Cactus Jack's Misfortune - Part VI
President Douglas's slender victory was marred by personal difficulties, especially in the realm of his marriage. The office of presidency is always tough upon the people who occupy it, but even more so upon their relations, whether it be to spouses, children or friends in general. After returning from his third inauguration, where Douglas promised that a man would orbit the earth by the end of his term as well as announcing the goal of ruling segregation unconstitutional and illegal via judicial means, he was beset by the news that his wife of thirty years, Mildred, wanted a divorce. She had been opposed to him seeking another term and their marriage had been rocky for the duration of the election.
The news devastated him and even though the separation was quiet and relatively amiable (as much out of political necessity as it was out of mutual respect) the tabloids seized upon it like nothing else.
'How can President Douglas hope to keep this nation together if he cannot keep his marriage together?' Dixiecrat senator Harry Byrd of Virginia asked, a remark which resulted in him being tarred by a number of more mainstream senators and governors, including Earl Warren. Warren's pro Douglas sentiment resulted in ire from the party bosses however and he was notified that he was not welcome to run under the moniker 'Republican' anymore.
This was perfectly fine with him, Warren had become disillusioned with the political world, and upon the death of Associate Justice Fred Vinson in March of 1953, President Douglas shocked the nation by nominating Earl Warren to take his spot. Warren was easily confirmed and Douglas added bipartisan accolades to his laurels while simultaneously adding a friend and respected colleague to his panel of unofficial advisors.
Vice President Pepper spent the first hundred days of Douglas' third term fighting off renewed Republican efforts to implement term limits upon the presidency. Though Democrats still controlled both houses of congress, their margins had shrunk ever since the creation of the Dixiecrat Party and seemed in danger of vanishing entirely as the 1954 midterms drew close.
One event which dampened the mood of President Douglas was the first Soviet test of a hydrogen bomb, barely ten months after the first American test of one. Though he tried his best to avoid being entangled in an arm's race, President Douglas knew that to be left behind by the Soviets would be to risk nuclear annihilation.
Similar to the ongoing race to develop better nuclear missiles is the Space Race (though the term race is poorly suited seeing as how the American program could have funded its Soviet counterpart seven times over with change left to spare). Douglas' goal is for a human being to have orbited the earth by 1960, with a man on the moon by 1966 at the earliest. Von Braun, who is heavily involved in the program, insists that he can get the job done by 1964 but Douglas is hesitant, the deaths of astronauts on his watch would not be good for his already fragile political situation.
The possible inclusion of women astronauts into the program is considered but eventually scrapped, though minorities are allowed to apply. The program's first official launch comes in December when an unmanned rocket launches through the atmosphere and releases a small satellite that emits the following message in Morse code: God Bless The USA
This launch infuriates the Soviet leadership, and while General Secretary Kruglov is hesitant to spend money on non military spaceflight, Timoshenko's input sways him and he puts more money into the Soviet program, bringing it to parity with the Americans, at least funding wise.
As 1953 comes to an end VietMinh forces clinch several decisive victories against the French, which enrages De Gaulle. Influenced by a number of advisors who encourage him to disregard to UN (which has been asking him to grant Vietnam independence since early 1951, mostly at the behest of the US and the USSR) and escalate the wars in Vietnam and Algeria to a horrifying new extreme.
The French nuclear program, having detonated its first bomb a mere eight months before, has already created a total of eight bombs with roughly the yield of the bomb dropped over Kagoshima in 1945. In January of 1954, two atom bombs are detonated in Algeria, destroying a rebel held village and inspiring terror in Oran and other major cities in the region. Another three bombs are detonated in Vietnam, all in the countryside. While none of them kill very many people or even do that much damage to anti French forces, the psychological impact is massive and in Algeria the guerrilla war becomes even more entrenched and vicious, the combatants determined to never show themselves in force for fear of French atom bombs being used in retaliation.
The VietMinh's response is very different, with a massive offensive seizing Hanoi from the French at the beginning of February, prompting French forces to bombard the city with Lewisite and tear gas. The US and USSR, which had demanded sanctions upon hearing of the usage of atom bombs in Algeria and Vietnam now howled for them as De Gaulle listened to the cheering of his people and assured them that he would battle against the Bolsheviks, arrogant British and socialist Americans and keep them far away from French lands.
With De Gaulle proving to be exceptionally unstable and fearing for their supply lines to the German quarantine zone the British, Americans and Soviets agree to a temporary truce while they deal with France. The exact circumstances of the (undoubtedly joint CIA/MI6/NKVD backed) coup that deposed De Gaulle in May of 1954 have yet to be declassified but what we do know is that it sparked the bloodiest French civil unrest since the days of the Terror prior to the rise of Napoleon.
France's descent into bloodshed horrified the world and Vietnam and Algeria's declarations of independence, though overshadowed, resulted in both nations becoming staunch American allies, a convenient byproduct of removing De Gaulle.
Across the world the decades long Chinese Civil War also came to an end with the defeat of the last pockets of communist resistance in Manchuria. Though scattered insurgency would remain a problem well into the middle of the decade, China under the Kuomintang would remain a largely stable place for the remainder of the Cold War.
But even if foreign policy worked out for President Douglas the 1954 midterms were less kind, with Democrats retaining their majority in the senate but losing control of the House (albeit narrowly) for the first time since 1932.
Fortunately for President Douglas many of the more moderate Republicans were willing to work with him to battle segregation and with the Supreme Court made up of eight liberals of various stripes versus a single lonely conservative it looked as though the next few decades (no matter who held office) would be punctuated by very progressive rulings. This came true with the case of Leland v. Board of Education in which the Supreme Court ruled 8-1 that segregation in schools was illegal and would be reversed immediately.
But while this was a victory for progressivism it also fired up support for the Dixiecrat Party in the south. However, as the Republican party slowly slid to the liberal end of the social spectrum in order to take advantage of President Douglas' continued popularity, cracks began to emerge within the ever growing Dixiecrat Party as economic conservatives and liberals began to fight amongst themselves. Though the party platform was primarily made up of social issues, Thurmond and many others argued that if the party were to survive then they would need to decide on a set of economic policies as well.
Fortunately for the Dixiecrats, but unfortunately for everyone else, the party decided that economics was to be left up to the beholder, after all Strom Thurmond was the only Dixiecrat powerful enough to be the nominee and his economics had become decidedly centrist ever since Douglas had taken office.
More than anything what kept the party together was the realization that the nation was beginning to turn against them, more specifically the northern and western states, which significantly outweighed the south's share of electoral votes. Some darkly muttered that secession was looking to be an attractive proposition once again, but Thurmond decided that instead it would become the Dixiecrat party's goal to deadlock congress, stall civil rights bills there and similarly deadlock the electoral college. It was widely assumed that Douglas would try for a fourth term as 1955 began, and while the Republicans were spooked to face him considering that his approval rating had dropped below 50% once twice during his time in office Strom Thurmond and the Dixiecrats were itching for a fight.
Douglas however was not thinking of the coming election, he was watching a rocket take off, carrying a young man named Chuck Yeager on its journey to orbit the earth three times before splashing down off the coast of Hawaii. The rocket lifted off safely, its stages separated wonderfully and Yeager's words as he became the first man to orbit the earth were: 'this makes us look so damn fragile.' Upon his successful splashdown his words struck a chord with the fledgling environmental movement and the footage and still frames of the earth from above stunned the nation. They had seen pictures of the earth from space before, but moving footage was a novelty, especially with Yeager commentating over it, reciting a certain famous Yeats poem as he passed over the German quarantine zone.
The American Civilian Space Agency (ACSA) underwent a boom in popularity, especially when Douglas announced his goal to have a man on the moon within a decade. But behind the scenes there was still a lot of work to do and even Von Braun suspected that ACSA could have issues meeting the deadline. Despite that Douglas is optimistic, and he begins to look ahead towards the next elections.
Unlike the 1952 elections the American people have no reservations regarding who they're voting for. The President and his Floridian Vice President are civil libertarians an economic liberals, the Republicans up in the air (desperately trying to get Dwight Eisenhower, but to no avail) and the Dixiecrats remain solidly reactionary.
Douglas, who has been thinking of President Roosevelt more often these days, decides that he will try for a fourth term despite increasing signs of voter fatigue. The announcement is unsurprising and Claude Pepper happily agrees to remain on as his Vice President, though he does want to try his hand at being President eventually. Yeager, a solid Democrat, is only too happy to endorse the President and so he enters the Democratic National Convention with a 64% approval rating and no formal opposition.
The Republican National Convention is confused to say the least. With the party bosses swinging back and forth across the pendulum and rapidly losing control of the liberal portion of their party following Warren's 'defection' to the Supreme Court, they eventually decide that ideology is unimportant, so long as whoever they nominate removes Douglas from the White House and doesn't give too much ground to the creepy, almost cultish Dixiecrats.
To everyone's surprise the frontrunner of the Republican field for several weeks is none other than Curtis LeMay, dropper of atom bombs and one time ally of President Douglas during the integration effort. Since then he has been unimpressed with Douglas' economic policies, even if he does admire certain parts of his foreign policy. Richard Nixon is also in the fray once more, this time with enough delegates to give him a real shot at the nomination. As the minor names drop out and give their delegates away the frontrunners remain.
- Former General Curtis LeMay of Ohio
- Former Governor Harold Stassen of Minnesota (surprisingly this is not his last time running for President. You'll see)
- Governor Christian Herter of Massachusetts
- Senator Richard Nixon of California
- Senator Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. of Massachusetts
Curtis LeMay hangs on tenaciously, outlasting Lodge and Stassen, who both drop out and give their delegates to Nixon and Herter respectively. Herter, though quiet, is able to begin edging past Nixon, at least until LeMay, recognizing that he isn't going to win the nomination, offers his delegates to Nixon in exchange for a spot as running mate. Nixon, though hesitant, is also opportunistic and accepts. The resulting transfusion of delegates is enough to push Nixon over the top and barely defeat Herter, who vows that he will be back in 1960.
Nixon reluctantly honors his agreement with LeMay and the bombastic ticket barnstorms out into the night, neither man exactly sure what to think of the other.
However, voter fatigue is beginning to kick in and even though President Douglas is popular many people are beginning to grow bored with him. Countering this, Douglas sends out the more exciting Pepper to rouse voters into the appropriate frenzy. Pepper, somewhat controversially, spends some time hiring reporters to ask LeMay questions about nuclear weapons, with unforgettable effect. LeMay admits that he would have used nuclear weapons in Vietnam had he been in De Gaulle's position, and his cheerful attitude while discussing the possibilities present in destroying the Soviet Union with a 'first strike' policy allow Douglas and Pepper to draw uncomfortable connections to Operation Vegetarian and the French nuclear bombardment of Vietnam.
These tricks, while perhaps morally grey, hurt the Nixon/LeMay ticket dramatically and the growing disdain evident between the two men put a further drag onto their campaign. By the time Election Day rolled around the unlikely Republican ticket was regarded as dead in the water and though Pepper was probably more pleased about this than Douglas, the President cheered and smiled along with the best of them and celebrated a victory well won, the Republicans wondered what circle of hell they were trapped in, and the Dixiecrats scowled and vowed to try again in 1960.
President William Douglas/Vice President Claude Pepper - 333 EV
Senator Richard Nixon/Former General Curtis LeMay - 123 EV
Senator Strom Thurmond/Former Governor Fielder Wright - 75 EV