Bump.
I base my knowledge of historical GDP per capita on three sources:
- The
Maddison Project (2018), a revision of Maddison's previous work on historical GDP per capita
-
Clio Infra (2015), dates before the Maddison Project by about 3 years or so, and in that respect can be considered to be slightly out of date, though it remains important to consider, especially as it is sourced by the following paper...
- Broadberry's
China, Europe, and the Great Divergence: A Study in Historical National Accounting, 980–1850 (2018), which also complements similar papers associated with Broadberry, such as
JAPAN AND THE GREAT DIVERGENCE, 730-1874 (2018) and the fairly dated
INDIA AND THE GREAT DIVERGENCE: AN ANGLO-INDIAN COMPARISON OF GDP PER CAPITA, 1600-1871 (2014).
It was the latter paper that I based my information on when I mentioned the disparity between the Yangzi Delta, a prosperous region then and a fairly prosperous region of China in the present day, according to statistics of the Chinese Government. Figure 8 in Page 36 of the document on China and the Great Divergence in particular is what I was describing in my post. According to Broadberry's data, by the Renaissance, leading regions of Europe were already beginning to overtake the Yangzi Delta in terms of economic output, and the last time the Yangzi Delta had a comparable GDP per capita would have been in around 1700, during the reign of the Kangxi Emperor. This is with the optimistic high estimate series, based off data from Li Bozhong and Jan Luiten van Zanden (2012), as opposed to Maddison, whose work is used as a basis in the data of the lower estimate series, based on work from Xu et al. (2017), which assumes that Maddison's (2010) estimate of Chinese GDP per capita in 1933 is correct; it may be that this lower estimate is more accurate, and if so then this implies regions in Europe, as far back as the Middle Ages, and likely beyond, of greater individual wealth, implying a greater hard technological base, than the rest of the world, and any setbacks such as the collapse of the Western Roman Empire short and temporary. Even if China's leading regions remained on par with Europe for much of the Early Modern Period, there remains the cases of India and Japan, two regions included in Broadberry's estimates, and other regions of the world, who may have been poorer, or were poorer in the cases of the former two, and that would imply that the leading economies of Europe were of some notable significance on the world stage. Tokugawa Japan is claimed to have experienced a minor divergence of its own when compared to China, a phenomenon virtually all the sources agree occurred .
All sources listed do contradict each other, even among the papers of Broadberry, for constant revisions to the GDP per capita figures listed were made. The Maddison Project has higher estimates of some non-European regions of the world, with India apparently maintaining some parity with European economies as late as the 1700s, though has lower estimates for those of Qing-era China, based on date from Xu et al., and also shows that Japan apparently kept pace with Germany, and other European economies such as Poland, as late as the onset of the 19th century, a surprise to say the least. The Clio Infra data is more closely aligned with Broadberry's estimates however, and have a less optimistic view of the non-European economies, though it is technically an earlier version of the Maddison Project, and has been since been superseded by the 2018 version, so it is perhaps inaccurate and outdated. Overall, all of the sources mentioned imply a great disparity between the Western and non-Western worlds as early as the Renaissance that cannot be ignored.
Most rebuttals of such figures presented in the sources I have listed are aimed at the very premise that all such sources share—as opposed to the figures they present—namely, historical GDP per capita of periods preceding the Industrial Age and beyond (reliability varies heavily among the regions of the world), and they may have a point regarding the unreliable and daunting task of estimating historical per capita GDP, especially those outside Europe, particularly in any period before 1800 or much later, where information is likely to be more sparse and qualitative. Regardless, the sources I have listed are serious attempts to quantify the per capita outputs of the various regions of the world, and in the case of the Maddison Project and the works of Broadberry, to try and explain the Great Divergence that led to European domination of much of the world. They serve as actual quantitative evidence, however flawed, and imply a noticeable disparity between Europe, its successors in the Americas and elsewhere, and the rest of the world that can be traced as far back as the 1500s, if not earlier.
More to come, eventually.