And all great things must come to an end. Behold the end of the Sun King. I hope you'll find his successor to be worthy.
Chapter IV: Louis, the Enlightened Despot, 1715-1730.
On December 16th 1715, Louis XIV drew his last breath. He died aged 77 after a reign that had spanned 72 years and 217 days, the longest of any monarch of a major European country. He left some extremely large shoes to fill for his successor. As an adherent of the concept of the “divine right of kings” (which advocated the divine origin of monarchical rule), he had continued the work of his predecessors of creating a centralized state. He had, quite successfully, tried to eliminate the remnants of feudalism persisting in parts of France. Moreover, by compelling many members of the nobility to inhabit his lavish palace of Versailles (formerly a hunting lodge belonging to his father), succeeded in pacifying the aristocracy, many members of which had participated in the Fronde rebellion during Louis’s minority. By these means he became one of the most powerful French monarchs and consolidated a system of absolute monarchical rule.
His reign had also seen the War of Devolution (1667-1668), the Franco-Dutch War (1672-1673), the War of the Reunions (1683-1684), the Nine Years’ War (1688-1697) and the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-1706). Not only had he successfully expanded France to its “natural borders” (i.e. the river Rhine), but he had also put a Bourbon on the Spanish throne, giving France access to the riches of the Spanish Empire, exemplified by the cargo ships hauling in silver and gold. Beyond that, the War of the Spanish Succession had led to a colossal political revolution in that the Habsburgs had been deposed as the ruling house of the Holy Roman Empire after more than 250 years, being replaced by the Bavarian House of Wittelsbach. The flipside of the coin, however, was that the French treasury had been severely depleted.
As a result of his establishment of an absolutist monarchy and his successful wars he was henceforth known as Louis the Great. His son Louis, Grand Dauphin, was described by one of his tutors as having inherited the docility and low intelligence of his mother. Rivalling his father’s reputation would be a difficult task, but he never got the chance to prove himself because he died of nephritis in 1713, aged 52 (he was the only one of Louis’s children to reach adulthood and the last of his descendents to predecease him). His generosity, affability and liberality, however, had made him popular. Upon the Grand Dauphin’s death his son Louis, the Duke of Burgundy, succeeded him and became known as the “Petit Dauphin,” the new heir apparent. After his grandfather’s death, the 33 year-old Petit Dauphin and Duke of Burgundy was formally anointed King Louis XV in a grand coronation ceremony in the cathedral of Reims. He was the oldest of Louis’s two surviving grandchildren, and the second of them to be crowned King. He and his younger brother King Philip V of Spain, crowned in 1706, formed an unshakeable alliance.
As far as domestic policy was concerned, Louis XV had been influenced by the
dévots, a faction advocating alliance to the Habsburg monarchy and a policy of opposition to the Protestants inside France. They had been severely weakened by the collapse of the Habsburgs, which had rendered the central tenet of their foreign policy moot. Despite the sympathy of the new King, their anti-Protestant leanings weren’t implemented as policy either since wealthy Protestants were too important in the booming trade triangle between Africa, New France and France. After Louis XIV had encouraged Protestants to go to New France and develop that colony, a highly profitable plantation economy had been set up. Tobacco, sugar, coffee, cotton, cacao, indigo and various spices like nutmeg, cinnamon, peppers and cloves were grown on large estates, some the size of small countries (sometimes their success was based on seeds smuggled out of other countries who had tried to maintain a monopoly on them, mainly Britain and the Netherlands). Their mostly bourgeois owners had become wealthier than many aristocrats in the mother country by exporting their products to eager consumers at home and elsewhere (their extremely profitable endeavours are considered to be an example of the Protestant work ethic). The second part of the triangle was a series of small military expeditions that established a French fort on the Gambia River and several more in a region that became known as Ivory Coast. From here, the French staged raids to get slaves or, more commonly, brought slaves here that they had simply purchased from local African rulers. The slaves transported to New France often had tragic fates, but nonetheless managed to have a lasting cultural influence: African religions were influenced by Christian, Jewish and even Native American beliefs, inspiring completely new syncretic religions that still exist today. Long story short, Protestants on the other side of the pond were making so much money, in turn providing so much tax revenue for the state, that Louis XV couldn’t afford to alienate them.
The
faction de Bourgogne (faction of Burgundy), which partially overlapped with the
dévots, was more successful in influencing the new King. The so-called faction of Burgundy was made up of several high-ranking aristocrats, including the King’s former tutor François Fénelon, Archbishop of Cambrai, and his brother-in-law Charles Honoré d’Albert, Duke of Chevreuse. They sought a return to a monarchy less absolute and less centralized, with more powers granted to the individual provinces. They perceived that government should work through councils and intermediary organs between the king and the people. These intermediary councils were to be made up not by commoners from the bourgeoisie (as the ministers appointed by Louis XIV) but by aristocrats who perceived themselves as the representatives of the people and would assist the king in governance and the exercise of power. In fact, they proposed that eight councils of aristocrats would replace the ministries and assist the King in the exercise of government power (a system called polysynody).
Seeking a compromise between the absolutist monarchy established by his illustrious predecessor, the desires of the nobility, and keeping the support of the bourgeoisie, he planned a major administrative and political reform. He started by convening the Estates General over a century since the last convocation. In 1717, a new convocation of the Estates General was announced and letters were issued in view of the elections. The Estates General hadn’t convened since 1614. In the preceding period 1302-1614 they had convened semi-regularly 35 times, or about once every nine years. A new convocation had been announced to take place on the majority of Louis XIII but nothing had ever come of it, resulting from the progressive entrenchment of royal absolutism, with which the institution of Estates General was incompatible.
To the relief of liberal figures in the new King’s entourage, Louis XV kept his word and representatives of the three estates met in Paris, debating what shape the reforms should take. The first and second estates (the clergy and the nobility) advocated their plans for councils of aristocrats in the provinces and to replace the ministries with councils as well. The third estate’s representatives (officially representing all commoners, but in practice only the bourgeoisie) were vehemently opposed since they’d then be effectively cut out of the decision making process (the unofficial “fourth estate” composed of the peasantry, artisans, traders and the like had no representatives, except for a few in the third estate who thought they spoke for them; they would remain shut out of the political process completely). Louis XV was wary of polysynody, fearing that he’d empower the aristocracy too much, setting himself up for a second Fronde that the enemies of France would no doubt take advantage of.
The young King brokered a compromise solution that would give the clergy, nobility and the bourgeoisie roughly equal political influence. Wealthy townsmen with at least 150.000 francs worth of assets and landed proprietors owning at least 30 hectares (~ 75 acres) of land would elect fifty representatives to provincial assemblies (
assemblées provinciale), one assembly per province. Anyone who wanted to run for these elections had to own assets equivalent to 500.000 francs or at least 100 hectares (~ 250 acres) of land. Both voters and candidates had to be male. These provincial assemblies would be given large powers in the areas of education, medical relief, public welfare, food supply, road maintenance, maintaining law and order in the region, organizing local militias, and levying troops in the event of war. All-in-all, only a small percentage of the population could vote and only a tiny fraction of the population could actually run for office. It was a start.
Originally there had been 34 French provinces, the Spanish Netherlands added ten more and the Generality Lands ceded by the Dutch republic added three more, for a total of 47 provincial assemblies. Each of these had to elect three members from their midst to seat in a new Royal Assembly (
Assemblée Royale), an advisory and executive body to the King. In total, 141 seats were distributed thusly and another nine were filled with advisors appointed by the King. Candidates had to be aged 35 years and over (an age requirement set to give the assembly a more conservative nature). The second requirement for a member to seat in the Royal Assembly was he had to pay an additional poll tax, producing the unique situation of nobles and clergymen paying a tax (albeit a negligible one, though setting a precedent nonetheless). To avoid elections stalling due to everybody voting for themselves, the King dictated that provincial assemblies had to remain in session behind closed doors until they had finally elected three representatives (similar to the College of Cardinals during a Papal election). Secondly, the wealthiest members usually bought votes by handing out money, land or favours. The provincial assemblies would go through rounds of voting in which each time the candidate with the least amount of votes was eliminated, after which a new round of voting followed. This process could last several days. The King, his appointed ministers and the King’s Council appointed by him also, would set policy in consultation and cooperation with the Royal Assembly.
In 1725, King, cabinet, King’s Council and Royal Assembly appointed a commission of ten eminent jurists. They wrote a national law book for the entire realm. It was to replace the confusing and contradictory patchwork of feudal laws, obsolete laws, local customary law, privileges, exemptions and special charters with a clearly written and accessible civil code. This was the
Code Civil de France (more commonly known as the
Code Louis Quinze) introduced in 1730. The code forbade judges from introducing general rules since that was an act of legislative and not judicial power, leading to the result that in theory France would not know the principle of precedent; in practice judges had to fill in the gaps in the laws and regulations, creating a vast body of jurisprudence. All magistrates, lawyers, jurists, court clerks and civil servants were required to be acquainted with it, forcing the legal system and the state bureaucracy to professionalize and expand. His grandfather might be Louis the Great, but he was Louis the Enlightened. He became the earliest example of an “enlightened despot”, i.e. a ruler espousing the ideas and principles of the Enlightenment era to enhance his own rule.