the hospital walls and Sentsitaa was happy to obey.


But, one day, Sentsitaa awoke to see Keyara and Joseph gone. She searched the hospital from end to end, and took a look out into the walled hospital cemetery, but the two men were nowhere to be seen. She tried to wake Jewa to tell him the bad news, but he was unwilling to stir.


It was then that she heard Keyara return. “Things are bad out there,” he said, “it was as I feared. It seems that after the village discovered that Jewa was sick, they were unwilling to set foot in the hospital. Those who were sick started staying with their families in their longhouses, but then the sickness started spreading throughout their clans. It seems that there was a point at which those who were still well realized the only way to remain well was to leave the village. Many of those who are currently sick in the longhouses have had no one to care and feed them in days. We need to go out there and help those people. We need to save as many as we can.”


“But, Jewa said we can't do that. We'll make the village sick if we go outside.”


“The village is already sick. We are the only ones who are well enough to care for them.”


Then Sentsitaa heard a voice from behind her. It was Jewa. “Sentsitaa, my child,” he said, “I think Keyara is right. I thought that maybe we could save the village by containing the disease, but it appears that we are too late. The village is already sick and needs our help. We need to go out there and care for those people.”


Jewa was silent for a few minutes and then continued, “I don't think I will live much longer, and I'm going to have to put someone else in charge. Keyara, you need to gather the other patients who are well enough to get up. Your job is now to take care of those who are still sick. You need to feed them, brew them tea, and make sure to keep their fires burning. You will have to find enough people who are well to organize a hunting party, and make sure to harvest enough food for the village to make it through the winter.”


“Sentsitaa and Joseph,” Jewa continued, “I have a different task for you. I am worried about those who fled the village. Some of them may be carriers of the disease, and I am worried that if they spread the disease to Taquenonday or Stadacona [5] that what happened here will repeat itself. You two have both survived this disease, so you two should both be unable to fall sick with it again. This means that you two are needed in the hospitals in Taquenonday and Stadacona. Joseph, I will send you to Taquenonday to take charge of the hospital there and make sure that this disease is contained. You may need to take over from my counterpart in Taquenonday if she falls sick. [6]”


“Sentsitaa, I need you to go to Stadacona. I know you are just a child, but you must travel with your uncle to Taquenonday, and then find a trader there to escort you to Stadacona. You've done a great job taking care of me here, and I'm sure you can do the same in the hospital there. But I need to know that there is someone there who is able to recognize this Red Plague and will be able to remain well when treating the sick. In case the Stadaconans don't understand the importance of your mission, I give you this – it's something that was given to me years ago that I was told to pass on.”


Jewa handed her a clay cross. One one side was written the word “Remember”, and on the other “Stadacona.” He then lay back on his sleeping pad and didn't move again.


* * * * *


(Hocehlaga, October 1596)


When the Red Plague first appeared in Hochelaga, Sentsitaa was a student at the Jesuit school there. She had been taken in by the Jesuits when she had arrived in Stadacona ten years ago, and had been baptisted under the name Marie-Celeste. She had studied at the Jesuit school in Stadacona until she had chosen to follow Hélène Grignon in the Exodus. Now she lived in Hochelaga as a member of the Sheep Clan and spent most of her time attending the Jesuit School and helping out at Hochelaga's hospital in times of need.


The outbreak of the Red Plague that Sentsitaa had come down with so many years ago had never made it to Hochelaga. That outbreak had struck Stadacona, Tailla, Taquenonday, and Achelacy. Stadacona had lost many people, but the death toll had been kept down by the immunity of many of the Jesuits and most of the residents of Petite Rochelle, and by successful confinement of the sick to Stadacona's hospital. Taquenonday and Tailla had fared worse, but neither had lost more than 100 people. Achelacy, however, had been swept up in the panic, and the village had been abandoned, with most of the survivors fleeing to Taquenonday or Stadacona. But that outbreak had been contained to the villages of the Cadawahronon [People of the River Mouth] and hadn't made it as far as Maisouna or Hochelaga.


This current outbreak in Hochelaga had begun with the arrival of a family of Stadaconans fleeing the rule of DuFort. [7] They had been taken in and welcomed among the Sheep Clan until it came to be known that one of them was sick, and had passed on the disease to a number of other Sheep Clan members. Luckily the Sheep Clan were amongst the most eager to volunteer themselves for confinement in the hospital, but there had still been those who didn't make it to the hospital soon enough, and those who insisted on seeing sick relatives despite the hospital's ban on visitors. This meant that the disease had continued to spread.


At the height of the outbreak, there had been nearly a hundred patients crowded into the single longhouse that was Hochelaga's hospital, and the Jesuits had given up their living quarters to house another two hundred patients. [8] After it became clear that visiting the hospital led to almost certain illness, the attempts by family members to visit their sick loved ones had died down, and any who fell sick but refused to turn themselves in to the hospital voluntarily were dragged to the hospital by their clan. It had become clear that patients couldn't spread the disease until after the rash first appeared on their skin, which meant that as long as feverish patients came to the hospital before the rash appeared, their families would be spared.


The hospital, in addition to being overcrowded, was drastically understaffed. Most of the usual hospital attendants had fallen sick themselves, and it was now largely the Jesuits who were taking care of the sick. Marie-Celeste herself, along with the few other Kanatian Red Plague survivors (most of whom had been interned in Stadacona or Taquenonday during the last outbreak and had come to Hochelaga with the exodus) were crucial in caring for all those who were sick.


Luckily, over the past few days, Marie-Celeste's workload had gradually decreased. Most of the patients in the hospital had now either died or recovered, and there had been no new patients for a number of days. Marie-Celeste no longer had to spend her entire waking life caring for the sick, and had taken some time away from the patients to rest, meditate, and pray.


Marie-Celeste was soon interrupted by one of the lay missionaries – a man named Claude Frenet. “Marie-Celeste,” he said, “Père André wants to see you. He's in the Jesuit chapel.”


“But, I shouldn't leave the hospital, should I? Won't I spread the disease?”


“You're not sick are you?”


“No.”


“Then you don't have anything to worry about. You must only take the same precautions that we use with patients who have recovered. You must burn the clothes you were wearing and put on clean ones. We have a set for you here.”


The missionary handed Marie-Celeste a black robe like the ones the Jesuits wore. It clearly was woven in France, so it likely had originally been intended for one of the lay brothers. [9] However, unlike the plain black or white cords the Jesuits used to tie their robes, this one came with a wide sash of red cloth, which must also have been imported from France. There was no way such bright a colour could have been made in Kanata.


Marie-Celeste quickly dressed, burned her old clothes, and began walking toward the Jesuit compound. It seemed strange to her to be wearing a black robe like the Jesuits. While the men who graduated from the Jesuit schools were often times given similar black robes when they were sent out to spread the Word of God amongst their people, Marie-Celeste had always been told those men were permitted to wear the robes because they had been made lay brothers themselves. Marie-Celeste had never known a Kanatian woman to wear black robes, although she had heard stories of the Sisters back in France who wore black robes, and took vows, and were the most pious of any women. She'd definitely dreamed of being a Sister herself someday, and the Jesuits had promised her that maybe someday she could be sent to France to attend a convent there. Could Père André be intending to make a Sister out of her?


As Marie-Celeste arrived at the Jesuit chapel, she found Père André waiting for her. “Thank you for coming so promptly,” he said.


“It's an honor to be able to serve the Church. What do you ask of me? Do these robes mean I'm to become a Sister?” Marie-Celeste asked.


“Well, if by Sister you mean becoming a nun and joining a convent, then the answer is no. There's no convent here for you to join, and I think you can serve the Church much better by remaining here than by travelling to France. But there is another type of Sisterhood that could be yours if you want it. You know how there are lay brothers as well as those of us Jesuits who are ordained priests?”


“Yes.”


“Well just as there is a distinction to be made between Jesuit priests and Jesuit lay brothers there is a distinction to be made between Nuns who spend their lives in a convent and religious Sisters who do missionary work out in the world. If you are willing to take a few simple vows of chastity and obedience, we can make you a religious Sister. Obviously, as you're not a man, you cannot be made a member of the Society of Jesus, but there are other religious orders you can join.” [10]


“But why now? I have not yet finished my studies.”


“You have been with us for ten years, while most students are only with us for three or four. You have learned much more of Christ at your young age than most of our students ever have. Your studies may have to end today as God has need of you elsewhere.”


“Where does He need me? Surely, I should be here continuing to care for the sick.”


“Hochelaga is not the only town struck by the Red Plague. A trader who arrived yesterday brought word that the Plague had travelled farther upriver. The village of Gananaga has been hit hard, many are sick, and there are no smallpox survivors around to care for the sick. We need to send someone there who has immunity and can run the hospital there, and we have chosen you.”


“Why me?”


“Well, not only are you a plague survivor, and know how to care for the sick, but you know more than many about the ways of God. It is not enough to save the lives of those who are sick; it is also our duty to save the souls of those who succumb to disease. We need someone there to show the light of God to the sick and dying, and to pray for their souls. Of those Kanatians who are immune to smallpox, there is none more pious than you. You are our best hope.”


“And in order to heal the bodies and pray for the souls of the sick you want to make me a … a religious Sister?”


“There are already two lay brothers in Gananaga – both Kanatian graduates of the Jesuit school here. They have fallen sick themselves, but they have taught many of the Gananagans to respect and listen to those who wear black. This is why we've given you the black robes. The red sash, well, that was an idea that one of my colleagues had. We needed a way to signify that you were a smallpox survivor; to make it clear that you had an ability that neither of the lay brothers had. And we couldn't have you wearing the Jesuit cincture as you are not one of us. You'd told us before that you wanted to take vows, but I've come to see now that your vocation is not one that would lead you to be cooped up in a convent. We'll figure out the details of which order you'll belong to later. For now we need you to go to Gananaga.”


“Then I will do it. I can leave as soon as you want me to.”


* * * * * *
(The Village at Matawang, August 1601)


As Marie-Celeste approached the Omamiwinini village, she could see the body of Sister Marguerite tied to a stake at the entrance to the village. Marie-Celeste could see that Marguerite had been tortured before she had been killed, and her clothes were stained with a red to match the sash that was the sole item of clothing that had been left on Maguerite's body. When she was a child, the smell of Marguerite's body might have turned Marie-Celeste's stomach, but after years of working with the sick and dying she had become accustomed to the sights and smells of death.


Marguerite was not the first to be killed for attempting to confine the sick to hospital. While amongst the Cadawahronon [People of the River Mouth], Tarentohronon [People of the Lake] and Wandehronon [People of the Island] [11] the practice of isolating the sick had been common since before Marie-Celeste had been born, it was still a new practice amongst most other nations, and it was often regarded with suspicion. When healers separated the sick from their families and clans, this often caused tension, and when those patients soon began to die behind hospital doors with no one but the healer to witness, families often became suspicious that it was the healer themselves who was causing the disease.


Marie-Celeste had heard word of healers who had been sent to stop the spread of the Red Plague amongst the Haudenosaunee to the South, and who had been killed by their Haudenosaunee hosts. Even when Marie-Celeste had been sent to Gananaga, there had be a Jesuit lay brother travelling with her who had continued upriver to a different Damedahronon [People of the Rapids] village, never to return. However, today was the first time that Marie-Celeste had been forced to deal with the death of a healer herself.


Marie-Celeste had first met Marguerite when she was still going by her Kanatian name in the village of Gananaga. Marguerite had fallen sick with the Red Plague, had been cared for by Marie-Celeste, and had been one of the few to eventually recover. Marie-Celeste had taught her how to pray to the Christian God and Marguerite had attributed her recovery to those prayers. She had attended the Jesuit school in Hochelaga, had soon become a Sister like Marie-Celeste herself. Just this spring, Marguerite had been sent out to set up a hospital amongst the Omamiwinini.


However, Marguerite had clearly not been as fortunate as Marie-Celeste. The Kitchesipirini and Weskarini [12]with whom Marie-Celeste had worked were people who had traditionally spent their winters at Hochelaga and who, in recent years, had adopted practices of Three Sisters farming and cattle herding from the Hochelagans. They were trusting of Kanatians and willing to adapt to new ways, including the confinement of the sick to a hospital. However, the Omamiwinini who spent their summers at Matawangspent their winters with the Wendat to the Southwest. They saw Kanatians like Marie-Celeste and Marguerite as foreigners, and it seemed that they had been unwilling to let Marguerite confine their sick to hospital, and had instead reacted to her out of fear. [13]


Marie-Celeste made a quick prayer for Marguerite's soul and the souls of those who had killed her, regained her composure and entered the village. There would be time to bury Marguerite's body later, she thought, right now there are sick who need me.


The village was almost as empty as it would be in the middle of winter. There were no people to be seen, although it was clear that those who had left had left hastily. They hadn't disassembled their wigwams, and had left stores of food and firewood behind. They must have become caught up in a panic when they realized that killing Marguerite had not stopped the plague. It was one of the fleeing villagers who, arriving at the Kichesipirini village where Marie-Celeste had been stationed, had notified Marie-Celeste of the situation here.


The first few wigwams that Marie-Celeste entered contained nothing but bodies. In the next, she found a man who was still barely alive amongst his dead family. She was only able to find the wigwam containing the survivors by noting the ring of freshly dug graves around it. Inside, she discovered a dozen men, women and children caught in various stages of the Red Plague. Two or three were recovering, and they seemed to be the ones who were now taking care of the others.


“I am here to help,” Marie-Celeste said in the best Anishnaabemowin [14] she could muster. She had picked up a good deal of the language working amongst the Kichesipirini and Weskarini, but still spoke with a thick Kanatian accent.


Marie-Celeste could see the fear in the eyes of the survivors. Clearly, they recognized her robes and sash as the same ones that Marguerite had worn. “You have nothing to fear from me,” she continued. “I am not a witch, nor do I practice bad medicine. I am a travelling healer; I follow the Red Plague and work to keep people safe from the death it brings. Our ways have always been to only let those who are immune see to the sick so that those who are well can stay well. I had this illness myself when I was a child, which is why I wear this red sash today. You who have recovered, you now are also immune: you can tend to the sick without getting sick yourselves. And you who are still sick will be immune once you recover.”


The look of fear continued in the eyes of those in the wigwam. “If you want to continue caring for those who are still sick in the way that you have been doing, go ahead. I will not disturb you. There are those still alive in other wigwams who I need to take care of. I will make them soup to eat and brew them tea for their pain. If any of you wish to try my healing teas or my tobacco medicine, or if you want my help caring for the sick here, you can find me in that wigwam there.” Marie-Celeste pointed to a wigwam a short distance away – one that had contained a minimum of dead bodies.


Shortly, after Marie-Celeste had tended to those who were still alive, she was joined in the wigwam she had claimed by a woman probably five years older than she was. She was one of the ones who was recovering, although she clearly was not well. She still moved shakily, and looked thin and pale. “You say you are a travelling healer,” she said, “so you have visited other villages like this one before.”


“Yes,” Marie-Celeste replied, “this is not the first village at which I was too late in arriving. This spring I had heard of an outbreak of the Red Plague amongst the Weskarini and hadn't been able to make it there until most of the village had either died or fled. The scene there was much as it is here.”


“So, what did they do? The survivors I mean. There were survivors, right?” the woman asked. Marie-Celeste could see the tears forming in her eyes. “I mean what lives do we have ahead of us? I have lost my husband, my children. When my sister died, my brothers fled into the woods. I will probably never have a future here again.”


“Well, most of the survivors amongst the Weskarini went to Hochelaga where I came from. The children were taken in by the Jesuits as I was. Many of the men settled in Hochelaga, some of them have plans to marry into one of the Hochelagan clans and become herders…”


“And what about the women?” she asked.


“The women, well, some were able to be adopted – many into the Sheep Clan which has always been welcoming of newcomers. But others followed after me. All who have recovered from the disease are now immune to the Red Plague, and you are very valuable to our efforts to stop the spread of the disease. Many of the Weskarini women took on the red sash, became Sisters like me, and were sent out to help stop the spread of the plague.” [15]


“So I could become like you?”


“Well, yes you could. However, Sisterhood is not to be taken lightly. You'd have to vow never again to take a husband or bear more children. You'd have to be constantly on the move, following the Red Plague wherever it led. If you became a Sister like myself, you would never again have a permanent home. The only family you'd have would be the other Sisters. But, if you're willing to take on all the responsibilities of Sisterhood, I can see that you've well earned your red sash. You've done a fine job keeping those around you alive; I can see your dedication.”


“Oh, and one other thing,” Marie-Celeste continued. “To be a Sister you have to take on a new name. You must be baptised and born again. You'd have to be called Catherine, or Thérèse, or Adèle. Maybe Mathilde? I think you'd make a good Mathilde.”


* * * * * *


(Ossossane, Wendake, June 1602)


Marie-Celeste approached the longhouse of Chief Annaotaha[16]. Annaotaha was Peace Chief of the town of Ossossane, the largest settlement of the Attinniaoenten [Bear] nation of the Wendat Confederacy. As the Peace Chief of the largest settlement of the largest nation of Wedake [17], Annaotaha had a great deal of influence amongst the Wendat people, and Marie-Celeste was lucky to be able to refer to the man as her friend.


Marie-Celeste's relationship with Chief Annaotaha had begun last autumn when Ossossane had been struck with an outbreak of the Red Plague. Marie-Celeste had arrived after Chief Annaotaha himself had become sick, and had immediately set herself to work caring for the Peace Chief, and confining him to his longhouse so as not to spread the disease. Marie-Celeste had been lucky this time, and Annaotaha had survived, although many of his family members had parished. Annaotaha had credited Marie-Celeste with saving his life, and the two of them had grown close over the past few months.


But now it was time for Marie-Celeste to leave Wendake. While she had made excuses to return to Ossassane after treating outbreaks of the Red Plague in other Wendat and Tionontati [18] villages, the Red Plague had now moved farther West. A trader had arrived last night with the news that people were now falling sick in Odawa villages to the Northwest, and Marie-Celeste was called to go there to help treat the sick. It was her mission to serve God by setting up hospitals wherever the Red Plague would travel, and if the Red Plague moved on, so must she.


“Annaotaha,” she said “you must have heard the news by now.”


“Yes I have,” he replied. “I knew the time would come when you must pass on from our lands, and it seems that that time is now. When will you be leaving?”


“Tomorrow. I will be leaving in a canoe with Sister Mathilde. Mathilde speaks better Anishinaabemowin than I do, so she will be coming with me. But, it's not those of us who are leaving that I need to speak to you about. I need to speak to you about those who are staying.”


“You mean the women who've been working with you in your hospitals throughout Wendake? Those who you've healed with your medicine and thus have joined your Medicine Society – your Red Sisterhood as you call it.”[19]


“Yes, the Sisters. They're the ones I mean to talk to you about. I mean to leave a group of them here, to maintain a hospital in Ossossane, and perhaps to set up a few more throughout Wendake. The Red Plague will be back, and next time I want you to be ready. Too many people died this winter, and I want to make sure that doesn't happen again.”


“I also want to make sure that doesn't happen again. But isn't keeping your Red Sisters here to maintain the hospital enough?”


“Well, I am worried about how they will be able to maintain the hospital. Most of the Sisters joined the Sisterhood because they lost their families to the Plague and had no other family to support them. Some of them even lost entire villages. This means they are outcasts here; many of them have no clan, or are belong to clans which have been severely reduced in number. My worry is that, when the plague is a distant memory, no one will be willing to share their food with the Sisters, and no one will be willing to cut wood for them to help them repair their hospital. While some Sisters are still part of clans which have land to farm here, others have no land of their own, and none of them have much to trade for food.”


Marie-Celeste paused before continuing. “I want you to make me a guarantee. I want you to guarantee that the Sisterhood will be granted fields of their own to farm when they are not busy tending to the sick, and I want you to teach the men of Ossosane to share their game with them as they would with the women of their own clan. I want to leave your village knowing that the Sisters that I leave behind will be taken care of and will be able to take care of themselves just as they have taken care of you and your people when they were sick.” [20]


“I cannot make you any guarantees”, Annaotaha replied, “as I cannot make any decisions without the approval of the council. However, I will do my best to teach my people to take care of the Red Sisters that you leave here. I will teach my people to save a portion of our land for the Red Sisters to farm for themselves, and to never let the Sisters go hungry or cold. As long as the Red Sisters continue to protect our people from the Red Plague, they shall always be taken care of.”


“Then I can depart in peace, knowing that my Sisters are in good hands. I hope to return here someday, but if not, I will always remember the hospitality you and your people have showed the Sisterhoood. For now then, it is goodbye.”


“Goodbye,” Annaotaha replied.


* * * * *


Footnotes:


[1] Achelacy was the Westernmost of the villages of the People of the River Mouth. It was metioned in Cartier's logs so we know it existed OTL. It's located at approximately the same location as present-day Portneuf, Quebec.


[2] If you haven't figured it out by now, the plague that has struck is smallpox. There were a number of herbs that would have grown in the St. Lawrence Valley that were used as anlagesics, and I figured they'd be useful in treating the disease. Tobacco leaves were used as a poultice for bee stings and insect bites. I have no idea if a tobacco poultice would work the same for smallpox, but it would at least work as a placebo, especially given its ceremonial importance.


[3] “Hospital” in this context just refers to a longhouse that's dedicated to the sick. It's a simple building with a firepit and sleeping platforms inside. The only real thing special about it is that Jewa lives there and that he forbids anyone who is not sick from entering and forbids anyone who is sick from leaving.


[4] Joseph goes by a Christian name because he was born in Stadacona. He's an “uncle” in the sense of being Sentsitaa's mother's sister's husband, and he came to Achelacy when he married into Sentsitaa's family.


[5] Taquenonday and Achelacy are the only two villages of the People of the River Mouth located West of Stadacona. The others are all to the East. There is a much longer distance between Achelacy and the villages of the People of the Lake farther to the West, so there is little worry about those who are sick fleeing Westwards.


[6] Remember that Yegasetsi sent the survivors of Old Stadacona to various villages in order to set up hospitals in each one. All of the villages of the People of the River Mouth have their own hospital, as do the larger villages and towns of the three Upper Kanatian nations.


[7] The original cause of this outbreak, and many of the subsequent ones, is the arrival of families of French settlers in Stadacona. Since smallpox is a “childhood disease” in the urban areas where most of the settlers come from, it is the arrival of families with infected children which lead to outbreaks. It has been noted in one of my sources that the OTL outbreak of smallpox among the Wendat [Hurons] coincided with the arrival of some of the first European-born children in OTL New France.


[8] The 300 who are sick still represents less than 10% of Hochelaga's population. Hochelaga had a population of 3000 at the time of Cartier's visit, and, since then, the population has grown to around 5000. Smallpox will still have a high mortality rate amongst TTL's Kanatians, it will just be confined to a small minority of the population.


[9] While today we use the word “Jesuit” to usually mean “Jesuit Priest”, in the past the majority of members of the Society of Jesus were not ordained priests but were 'lay brothers' who did much of the “behind the scenes” work in Jesuit missions and schools. In TTL's Kanata, the term Jesuit is used to refer to all of the missionaries, both the priests and the lay brothers. In TTL's Kanata, a simplified version of the black robes worn by Jesuit priests are given to all male graduates of the Jesuit schools to help identify them as spiritual authorities when they return to their home villages.


[10] Père André intends for Marie-Celeste to become a “Religious Sister” - she will take religious vows but they are considered “simple vows” rather than “solemn vows”, which is shy she will not be considered a Nun and thus won't be confined to a convent. The existence of uncloistered religious women was controversial in OTL's 16th century (it was practiced largely without the Pope's approval), but since TTL has had a succession of non-OTL Popes, I'm assuming that one of these non-OTL Popes has established a Third Order (meaning neither Monks (First Order) nor Nuns (Second Order)) to which someone leading Marie-Celeste's lifestyle can belong.


[11] I've finally tried to translate the names of the various Kanatian nations into something resembling the Kanatian language. I've basically used a Wendat disctionary (supposedly the St. Lawrence Iroquoain langauge was closer to Wendat than anything else) and changed a few phonemes here or there to make it “not quite” Wendat.


[12] I should translate some of these terms. Omamiwinini is the general term for the people we know OTL as the Algonquin people – the Easternmost of the Anishinaabe nations. Weskarini are a sub-group of the Omamiwinini who lived North of the Ottawa River in the OTL Gatineau area, and the Kichesipirini are another subgroup who lived near OTL Pembroke. The Omamiwinini villages shown on the “Villages, Towns and Place Names in the Kanata valley” map are either Kitchesipirini or Weskarini villages settled by those who have adopted farming, herding and other more settled practice from Hochelaga. Matawang is the original Anishinaabemowin place name that in OTL has become Mattawa.


[13] Most of the Anishinaabe were nomadic hunter-gatherers in the summer, but would spend the winters near the villages of Iroquoian farmers where they would trade furs they had spent the summer collecting for corn to feed them through the winter. This meant that various Anishinaabe subgroups were closely tied to the Irqouoians with whom they wintered. For example, the Odawa wintered with the Wendat and thus were allied to them.


[14] Anishinaabemowin is the common language of the Anishinaabe people.


[15] Marie-Celeste's understanding of Sisterhood is not completely in according with Church canon. She understands that the black robes can only be worn by those who have graduated from the Jesuit school, but that the red sash can be given to any who have survived the plague. However, she refers to all those who take on the red sash as Sisters, while only her and a few others (like Sister Marguerite) who actually have graduated from the Jesuit school have actually been officially made Religious Sisters.


[16] There was an OTL historical figure by the name of Annaotaha. This is his grandfather, who bore the same name as names were often passed down in families among the Wendat.


[17] Wedake is the Wendat name for the lands inhabited by the people of the Wendat [Huron] Confederacy. In TTL, the Haudenosaunee Iroquois have been less agressive than OTL due to the continued existence of Hochelaga, which means that Wendake is a little more extensive than it was at this time OTL. In TTL, the Arendarhonons and Tahontaenrats still live East of Lake *Simcoe. (In OTL, they had moved into the area near Georgian Bay that Champlain found them around 1600). Note that in my “Indigenous Nations and Confederacies” map I used the spelling “Wyandot” rather than “Wendat”. I've since switched wholeheartedly to “Wendat” because it fits better with the term “Wendake”.


[18] The Tionontati were the nation “next-door” to the Wendat – they lived just to the West. They were well known for their tobacco and were dubbed “Petun” by the French.


[19] Annaotaha and the other Wendats see the Red Sisterhood as akin to their own Medicine Societies, as do many of the Sisters who are Wendat in origin. When Jesuit missionaries reach Wendake in a generation or two, they will barely recognize the Catholic origins of the Red Sisterhood.


[20] Marie-Celeste had heard about the idea of granting lands to the Church from the Jesuits, and she is now adapting this idea as a way to ensure the sustainability of the Red Sisterhood.
 
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Great to see this back, and it will be interesting to see how the cultural conflicts over medicine are resolved.

Thanks! I have been putting a little bit into this every week this fall, but work's kinda been kicking my ass lately, so one update a month is about the maximum I can handle.

Although, for whatever reason I divided my energy in October between this post and the next couple, so the next couple should be ready in less than a month.

The next couple posts cover Western Europe until about 1605-ish. I need to get folks up to speed on the Netherlands because the next post set in North America will feature some Dutch fur traders based out of Antwerp.
 
Update 16 – Sentsitaa:

“Well, if by Sister you mean becoming a nun and joining a convent, then the answer is no. There's no convent here for you to join, and I think you can serve the Church much better by remaining here than by travelling to France. But there is another type of Sisterhood that could be yours if you want it. You know how there are lay brothers as well as those of us Jesuits who are ordained priests?”
Clever and practical innovation. Good.
“Hochelaga is not the only town struck by the Red Plague. A trader who arrived yesterday brought word that the Plague had travelled farther upriver. The village of Gananaga has been hit hard, many are sick, and there are no smallpox survivors around to care for the sick. We need to send someone there who has immunity and can run the hospital there, and we have chosen you.”
Is this Ganonoque, near Kingston ON?
Marie-Celeste had heard word of healers who had been sent to stop the spread of the Red Plague amongst the Haudenosaunee to the South, and who had been killed by their Haudenosaunee hosts. Even when Marie-Celeste had been sent to Gananaga, there had be a Jesuit lay brother travelling with her who had continued upriver to a different Damedahronon [People of the Rapids] village, never to return. However, today was the first time that Marie-Celeste had been forced to deal with the death of a healer herself.

I love the re-creations of possible names. I don't know how plausible they are, but they certainly are Wendat-ish rather than Haudenosaunee!!

“The women, well, some were able to be adopted – many into the Sheep Clan which has always been welcoming of newcomers. But others followed after me. All who have recovered from the disease are now immune to the Red Plague, and you are very valuable to our efforts to stop the spread of the disease. Many of the Weskarini women took on the red sash, became Sisters like me, and were sent out to help stop the spread of the plague.” [15]
Heh. Like her extension of the Sisterhood. Again, plausible, especially if they're not claiming to be nuns, exactly.
“You mean the women who've been working with you in your hospitals throughout Wendake? Those who you've healed with your medicine and thus have joined your Medicine Society – your Red Sisterhood as you call it.”[19]
Heh. Medicine Society. In the European sense:)

[10] Père André intends for Marie-Celeste to become a “Religious Sister” - she will take religious vows but they are considered “simple vows” rather than “solemn vows”, which is shy she will not be considered a Nun and thus won't be confined to a convent. The existence of uncloistered religious women was controversial in OTL's 16th century (it was practiced largely without the Pope's approval), but since TTL has had a succession of non-OTL Popes, I'm assuming that one of these non-OTL Popes has established a Third Order (meaning neither Monks (First Order) nor Nuns (Second Order)) to which someone leading Marie-Celeste's lifestyle can belong.

See e.g.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beguines_and_Beghards
OTL, they and similar organizations were outlawed. But maybe iTTL they're not.
[11] I've finally tried to translate the names of the various Kanatian nations into something resembling the Kanatian language. I've basically used a Wendat disctionary (supposedly the St. Lawrence Iroquoain langauge was closer to Wendat than anything else) and changed a few phonemes here or there to make it “not quite” Wendat.
Love the effort. Thank you

[20] Marie-Celeste had heard about the idea of granting lands to the Church from the Jesuits, and she is now adapting this idea as a way to ensure the sustainability of the Red Sisterhood.
Heh. I like this, too.


Great update.

Thank you.
 
Is this Ganonoque, near Kingston ON?


Ummm - wow I wasn't consciously thinking of Gananoque - but I probably was subconsciously. Actually, the location I was thinking of was an archealogical site near Cornwall, Ontario, where we know there was a St. Lawrence Iroquoain villge, but I could totally retcon it to be Gananoque :)

I love the re-creations of possible names. I don't know how plausible they are, but they certainly are Wendat-ish rather than Haudenosaunee!!

Thanks. I do totally feel that I'm probably butchering the language in terms of how compound words are put together. Especially since, from what I've read (which as a non-linguist I don't really understand), Iroquoain languages don't have pronouns as such and instead incorporate them into verbs as something like an affix.... (again, I don't really understand what I'm saying)

Heh. Medicine Society. In the European sense:)

Yes and no. The idea would be that the Red Sisterhood amongst the Wendat would practice a sort of syncretism between the European and Wendat idea of medicine.

Marie-Celeste herself is very pragmatically-minded in that she doesn't concern herself too much with the more spiritual aspects of medicine, and takes an approach of "God helps those who help themselves". She's more concerned with teaching her methods of quarantining, and spreading the idea of the immunity of plague surivors than committing herself to a single explanation of why her methods work. It is because of this that she's been able to effectively work amongst people other than her own.

However, the Red Sisters that she's left behind amongst the Wendat are mostly women who themselves have been brought up within the Wendat and Tionontati nations, and thus their view of what the Red Plague is will be understood in terms that fit within the Wendat spirituality, and the will see their own immunity to the Red Plague as a spiritual power they have gained through their method of quarantining.

I being very vague here because I don't pretend to understand more than the very basic outline of pre-contact Wendat spirituality. But the idea here is that ideas which are European in origin are being assimilated into the local cultures

See e.g.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beguines_and_Beghards
OTL, they and similar organizations were outlawed. But maybe iTTL they're not.

I was going mostly by the information in: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nun#Distinction_between_a_nun_and_a_religious_sister which seemed to imply the existence of non-cloistered religious women was permitted by Pope Leo X, outlawed by Pius V, and then tolerated later. This is repeated in http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_order#Congregations_of_Sisters

Since I've already established that all the popes after 1559 are different from OTL due to the controversial Conclave of 1559 which established Spanish Habsburg dominance in the College of Cardinals, I've butterflied away Pius V's decision to outlaw non-cloistered religious women in favour of keeping the ambiguous status quo that Leo X established.
 
oops

Since I've already established that all the popes after 1559 are different from OTL due to the controversial Conclave of 1559 which established Spanish Habsburg dominance in the College of Cardinals,

Oops - just realized that I didn't post that update yet :D

Well, that's a spoiler you'll see shortly...
 
Update 13 - France to 1600
Revised France Update

France:


Henri II (King of France 1545 – 1563) (b. 1519, m. 1533 Catherine de'Medici, d. 1563)


Henri II was the only surviving son of King François I of France. He came to power upon the death of François with France already involved in the Scottish “War of the Queen's Marriage”. [1] Originally, Henri's war objective was to secure a marriage between Mary, Queen of Scots, and his young son François, creating a union between the crowns of Scotland and France. However, when the Dauphin François died in 1547 [2], Henri took a different approach, demanding a treaty which would make Scotland's foreign policy subservient to France. While Henri was correct in his assessment that Scotland needed France's support to win a war against England, he misjudged Scotland's willingness to give in to English demands for a marriage between Mary and Edward, Prince of Wales. Henri's demands of concessions from Scotland in return for his continued commitment to the war against England was responsible for alienating a large portion of the Scottish population, and ultimately losing the war for the pro-French faction. [3]


When an embarrassing peace between England and France was signed in 1553, Henry began to look for other campaigns in which he could fare better. With the death of Emperor Charles V in 1555 [4], and with the division of the Hapsburg lands between Spain and Austria, Henri thought the time was right for a new war against Spain. He pressed his claims in Italy and launched an invasion of the peninsula, with the aid of his Ottoman allies, in 1556. Henri was ultimately unsuccessful in this war, but the expenses incurred by Felipe II of Spain in maintaining his mercenary armies helped contribute to Spain's economic problems. [5]


The religious tension that would mark much of the second half of the 16th century began in earnest during the reign of Henri II. Henri himself was a staunch Catholic and he took strict measure to outlaw Protestantism, but the Calvinist Huguenot movement continued to grow underground throughout the two decades of Henri's reign. Huguenot uprisings against Henri's anti-Protestant policies become more and more common, and Henri was often too distracted by his wars to put down these revolts in a timely manner.


One factor which greatly encouraged the growth of French Protestantism was the Papal Conclave of 1559 which resulted in the election of the first of a long series of explictly pro-Hapsburg popes. While various Popes had frequently formed alliances with the Hapsburgs before this point, the Pope had never explicitly put Hapsburg interests before those of the Papacy and the Church. Starting with the Conclave of 1559, the Hapsburg faction came to dominate the College of Cardinals, and with the Italian War of 1556-1564, the Hapsburg armies came to dominate Italy. A series of weak Popes, elected by the pro-Hapsburg Cardinals, proceeded to put Hapsburg interests above all else.


The fact that the Hapsburgs, especially Spain, were at the time seen as France's arch-enemies meant that many in France came to see Roman Catholicism itself as being opposed to French interests. After the Conclave of 1559, Calvinism began to gain appeal amongst the nobility, while before this time, Protestantism in France had mostly been a protest movement restricted to the lower and middle classes. However, despite the actions of the Pope, King Henri himself remained a traditionalist in his religious views, and refused to question Roman Catholicism. Protestants were dismissed from Henri's court, and even those who advocated taking steps against the Pope within Catholicism (such as appointing an Anti-Pope) were kept out of the King's inner circles.


So, even as the French nobility became more Protestant, Henri's advisors became more Catholic. Protestants who envied Henri's closest advisors (François, the son of Duke Claude of Guise, was one whose position was much coveted) gravitated toward the Dauphin Louis, whose favour they intended to win. The fact that Henri's advisors were at once the most Catholic members of the nobility and the men who had been in charge during Henri's military failures meant that Catholicism itself acquired a tainted reputation. By the time of his death, Henri's military failures had given him a reputation as an ineffective monarch, further disgracing the Catholic cause. [6]


In the last years of Henri's reign, it became more and more difficult for Henri to control the frequent Protestant uprisings. Many nobles sympathetic to Protestantism had begun refusing to put down these revolts, and some members of the lower nobility were even trying to co-opt these uprisings for their own purposes. Henri's own troops were tied up in Italy, making him powerless to deal with the rebels himself. In the end Henri was forced to readmit Protestants to his court in exchange for help putting down the uprisings. Soon there was an open Protestant faction at court which would make its voice heard after the sudden death of King Henri in 1563.


Louis XIII (King of France 1563 – 1574) (b. 1548, m. 1572 Catherine de Bourbon, d. 1574)


Louis XIII was the second son of Henri II, but the oldest one to survive childhood. [7] Louis spent much of his childhood immersed in a court which disapproved of his father's military failures, and became influenced by a group of Huguenots led by Louis de Bourbon, younger brother of Duke Antoine of Bourbon. [8] With the sudden death of Henri II, a conflict arose in the Council of Peers [9] over who would be named regent for the 14-year-old King. The Protestant faction favoured Louis de Bourbon, while Henri's closest advisors favoured François, the new Duke of Guise. Neither candidate was acceptable to the moderate majority as François' reputation proved to be too tarnished by Henri's failures [10], but Louis de Bourbon's Protestantism made him equally unacceptable. François de Guise proposed that the Bourbons be expelled from Council on the grounds of Protestantism, which only made things worse as the Bourbon army was soon raised. Soon, the situation had degenerated into the brief “Regency War”, where armies loyal to the Bourbon and de Guise houses clashed in a number of small engagements. However, by the end of the year, the French army that had been fighting in Italy, led by Henri, Duke of Montmorency, [11] returned home to impose peace between the two factions. In the end it was Henri de Montmorency, a moderate Catholic, who was appointed regent.


Thus, the early years of Louis XIII's reign were marked by a compromise between Catholic and Protestant factions, with policies of tolerance promoted, and with both Catholic and Protestant nobles serving as Louis' advisors. Peace was quickly made in Italy, with Louis giving up all of the French claims South of the Alps in exchange for small gains elsewhere. The alliance that Montmorency, as Regent, forged with King Edward of England supported France's interests abroad. This time was a time of relative stability, and peace at home and abroad led to a period of economic prosperity.


However, this time of peace would be relatively short-lived as it became more and more clear that Louis favoured the Protestant faction over the Catholics. While the policies of tolerance during Louis' reign had been successful and preventing Protestant uprisings, it was now the Catholics who grew more and more discontent. When Louis reached the age of majority, Henri of Montmorency and other moderates were dismissed in favour of Protestants, and the influence of Calvinists such as Louis de Bourbon and his sister-in-law Jeanne, Queen of Navarre, grew. King Louis drifted more and more into the Protestant camp until 1568, when, at the urging of his Protestant advisors, he converted to Calvinism.


Louis' conversion led almost immediately to armed uprisings by peasants and commoners, encouraged by their clergy, calling for the “Heretic King” to fire his Protestant advisors and reconvert to Catholicism. Armies led by Protestant nobles were sent to put down these revolts, while Catholic nobles often used their own troops to defend the rebels.


François de Guise described Louis' conversion as a “fit of madness” and tried to secure for himself the position of Regent for the “mad King”. François became the figurehead for a number of the Catholic armies fighting against Louis' loyalists, although the Duke of Guise himself was soon found guilty of treason and was forced to flee to Spain. Parts of France soon devolved into chaos, as army fought army and mob fought mob.


But, within a few years, both sides were tired enough from fighting that Louis was able to make peace. He made an agreement with the Catholic Clergy where Louis would refrain from reforming the French Church (as had been done with the Church of England) in exchange for a promise from the clergy not to support further uprisings. He also made peace with the Catholic nobles who still supported François of Guise's “Regency” by agreeing to keep a minimum number of Catholics amongst his close advisors.


While the years from 1570 to 1572 were a time of relative peace, there was still much discontent simmering below the surface. Assassination attempts were made in 1569 and 1571 by those wishing to replace Louis with his younger brother Charles, and revolts were still common. But, unlike in 1568, there were no Catholic nobles willing to take the risk of raising an army against their King, so the Protestants, with support from the moderate Catholics, were able to retain control.


However, things changed again in 1572 when King Louis married Catherine de Bourbon, the daughter of Antoine, Duke of Bourbon, and Jeanne of Navarre. It became clear at this point that if Catherine de Bourbon was to give birth to a son, France would be faced with not just one Protestant King, but a whole line of them. The Catholic nobles who had made peace with Louis soon began sending letters to the exiled Duke of Guise promising to support his efforts to establish a Regency.


Soon François of Guise approached Felipe II of Spain to request his support in dethroning Louis. The alliance between the Duke of Guise and Spain had already been sealed with the marriage of Felipe's son Charles to François' daughter Catherine in 1571. [12] Now, François convinced Felipe to lead an army into France in order to “save the people of France from their Heretic King”.


Felipe's army crossed the Pyrenees into France in 1573, starting what is often referred to as the “Révolution de l'an 1574”. Many Catholic nobles raised their own forces and joined them to Felipe's army, and others started inciting revolts amongst the Catholic commoners. The Spanish army defeated Louis' loyalists in a number of decisive battles. Louis' forces suffered much from low morale as the soldiers themselves were still mostly Catholic, and were unwilling to fight to defend a faith which many of them continued to see as heresy. While these same soldiers had won many battles in the smaller conflicts of the late 1560s, they had always been fighting disorganized mobs or armies much smaller than their own. Fighting against a well-led, numerically equal force was too much for Louis' troops, even when they had terrain on their side.


Seeing that he would need a larger force than he had to win this war, at the end of 1573, Louis sent his brother Charles to Paris to recruit more troops while Louis led his army in a controlled retreat, hoping to buy time by forcing Felipe to beseige the Protestant-dominated cities of the Southwest. However, in early 1574, when Louis' army reached the gates of Paris, he discovered his brother had betrayed him. Charles had closed the gates of the city, and would not let any Protestants enter. Charles demanded that Louis convert back to Catholicism and dismiss his Protestant advisors. Louis refused, but many of his own troops deserted to join Charles' army. Louis soon had no choice but to take refuge in Orléans, which was soon under seige by Charles' army.


Luckily for the French, the seige of Orléans did not last long. Catholic loyalists amongst the Orléanais opened the gates to Charles' army. A battle broke out in the streets between Charles' and Louis' troops. Seeing that he was vastly outnumbered, but hoping that Charles' troops would not be willing to fire on their own King, Louis rode out to lead the troops himself wearing his crown upon his head instead of his helmet. While Louis' presence did cause many of Charles' men to cease their attack, it didn't stop all of them. A stray arquebus ball struck Louis in the cheek, and before the day was out Louis XIII was no more. As Louis had a daughter but no sons, the crown soon passed to his brother Charles, who would be crowned as King Charles IX.


Charles IX (King of France 1574 – 1615) (b. 1553, m. 1573 Jeanne de Guise, m. 1583 Marie Perret, d. 1615)


Charles IX was the youngest son of King Henri II [13]. In 1560, as Henri saw his son Louis beginning to succumb to the influence of Protestants, he sent the young Prince Charles away to be educated by François de Guise, one of Henri's most trusted advisors. Charles spent much of his childhood and adolescence under the influence of François and his Catholic faction, and only returned to his brother's court when he reached the age of majority.


Charles was a somewhat more moderate Catholic than his mentor François, and unwilling to support François' allegation that Louis had succumbed to madness. He was certainly unwilling to support François as Regent, instead believing that Louis could be convinced through reason alone to return to the Catholic fold. It was only when it became clear that the French forces were too divided to defeat King Felipe on the battlefield, that Charles decided he couldn't wait for his brother to convert of his own accord. He hoped that, by closing the gates of Paris to his brother, he could force him to convert. He believed that a Catholic Louis XIII could rally the French Catholics behind his banner and could expel the Spanish army from French territory.


The last thing Charles expected to result from his actions was the death of Louis during the battle of Orléans. While Charles did grieve his brother's death, he also was quick to secure the reins of power. With the death of the “Heretic King”, the Catholic uprisings quickly ceased, and with Spanish troops on French soil, Catholics and Protestants united behind Charles and forced the Spanish to withdraw. Charles quickly extended diplomatic relations to the Ottoman Sultan, making sure that the Sultan would stand by him if Spain refused to make peace.


But the peace that Charles built would not last long, as many Huguenots were still unhappy with living under a Catholic King. In Huguenot circles, Catholicism was equated with a Pope who was controlled by Spain, and the fact that it was the Catholic faction that had brought Spanish troops into France further tarnished Catholicism itself. While Charles had made sure that his mentor François of Guise left France along with the Spanish army, Charles had married François' niece Jeanne, and many believed that François, even in exile, still carried much influence behind the scenes. Many even accused Charles of ordering the arquebus shot that had brought him to power, and pamphlets began circulating in Huguenot circles calling for Charles' abdication.


While Charles' later decisions lead us to believe that Charles would have preferred a policy of tolerance to maintain the peace, Charles was greatly constrained by his choice of advisors. Many of the Protestant nobles who had supported Louis had been with Louis at the gates of Paris when Charles' betrayal had become apparent, and many of them would never forgive Charles for what they saw as treason. Even some of the moderate Catholics from Louis' council were unwilling to work with the man they saw as responsible for Louis' death. Thus Charles was often forced to pick advisors from the same Catholic faction who had supported the de Guise “Regency”, thus further tarnishing his own image amongst the Protestants.


Charles soon began to bring in policies to crack down on those who accused him of regicide. Many Catholic nobles saw these policies as license to persecute all Huguenots, which in turn led to more frequent and more violent Protestant uprisings. Things came to a head in 1578 when the capture of a number of minor Catholic nobles by Protestant rebels forced Charles to intervene. Charles raised his own army, and marched on La Rochelle where the Protestants were headquartered. Charles' army forced the Protestants to retreat within the city walls, but was unable to take the city.


At this time, Henri, Duke of Bourbon [14], who had recently been crowned King of Navarre, emerged as the leader of the Protestant faction. As Charles had not yet had a son, Henri of Navarre, as heir to the Bourbon branch of the Capetian Dynasty, was the next in line for the French throne. Thus, those Protestants who called for Charles to step down on charges of treason against Louis XIII supported Henri as their candidate for King. Henri soon raised his own army, and marched to the relief of La Rochelle. With the Battle of La Rochelle, Henri proved to be a competent military commander, and by the end of the year he had numerous nobles and rebel militias fighting under his banner.


It became clear by 1579 this particular conflict was more than just a Protestant rebellion against the King, but had devolved into a full-scale civil war. Charles commanded larger forces than the Protestants during this part of the war, but lost a number of battles due to technical blunders. By the end of 1580, large swaths of the country in the Southwest were occupied by the Protestants and lay outside of the King's control.


Things changed for the worse in 1581 with the death of King Edward of England. King Edward had been careful to maintain a position of neutrality in the French Wars of Religion so far, being unwilling to support either the Catholics or Protestants in favour of maintaining an alliance with France against Spain. However, the new King Henry IX [15] was not so nuanced in his foreign policy. Henry IX threw his support fully behind the Protestant faction.


In 1582 the “Alliance of the Henrys” (King Henry IX of England and King Henri III of Navarre) launched simultaneous attacks in the North and West of France. The Navarrese army soon took Tours and beseiged Orléans, while the English army advanced from Calais to take control of Amiens and much of Picardie, with plans to soon advance South towards Paris. In the early 1580s the situation looked grim for King Charles, as his forces were now outnumbered by the Protestant alliance.


Part of Charles' problem was that his wife, Jeanne had yet to give birth to a son. She had given birth to a daughter in 1576 and had suffered a number of miscarriages since. With Charles being the last surviving son of Henri II, and with no heir to succeed him, Henri of Navarre was the next in line for the throne. This not only united the Protestants behind Henri, but also meant that many French nobles were unwilling to take up arms against the Protestants as they wanted to stay on good terms with the man they saw as potentially the next King of France.


But, in 1582, Jeanne de Guise feel sick; she died in 1583. Charles quickly married Marie Perret, a young courtier whose mother and aunts had been known to be exceptionally fertile, and in early 1585 Marie gave birth to a son. This caused disunity in the Protestant camp, with Henri's supporters split between those that still supported Henri's claim to the throne, and those more legitimist-minded Protestants who would prefer that Henri simply serve as Regent for Charles' young son. Charles was able to take advantage of this disunity in a few key battles, the tide of the war was soon turned, and the Protestant forces began to retreat. In 1586, La Rochelle was taken, cutting off the Navarrese army in Tours from the Protestant stronghold in the Southwest, and by the spring of 1587 the Protestant army was suing for peace.


The Peace of Tours, made in 1587, was the brainchild of Henri of Navarre. Henri knew that he had no more chance of obtaining the French throne, and knew that the best outcome he could hope for was status quo ante bellum. But at the same time, his army was still intact, and he had no intention of being forced to disband it. It was clear that King Charles wouldn't let him keep his army, unless it was actively being used to fight one of France's other enemies. So, Henri proposed that his army be allowed safe passage through France to the Netherlands, where he would offer his support to the Dutch forces fighting against the Spanish. King Charles needed a peace that would show the people of France that Catholicism had won, and needed to ensure the Protestants were stripped of their power to rise up against the French King, so he needed some concessions from the Protestants. Henri, it turned out, was able to offer what was needed in exchange for a few things of his own.


Thus, in the final peace agreement, Henri of Navarre gave up any claim by himself or his heirs to the French throne, and the other Protestant nobles agreed to stand down and agreed never again to raise armies in France. However, to help prevent future conflicts between France and Navarre, Henri traded his French holdings in Bourbon, Vendome and Albret for the small territory of Labourd. Charles agreed to recognize an independent Kingdom of Navarre consisting of Lower Navarre, Béarn, and Labourd. This not only created a buffer between France and Spain in the Western Pyrenees, but it also gave the small Kingdom of Navarre access to the sea through the port of Bayonne. [16] Catholicism was retained as the state Church of France, but Protestant worship was permitted by any who are “sufficiently loyal to their King”. The Peace of Tours set the stage for a new era of tolerance and peace as both sides were utterly exhausted by war.


In the 1590s, Charles began to turn his attention overseas. New France had existed on paper for almost 50 years at this point, but in the year 1590, there were still fewer than 40 Frenchmen living in the Comté du Canada. Charles saw the wealth that Spain's American colonies had brought in, and hoped to establish similar riches for France through colonization. Gold had been discovered in the Comté du Canada in the 1570s, but throughout the 1580s that gold had been mined by the natives, who had sent only a small portion of their gold revenues back to France as tribute. Charles was convinced that, if he put a Frenchman in charge of the mining operations, he would be able to increase the flow of gold from New France to the same levels as that flowing from New Spain. But, until 1590, other priorities had been more important.


Thus, in 1591, Charles replaced the Métis Comte du Canada, Charles Grignon, with a Frenchman by the name of Michel duFort. He sent the new Comte to Stadacona to improve the efficiency of the mining operation, and to extract the maximum possible revenue for France. While these revenues never came close to those that were extracted by Spain in their colonies, duFort did succeed at rising the levels of revenue far beyond that which the Stadaconan natives had been sending as tribute.


Along with increasing French influence in Canada, Charles worked at building a new French fleet that could challenge the Spanish fleet in the sea lanes to the New World. While French pirates were often able to capture lone Spanish ships, and the French had defeated the Spanish Mediterranean fleet in the Italian wars with help from their Ottoman allies, the French fleet was still unable to engage the Spanish in Atlantic naval battles where Ottoman support was unavailable. Charles knew that another war with Spain could easily lead to Spanish naval dominance in the Atlantic, potentially cutting off France from any colonies they would found overseas. Thus, founding new colonies would be a worthless venture until the Spanish fleet could be overcome.


Thus, the 1590s saw the construction of many French ships in the ports of Marseille, La Rochelle, and St-Malo. Most of these ships were galleons built according to an innovative design which is known to this day as the “King Charles Galleon”. While it would be well into the 17th century before the French fleet could truly rival that of Spain, and it would be even longer before the French would win their first Atlantic naval victory against the Spanish, the age of French naval power begins with the rule of King Charles IX.


Another institution which owes its origin to the 1590s effort of King Charles is the Royal Church of France. Originally the initiative of a excommunicated priest by the name of Pierre Charbon, the Église Charbonniste, as it was called at the time, was intended to cater to the interest of those French subjects whose main objection to Catholicism was the fact that the Pope was controlled by the Spanish. The Église Charbonniste adopted worship and sacraments almost identical to those used by the Catholics, but replaced the Pope with a Patriarch residing in Paris. The first Patriarch was of course Pierre Charbon himself.


While Charbonnism dates back to the late 1570s, the real success of this new Church came with the 1596 agreement between Pierre Charbon and King Charles. Pierre Charbon had picked the title “Patriarch” for his position at head of his new Church as an allusion to the autocephalous Churches of the East [17]. He had hoped that his Church could enjoy a “special” relationship with the French monarchy. In 1596, these hopes were realized through a secret agreement between Charbon and the King to turn over a portion of the revenues of the Église Charbonniste to the King in exchange for the adoption of religious policies which favoured Charbonnism over Calvinism and the other Protestant faiths. King Charles, while not interested in converting to Charbonnism himself, could see the value in a Church which did not preach loyalty to the Pope, as the fact that the Popes of the last few decades had all been Spanish puppets had caused Charles many headaches. This secret alliance between Pierre Charbon and King Charles would eventually result in the institution we now know of as the Royal Church of France.


Footnotes to France:
[1] This is the war known OTL as “The Rough Wooing”
[2] The death of the Dauphin François in 1547 is the first major butterfly in Europe.
[3] See the “Scotland” update for the description of how the war was lost.
[4] Another butterfly. In OTL Charles V lived a few years longer: long enough to abdicate.
[5] This end to the Italian Wars favouring Spain is roughly OTL.
[6] Much of this is also OTL, although TTL's Henri II lost a war in Scotland as well as Italy, so the discontent with his reign is greater, and thus the Huguenot movement is growing a little more a little sooner than it did OTL.
[7] In TTL, as in OTL, Henry named his first son François and his second Louis. Strictly speaking, they are different people than their OTL siblings with the same names, as their dates of birth and genetic makeup are different. In OTL, François survived to marry Mary of Scotland and Louis died in infancy. In TTL, François died as a child, and Louis survived to succeed his father.
[8] Louis de Bourbon was a Huguenot leader OTL.
[9] The Council of Peers was originally the French equivalent of the HRE's Electors. It has since lost much of its power, but is still responsible for the coronation of each new King, and in this case has taken charge of appointing a Regent for the young King Louis.
[10] François, Duke of Guise was a Catholic leader OTL and TTL. He lead the French army in Italy both OTL and TTL, hence his reputation tarnished by the French defeat in Italy.
[11] Henri de Montmorency was also a moderate Catholic and a military leader OTL. While François de Guise had been leading the French army at the beginning of this war, he had since turned over control to Henri de Montmorency.
[12] Why a mere daughter of a Duke would be a suitable match for the firstborn son of the most powerful monarch in Europe will be revealed in the “England” update.
[13] OTL's Charles IX had a younger brother named Henry. TTL's Charles IX (not the same man, but an ATL “sibling”) has a younger sister instead.
[14] This Henri is an ATL sibling of the Duke of Bourbon who would OTL become Henri IV of France. His parents were Antoine, Duke of Bourbon, and Jeanne, Queen of Navarre.
[15] Sorry, folks, but Elizabeth Tudor will never become Queen in TTL.
[16] Note that Bayonne is a Basque port and is the base of a number of the whalers who make annual visits to Tadoussac (downriver from Stadacona).
[17] The term “autocephalous” refers to a Church whose head was a Patriarch whose jurisdiction covered a given Kingdom. The Greek Orthodox, Russian Orthodox, etc. Churches were all autocephalous.
 
I feel pretty bad for not having sad anything here in some time. The French update was pretty lively, a larger independent Navarre (urrah Basque!) and a Gallic Church. Europe is getting interesting, but we know where the real action is. ;) Keep it up mate, when time allows.
 
Yeah, echoing Novak, this was a great and lively update. Can't remember what exactly changed from the old version, but for the Stacadonians, the Gaulic Church could be a political-religious lifeline for their syncretic faith.
 
Can't remember what exactly changed from the old version,

Most of the changes are in the details. In the old version Louis XIII was killed by an angry catholic mob than a stray bullet, and I added in more details about how French commoners were dealing with the whole religious conflict (the old update focused too much on the nobles). I also explained a little better how Charles IX was staunchly catholic early in his reign but then went and supported Charbonnism later). (Note the term "gallicanism" was what was used otl to describe a simlar movement within otl's French church but in TTL it won't be the term that is used - Charbonnism, Autocephalism, or "the Royal Church" will be the current terms, each with its own, slightly different, connotation.)
 
Most of the changes are in the details. In the old version Louis XIII was killed by an angry catholic mob than a stray bullet, and I added in more details about how French commoners were dealing with the whole religious conflict (the old update focused too much on the nobles). I also explained a little better how Charles IX was staunchly catholic early in his reign but then went and supported Charbonnism later). (Note the term "gallicanism" was what was used otl to describe a simlar movement within otl's French church but in TTL it won't be the term that is used - Charbonnism, Autocephalism, or "the Royal Church" will be the current terms, each with its own, slightly different, connotation.)

Those were all good changes. Keep up the good work telynk!
 
Great updates. How long until the Kanatians have cities whose populations rival that of Cahokia's? :D;)

That's a good question. Let me do some projections.

Hochelaga (still the largest Kanatian city) has grown from 3000 in 1550 to 5000 in 1600. That's not a huge growth rate, mostly because we're talking about a population which traditionally had low birthrates. Since 1580-ish, the influence of Catholicism has started raising the birthrate in Hochelaga and the introduction of cattle and sheep (and, to a lesser extent, other European technologies) has raised the carrying capacity of the environment significantly. So, very shortly the birthrate will be taking off. Let's say throughout the 1600s the population of Hochelaga will double every generation.

That means 1600 - pop. 5000
1625 pop. 10 000
1650 pop. 20 000
1675 pop. 40 000
1700 pop. 80 000

So, depending on what population estimate you use for Cahokia, you'll see Hochelaga surpassing its size within 100 years. Now these are rough estimates - the population won't grow quite that regularly, as epidemics will cut it down frequently, and there will be bursts of immigration which will cause minor population booms.

Of course there will also be economic limitations on city size due to the need for both the agricultural surplus necessary to feed the city and the industries necessary to keep the city-dwellers employed. We've already seen some of these economic changes, but the big one is going to be that Hochelaga will become the center of the fur trade.

One thing to mention, the population figures above are populations for the island of *Montreal, not just for Hochelaga's inner city. A large number of the people counted in the counts above would be farmers and herders living on the outskirts of the city, within walking distance of their fields.
 
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Update 17 - Spain to 1600
Update 17 - Spain

P { margin-bottom: 0.21cm; } Update 17 - Spain:

The following is an excerpt from the book European Monarchs Vol. VII: 1550-1600


Felipe II (King of Spain 1555 – 1579) (b. 1527, m. 1543 Maria Manuela of Portugal, m. 1548 Catherine of Austria, d. 1579)


Felipe II came to power as King of Spain upon the death of his father, Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. Felipe has already been ruling Spain, Naples, Sicily, and the Duchy of Milan for years before his father's death. This meant that, despite the division of Charles V's empire between Felipe and his uncle Ferdinand (Charles's younger brother) the succession proceeded without major incident. [1]


Felipe's first decade as King was spent occupied with the Italian War of 1556-1564 against France and the Ottoman Empire. Henri II of France had attacked, hoping that Felipe would prove a less capable military leader than his father. However, while losing some territory to France early in the war, Felipe was ultimately able to gain control of the entire Italian peninsula. [2]


However, one of the greatest Spanish victories during the last of the Italian Wars was not a military one. In 1557, Pope Paul IV [3] had entered the war by allying the Papal States with France in the hopes of expanding Papal territory at the expense of Spanish-allied Italian states. However, with a series of French military defeats in 1558, a good deal of Papal territory came to be occupied by the Spanish army. Paul IV himself passed away suddenly in 1559 with a Spanish army threatening to take Rome. The city of Rome was gripped with fear as many still remembered the Sack of Rome by Charles V's army that had taken place 30 years earlier.


As the College of Cardinals met in 1559, hope of appointing a Pope who could stand up to the Spanish army was all but lost. Thus, the priority was on appointing a Pope who could build the best possible relationship with the Spanish, and thus could negotiate a favourable peace for the Papal States. Thus the man who would become Pope Gregory XIII [4] was appointed with a mandate of maintaining good relations with the Hapsburgs, especially with the Spanish King Felipe. Gregory XIII more than lived up to his mandate, often giving in to Spanish demands, and appointing a number of explicitly pro-Spanish cardinals. Moreover, by creating a limit to the size of the College of Cardinals, Gregory XIII was able to ensure that future Popes would be unable to overturn the Spanish domination of the College.


While the Italian War of 1556-1564 proved that Felipe was a competent military leader, Felipe took little interest in the management of the Royal treasury. His employment of expensive mercenaries in Italy and the continual buildup of the Spanish fleet led to a large annual deficit. Felipe was forced to default on a number of his loans in 1559 and again in 1567 and 1572, but he never led this deter further spending on Spain's aggressive wars abroad. [5]


The sudden death of Henri II of France brought an end to the last of the Italian Wars. A peace favouring the Spain was negotiated, and Felipe quickly proclaimed victory and turned his attention to his enemies that were still fighting. The Ottoman Empire, who had been supporting their French allies through raids and naval descents on the Italian coast, were now left alone facing Spain, Austria, and most of Italy. While Spain had been victorious in Italy itself, many Venetian holdings in the Eastern Mediterranean had come to be occupied by the Ottomans. Felipe believed that, with France out of the war, these lands could be recovered, and quickly mustered a large fleet which would be able to defeat the Ottomans at sea.


War continued with the Ottomans until the 1566 Battle of Corfu, where a Spanish-Venetian fleet defeated a large part of the Ottoman navy. Enough of the Ottoman fleet was destroyed that the Sultan soon sued for peace, offering to give up all of the Venetian islands he had occupied. The Battle of Corfu, as the first major defeat of the Ottoman Navy, proved to be the turning point in the Spanish-Ottoman struggle for the Mediterranean. After 1566, Spain was regularly able to launch a fleet larger than any the Ottomans could muster, and Spain would dominate the Mediterranean for the rest of the century.


With Italy secured for Spain and the Ottomans defeated, Felipe began to turn his attention North. With Felipe seeing himself as the defender of Catholicism, Edward VI's reforms of the English Church began to look threatening. Mary Tudor, who had been the closest Catholic claimant to the English throne, had died in 1553, but her claim had been inherited by her daughter Catherine of Guise. Felipe saw this opportunity to add England to the Spanish realm, and thus arranged a betrothal between his eldest son Carlos and the young Catherine. This betrothal also cemented an alliance between Felipe and Catherine's father François of Guise, who was soon exiled from France on charges of conspiracy against the Protestant King Louis XIII of France.


The late 1560's also marked the beginning of the Dutch Revolt in Felipe's Netherlands provinces. While the unrest had begun many years prior, it was in 1569 that the rebellion first erupted into a true war. While initially Felipe had thought the revolt would be quickly and easily crushed, Protestant armies led by figures such as William the Silent, Prince of Orange continued to hold parts of the Netherlands against the Spanish army. The rebels continued to gain ground for many years, and in 1577 the States-General of the Netherlands began to openly support the Dutch rebels. [6]


Besides the revolt in the Netherlands and ongoing conflicts with the American natives in New Spain, the late 1560s and early 1570s were a time of relative peace in Spain. This period was only ended by the 1573 request of François of Guise for Spanish support against the Protestant King Louis XIII of France. The Spanish intervention in France was militarily successful, although it was ended prematurely by the death of Louis XIII and the rise to power of his brother Charles IX.


With the replacement of a Protestant King of France with the Catholic Charles IX, Felipe declared victory and withdrew from France. While Felipe may have considered continuing a war with France in the hopes of gaining Provence, he decided against it, likely because his cousin Emperor Maximillian II, was unwilling to support Felipe, while the Ottoman Sultan and the King of England were willing to support France.


However, as it became clear that the unrest in France was far from over, Felipe began to realize that now may be the perfect time for war against the Ottomans. The destruction of much of the Ottoman fleet 10 years earlier and Felipe's aggressive shipbuilding drive meant that the Spanish fleet currently outnumbered that of the Turks. While Spain certainly couldn't hope to successfully invade Greece or Anatolia and while an assault on the Balkans would need Austrian support, there was a tempting target much closer to home: Algiers.


Algiers had been nominally part of the Ottoman Empire for over 30 years, although it was still primarily ruled by Corsairs with little direct control by the Sultan. Thus, while the Ottoman navy could try to prevent the transport of Spanish troops to their African port in Oran, a force marching from Oran to Algiers would only have to deal with local troops, not the Ottoman Army.


Felipe's opportunity came when his nephew Sebastian, King of Portugal (the future Sebastian the Great [7]) began planning his Moroccan Crusade[8]. While the current Sultan of Morocco was allied with the Ottoman Sultan, there was no corresponding alliance between Morocco and France, meaning that this was the perfect opportunity for Felipe to fight a war against the Ottomans without also having to fight France as well. Felipe quickly made an agreement with Sebastian to partition Morocco between Spain and Portugal, drawing a dividing line just East of Tangier at the Straits of Gibraltar.


In 1577, the Spanish and Portugese crossed the Straits and landed in Tangier. The two armies marched together inland toward the city of Fez, where they were met by the Moroccan Sultan and his army. The resulting battle was a great victory for the Spanish and Portugese, leaving them in control of Fez, although the Sultan himself escaped to Marrakech with the remnants of his army.


After their victory at Fez, the Spanish and Portugese war aims began to draw apart. Sebastian wanted to continue to pursue the Sultan of Morocco to Marrakech, while Felipe was more interested in moving Eastward against Algiers. The Ottoman navy had already engaged the Spanish fleet in a number of skirmishes, and Felipe was anxious to attack Algiers before the Ottoman army could be ferried Westwards.


Thus, in the spring of 1578, the Spanish and Portugese armies parted. Felipe marched eastward towards Algiers, while Sebastian worked on expanding the occupied strip between Tangier and Fez to encompass much of Northern Morocco. Phillip's army arrived at Algiers in the early summer of 1578, and a combined land- and sea-based assault quickly took control of the city. While Spanish flags were soon flying over the city, Felipe himself had been wounded in the assault.


The real test for the Spanish army came later in the fall, when the main Ottoman army arrived at the walls of Algiers. Spanish naval superiority had succeeded at forcing the Ottoman army to land and Tripoli and make a long march West along the coast. By the time the Ottoman army arrived in Tunis, Algiers had already fallen. But instead of accepting defeat, the Ottoman army, which outnumbered the Spanish forces almost 2 to 1, decided to lay seige to Algiers in the hopes of recapturing the city.


The seige of Algiers turned out to be another Spanish victory. The city was able to be resupplied by sea for two months until reinforcements could be sent from Spain. Together with their reinforcements, the Spanish army soon sallied from Algiers and routed the Ottoman army, which was already low on morale due to the unsuccessful seige. With the Ottoman army retreating back to the East, the Spanish were able to take the opportunity to march inland and capture the city of Tlemcen in the final months of 1578.


While the seige of Algiers was a great victory for the Spanish, it did not fare so well for Felipe himself. His wounds from the summer had not had a chance to heal properly, and, rather than being evacuated to Spain, Felipe had demanded to stay in command during the seige. Infection had set in and then spread, and Felipe died in early 1579.


Carlos II (King of Spain 1579 – 1606) (b. 1545, m. 1571 Catherine of Guise, d. 1606)


Carlos II [9] of Spain was the eldest son of Felipe II, and Felipe's only son by his first wife, Maria Manuela of Portugal. While Carlos was deformed from birth (he was only able to walk with difficulty, and was unable to ride a horse) his mind was keen, and he proved capable at governing affairs from his palace. During the 1560's and 1570's Carlos would often serve as Regent for his father when Phillip was away campaigning in his various wars. Carlos' education, and his time spent as Regent led him to pay more attention to domestic policies and fiscal management than Phillip's, who was more interested in fighting extravagant wars abroad.


Carlos almost immediately showed his distaste for foreign wars in the first months of his reign where he pushed to make peace with Morocco and the Ottoman Empire in Africa. Carlos would have been happy to give up the inland cities of Tlemcen and Fez and only keep the Spanish and Portugese gains along the coast, but Sebastian was much less willing to give up his gains, and Carlos was unwilling to face to possible diplomatic costs of making a separate peace.


Thus, it was not until 1580 that peace was made. Carlos kept Algiers and control over the coast between Algiers and Oran (which was already under Spanish control) as the only gain for Spain out of the war, while Sebastian kept the Moroccan port of Salé along with a couple other waystations along the coast that had been captured while the Spanish army had been busy in Algiers. Sebastian agreed in the end to withdraw his occupying army from Fez, but the land around Fez was not returned to the Morroccan Sultan. Instead, one of the Sultan's nephews, who had been cooperative with the occupying Portugese forces, was named Emir of Fez and was made a Portugese vassal, agreeing to pay tribute to Portugal in exchange for protection against his uncle's revanchist claims.


With the conclusion of the Moroccan Crusade, Carlos began to focus on trying to bring the Dutch Revolt to an end. He was able to reach an understanding with the representatives of many of the Southern Netherlands provinces, and in 1582 the Peace of Lille was signed where Hainaut, Artois, and a number of other Southern Netherlands provinces agreed to remain loyal to the King of Spain in exchange for settlement of a number of grievances that had led to the original revolt. [10]


The years between 1582 and 1585 in the Netherlands consisted of a combined military and diplomatic campaign. The Spanish army continued to advance Northward through the Netherlands, slowly capturing each rebel city one after another while Carlos reached out to the representatives of each province, trying to convince them to return to the fold. While Carlos was willing to make political concessions to the rebels in order to secure peace, he was still a strict Catholic, and was not willing to allow religious freedom in the Netherlands. This prevented the peaceful conlcusion to the Dutch Revolt that Carlos had hoped for.


In 1585, everything changed in the Netherlands with the entry of Henry IX's English army into the war. The Spanish-controlled Netherlands sat directly between the English in Calais and the Dutch in Holland, Zeeland, and Utrecht. While the English and Dutch armies were unable to link up in order to decisively defeat the Spanish forces, the Spanish were forced to divide their forces in order to defend against both the English and Dutch simultaneously.


Carlos soon decided that, to decisively bring an end to the Dutch Revolt, he would have to take the English out of the war. He wished to take advantage of Spain's naval superiority and Queen Catherine's claim to the English throne. Thus, in 1587, a Spanish fleet was sent to the British Isles with a twofold mission. The first was to attack English shipping, blockade key ports, and cut off Henry's army in Calais from possible resupply from England. The second was to test the willingness of Henry's Catholic subjects to rebel against their Calvinist King in favour of Queen Catherine's claim to the throne. A number of Catholic English exiles were ferried to Ireland to raise a revolt against King Henry IX of England.


In the end, this naval campaign against England was unsuccessful. The Spanish navy was defeated and the Irish uprising was put down. With the arrival of the Navarrese army in the Netherlands and peace between England and France, the Spanish began to be pushed back. Antwerp fell to the Dutch in 1591, and in 1592 Carlos decided it was time to sign a 5 year truce. The “truce line” running through Flanders and Brabant was decided upon as the border between areas of Dutch and Spanish control. Carlos still hoped to be able to retake the rest of the rebellious provinces, but figured that a period of peace was necessary to convince the people of the Netherlands that he could govern them more responsibly than his father had.


While war in the Netherlands was ongoing, Carlos was busy pursuing his main project – consolidation of his rule at home. When Carlos came to power, the Spanish crown was little more than a personal union between the Kingdoms of Castille, Aragon, Valencia, Navarre[11], Majorca, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, the Principality of Catalonia, and other territories including the Franche-Comté and the Spanish Netherlands. Carlos dreamed of combining these many entities together to form a single Kingdom in order to more efficiently rule and collect taxes, and spent much of his reign working towards this end.


The Kingdom of Castille, as the largest and richest of Carlos' Kingdoms was the logical entity into which to absorb the others, and soon after he came to power, Carlos began making plans to dissolve the Kingdoms of Aragon, Valencia, and Navarre, and the Principality of Catalonia, and incorporate them into Castille to form a Kingdom of Spain containing all of Carlos' Iberian holdings. If the mainland of Iberia could be consolidated in this way, Carlos could then move on to Majorca, Sicily, and his other realms.


However, Carlos faced opposition to his plans from within the Cort(e)s [12] of Aragon, Valencia, Catalonia, and the Navarre, as incorporation into the Kingdom of Castille would mean the end to many of the traditional privileges each realm had maintained. While the Cort(e)s had little power in themselves, Carlos felt that their approval was necessary in order to ensure the legality of his centralizing reforms.


Thus, throughout the 1580s, Carlos engaged in a campaign of winning the favour of the various members of the Cort(e)s. He made a number of political appointments to those who supported his plans, and honoured many with lands and titles. However, it was in the colonies that Carlos found the greatest opportunity to win favour amongst the nobles for his plans of Union.


Carlos had long remarked that Spain's South American colonies had been neglected in favour of New Spain[13] and the Caribbean, and he was known to say that some of the reason for that neglect had to do with the fact that Castille on its own was unable to provide the manpower to fully exploit South America as well as the more northerly colonies. In 1589, Carlos had an opportunity to change things when the Viceroy of Peru [14] had to be recalled. Carlos divided the Viceroyalty of Peru in three. The Northern territories, centred around Panama became New Catalonia; the Southern territories, to be ruled from a new town to be founded on the Rio de la Plata [15] were to become New Valencia; and the remainder of Peru proper was to become New Aragon. Carlos appointed viceroys from Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon respectively, and opened up these colonies to settlement by non-Castillians[16]. This served the dual purpose of encouraging greater investment in the colonies while also winning Carlos support amongst Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon.


Thus, in 1594 Carlos finally secured the last support he needed to bring about the Union of Spain, which legally dissolved Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Navarre, and incorporated them into the Kingdom of Castille, which was renamed the Kingdom of Spain. All members of the Cort(e)s of Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Navarre became members of the Cortes of Spain, and Castillan law was amended to incorporate many of the privileges enjoyed by those in the other Kingdoms.


While the Union of Spain was celebrated throughout most of Carlos' lands, it was not universally praised. In fact the Union resulted in two large revolts along with a number of smaller ones. The first revolt was led by the gentry of Navarre, who had been neglected in Carlos' division of South America, and who hadn't been given the same patronage as the higher nobility had. The second was led by the merchants of Barcelona, who resented the imposition of the higher Castillian tax rates, and furthermore resented the fact that they had been given the right to settle in New Catalonia but not the right to trade with it, as all colonial trade still had to pass through the port of Seville. It was Navarrese and Barcelonan revolts, and the war that they sparked, that would leave a bitter taste in the mouth of all those who had rejoiced at the Union of Spain...


Notes to Spain:
[1] In TTL, Charles V, whose health was already declining OTL by this time, didn't live long enough to abdicate. His plan of dividing his realm between his son and his brother, though, had already been agreed to before his death.
[2] This does not mean that all of Italy was occupied by Spain, but that France was decisively pushed out of Italy, and that the remaining Italian states had no choice but to ally themselves with Spain. This is much the same end to the Italian Wars as happened OTL.
[3] This is not the same Paul IV as OTL, but he took the same regnal name.
[4] I chose this regnal name because it was used OTL for another Spanish-backed Pope although, again, this is not the same man.
[5] This was true OTL as well. However, in TTL the effects of these defaults will be less as Felipe's rule will be shorter.
[6] The Dutch Revolt is supposed to be going roughly the same as it did OTL up to 1580-ish. The big changes will come after 1580, and will be discussed in the Netherlands update.
[7] Born after the POD, this is not the same Sebastian as OTL. He will survive to claim victory in his Moroccan crusade, and go on to do enough good for Portugal to earn him the nickname “the Great”. Sebastian's survival means that Felipe II of Spain will never become King of Portugal, so there will be no Iberian Union in TTL.
[8] The Moroccan Crusade was a campaign by Portugal to recapture a number of ports they had lost along the Moroccan coast. OTL's King Sebastian died while on this crusade, leading to OTL's Iberian Union. TTL's Moroccan Crusade will go a little better than OTL's for Portugal.
[9] This Carlos II is not the same man as OTL's Don Carlos, even though he was born in the same year to the same parents, as he was born after the POD. He is still inbred, but his disabilities are more physical than mental, which has led to his desire to stay at home and focus on domestic affairs rather than campaigning abroad.
[10] The Pecae of Lille is TTL's version of the Union of Arras.
[11] Here by “Navarre”, the author means “Spanish-Controlled Navarre”. The Spanish monarchs claim the title “King of Navarre” at this point by right of conquest, while there is still an independent (but much smaller) Kingdom of Navarre whose crown has been inherited by Henri de Bourbon.
[12] Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia spell their “parliamentary” body 'Corts', while Navarre and Castille spell it 'Cortes'. I'm using the term Cort(e)s to reflect both spellings.
[13] New Spain here is referring to OTL Mexico, and not the entirety of the Spanish colonial empire.
[14] Instead of Francisco Alvarez de Toledo, Felipe II appointed a different viceroy, who succeed in reforming the administration of Peru, but also succeeded in squirrelling away a good deal of the mined silver for his own personal treasury. In the end, this viceroy had to be removed by the Spanish navy.
[15] Carlos is particularly concerned about Portugese expansion in Brazil, which, while not yet reaching as far South as it would by OTL's 17th century, is already starting to push the Tordesillas line. Without the Iberian Union, Spanish/Portugese rivalry in South America will be more important than OTL, which is why Carlos is so anxious to settle the Rio de la Plata area.
[16] Prior to this decision, only the subjects of the Kingdom of Castille, and not those of Aragon, Catalonia, Navarre, etc., were allowed to settle in the colonies.
 
Hmmm interesting. So a much more successful Spain and Portugal (though as it's pointed out, the success will lead to Portugal and Spain butting heads much more in South America). The opening up of the colonies will provide much more security to the Spanish empire in resisting pirate activities of the English, Dutch, and French and stabilize it overall. Though outside of a few regions (like Rio Plata), I doubt this is going to develop into anything resembling the settler colonies of English/British America; just more of a pool of craftsmen and the capacity to build a better bureaucracy. Though I could see this leaving less of a reliance on Native labor, and more of Las Casas desired policies being pursued.
 
With this change in policy making it easier for non-Castilians to move to the New World, demographics in Spanish America will be very different. More Iberian immigrants means less of a reliance on native labor or the need to import Africans so things might become slightly better for them in that there's more people to exploit in digging up gold and silver. I do suspect that this might lessen the amount of native imprint in OTL Latin American culture (but that would in turn be replaced by a more non-Castilian Iberian imprint) and there would be more whites and mestizos instead of pure natives.

No mention has been made of the Spanish deportations of the Moriscos and Mudejars to North Africa. With this policy, the Spanish might consider sending these people to populate the colonies and not go in the arms of their enemies i.e. the Barbary Pirates and the Ottomans. A few of them IOTL went to France and the Netherlands. It would be cool if a small group of them ended up in Kanata.
 
With this change in policy making it easier for non-Castilians to move to the New World, demographics in Spanish America will be very different. More Iberian immigrants means less of a reliance on native labor or the need to import Africans so things might become slightly better for them in that there's more people to exploit in digging up gold and silver. I do suspect that this might lessen the amount of native imprint in OTL Latin American culture (but that would in turn be replaced by a more non-Castilian Iberian imprint) and there would be more whites and mestizos instead of pure natives.

I think I probably wasn't clear enough in the update that the opening up of the colonies to non-Castilian only applies to SOUTH America for now. The Mexican and Caribbean colonies will still be reserved for Castilians, although now that Castille is no longer a separate Kingdom, what "Castillian" means in a legal sense is an open question.

I think the degree of demographic difference will vary depending on region. Certainly New Valencia (centered around the Rio de la Plata area) will become much more of a settler colony. I don't think New Aragon will see much of a demographic shift as Aragon itself is landlocked, and thus is not an easy place to emigrate from. New Catalonia may see a greater rate of emigration, but will also see a greater death rate of Europeans due to tropical disease.

I haven't planned out South America long enough into the future to say what the lasting imprint of Native culture will be... Politically speaking, I feel that the natives of South America will have more influence than OTL, as they will be able to play the Spanish and Portugese off against each other (and to a lesser extent, play the New Aragonese, New Valencians, and New Catalonias off against each other). But that doesn't necessarily mean long-term cultural influence if they are demographically swamped.

No mention has been made of the Spanish deportations of the Moriscos and Mudejars to North Africa. With this policy, the Spanish might consider sending these people to populate the colonies and not go in the arms of their enemies i.e. the Barbary Pirates and the Ottomans. A few of them IOTL went to France and the Netherlands. It would be cool if a small group of them ended up in Kanata.

The reason I didn't mention the Mudejars and Moriscos was that the decisions that forced the Mudejars to convert or leave largely happened before the POD, but the final expulsion of the Moriscos didn't happen OTL until 1609 (Valencia) and 1614 (Castille). They will be expelled in TTL along roughly the same time frame. I will try to mention the Moriscos whenever I cover early 17th-century Spain.

When the Moriscos are expelled from Valencia proper, the Viceroy of New Valencia will welcome them there. New Valencia will develop into somewhat of a settler colony, with the settlement of people in New Valencia seen as a way of preventing the expansion of Portugese Brazil. And Valencia itself doesn't have a huge population base to draw upon, so New Valencia will be very welcoming of immigrants of a variety of ethnic backgrounds (provided that they're at least ostensibly Catholic). So you might see some crypto-Jews as well as crypto-Muslims in New Valencia...
 
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