A Lenin-less World

Hnau

Banned
(Vladimir Ilich Ulyanov, better known by his pseudonym 'Lenin', does not live long enough to affect history. What century might we have known without his influence?)

"Vladimir Lenin's domination of the Bolsheviks he led to power--'willed' might be a better word--was total, and in a war that had never been known before. 'No other political party,' the historian Orlando Figes writers, 'had been so closely tied to the personality of one man.' Impatient and acerbic, perpetually angry, Lenin did not tolerate dissent: There was no way but his. Moral choice (or immoral, as the case might be) was resolved by force of character--his... He trafficked in abstractions and treated human beings, indeed entire populations, as if they were boxcars in a switching yard. And yet this man of few contradictions was a natural leader, whose obsession would sweep along hundreds at first and, eventually, millions. Lenin's single-minded inflexibility would influence the future of most of the world, now almost entirely to its regret."
- George Feifer

January 21st, 1900
Chelyabinsk News

Of the seventy that were quarantined two days ago, forty-one have perished from the typhus that had spread rampantly throughout their passenger car during their journey from Omsk. Citizens are cautioned that travel by rail during the winter is potentially dangerous.

March 10th, 1917 [1]
Petrograd, Russian Empire

“Permission to load?” cried the workers sarcastically, as Andrei lifted the bottle in front of him in the frosty air. There was no response.

Pavel, who pushed the wheelbarrow, cuffed the sack inside twice. A voice inside stammered, “Permission granted.” Yegor’s fear quickly turned to anger, “And get me out of this coal bag! I can hardly breathe!”

Andrei downed a mouthful of vodka as his fellow workers cheered. It was hot in his belly.

“Come Pavel, let me push the oaf.” Andrei blurted. Pavel eagerly switched places and Andrei took command of the wheelbarrow.

“Not breathing well, Yegor? We can help that. Come brothers, let us assist our comrade.” Andrei chuckled and scratched his big black beard, thinking of his childhood, “Press the pig!”

The rest of the workers, all of them with winter beards, all of them covered with soot and scratches, lined up behind the wheelbarrow and one-by-one came up to its side, where with both hands they each pressed in Yegor’s fat stomach with no lack of hostility. There was laughing and singing as the former foreman gasped for air. The motley group of labourers all hailed from Korsakovka, a village north of Saratov. When they had each decided to move to Petrograd to find work, they had sought out each other, and that was the reason all Korsakovka men worked at Starkov Steel. Each of them remembered in their childhood the day of the year when the village council decided the pigs were to be slaughtered before winter. The children would take a break from their chores to surround the carts where the pigs lay tied up, and they would push their fat bellies until they squealed. It was a marvelous kind of fun, and more so with Yegor.

The workers of Starkov Steel continued down the avenues of Petrograd, and there was a festive chaos in the air. The tsar had been overthrown, and people did as they pleased. Workers, soldiers, and all kinds of people rushed or marched to various destinations. The smell of smoke was everywhere, and the occasional rifle shot was heard over the din. There was singing, there was the chanting of slogans, there was the not too infrequent scream or cry for help. The city was crazy. And why not? So few had filled bellies, so few had adequate winter clothing, so few had coal to keep their flats warm. Desperation called for craziness.

“We’re almost there, Yegor.” Andrei chuckled. He then screwed up his nose as he smelled something above his own stench and the smoke of the city.

“Yegor, have you soiled yourself?” The workers began to laugh, “Why, all the pigs in Korsakovka have you outclassed!”

“One hundred rubles! I’ll show you where they are, just let me out of this sack. You’ve had your fun!” Yegor pleaded.

“Only one hundred? We found twice that many in your office’s closet. Already divided it amongst each other. You have more than that, you old tsar?”

Yegor knew that the situation was hopeless; he remained quiet as the Starkov Steel workers pushed him up a bridge over the Neva River.

“Permission to load?” The workers sang when they stopped.

Yegor sighed, “Permission granted.” But no one held a bottle of vodka in front of them. Instead, all of them surrounded the wheelbarrow, and quietly gripped the edges of the coal sack and hefted the fat foreman into the air.

“What are you doing? You’ve had your fun, boys, now-” And they tossed him over the side of the bridge. Pavel slipped when they chucked him, causing the man to spin. He wriggled furiously as he fell, until he bounced off of a steel beam. The rest of his descent into the icy waters below was quite calm.

“The foreman is gone!” They all cheered. Andrei took Pavel by the hand and danced, there on the bridge, he turned and span in place.

“Don’t worry, dear Yegor,” Andrei leaned over the railing to yell, “I am sure you can manage the fish! Order them around! Your skills are not entirely wasted!” They all laughed.

There were so many people dancing on the bridge. And the bodies fell one by one, establishing a kind of slow rhythm that only God could perceive. Some fat, some small, some men, some women, some in sacks, some not. The workers, the common people above, were dancing to the rhythm of their deaths. Each one was progress towards a better society.

Later Andrei Zagorsky warmed his hands above the furnace at Starkov Steel with the rest of the workers.

“Its ours, you know, this steel mill.” Andrei said.

“We should just burn it to the ground and get back to Korsakovka. There’s probably more food there.” Someone said.

“No.” Andrei spoke in a hushed, serious tone, “Its ours now, we took it. We know how to run it, right? So lets run it! We’ll find the iron and the coal, we’ll sell the steel, and there’s no Yegor to skim the cream off, to make money off of our labor, and there’s no Starkov either to take all the profits. We’ll divide everything we earn equally, collectively, and we’ll all live like nobles.”

“My father always told me,” Pavel began, “in Korsakovka, to never stop sending the money. They need it badly, you know? They’re the poor ones, not us. I don’t want to be an extra mouth to feed, not, at least, until harvest time, when I'd go down anyway. I make steel now.”

“Andrei,” another said, “You think you’ll become our new Yegor?” There was a small laugh. Andrei felt something dark inside of him. He didn’t want anyone thinking that.

“No need for a foreman. We’ll elect a committee, like how some plants have unions. A fabkom. Just like the village commune, da?”

“The Worker's Republic of Starkov Steel Factory Number Five!” Pavel said.

“It’s a good idea, Andrei.” Someone said.

“No need to get started now, though,” Andrei laughed, “Let’s just enjoy this revolution while it lasts.”

[1] - This date is in the Gregorian calendar, of course. It should also be known that this entire piece could fit in OTL as well, there is nothing too divergent about the scene, I just wanted to showcase a unique account of Russian brutality during the February Revolution as well as the development of the fabzomkom idea.
 
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Hnau

Banned
Aww... really? I didn't think the title was that big of a deal. Should I have come up with a Bonnie Tyler song like Faeelin? Perhaps 'Silhouette in Red'? :D
 
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Baskilisk

Banned
Aww... really? I didn't think the title was that big of a deal. Should I have come up with a Bonnie Tyler song like Faeelin? Perhaps 'Silhouette in Red'? :D
No, because then it probably wouldn't have sparked my curiousity and draw me into reading it.
Like Sergie said, many great epics come simple.
(Ps: I'm not following your link, Mr. Spammer :p)

Edit: Okay, I'll bite. Damn you...
 
No, because then it probably wouldn't have sparked my curiousity and draw me into reading it.
Like Sergie said, many great epics come simple.
(Ps: I'm not following your link, Mr. Spammer :p)

Edit: Okay, I'll bite. Damn you...

I didn't write it! It's by Dr. Strangelove!

I just mentioned it because I really enjoy that TL, and I thought that since I mentioned it, I might as well provide the link, too.

I don't have any TLs of my own. :(
 
Ack! :eek:

Sorry!

Anyway, to bring the discussion back to Hnau's excellent work here...

A very well-written, compelling narrative to start things off. It was kind of disturbing with imagery reminiscent of the worst excesses of the French revolution. But a great start, nonetheless.

So, I wonder if this is foreshadowing of the solution for how the government of the fledgling Soviet Union might be different, or must there be a new foreman in order to replace the foreman in order for it to survive?

Well, anyway, exactly how everything is going to affected will depend on when Lenin dies. Is he going to be dead before October?

Edit: Oops! I didn't realize that little paragraph from 1900 was the POD.
 
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Hnau

Banned
The right man in the wrong place can make all the difference in the world

It takes a revolution (revolution) to make a solution;
(doo-doo-doo-doo)
Too much confusion (aaa-aaah), so much frustration, eh!
I don't wanna live in the park (live in the park);
Can't trust no shadows after dark (shadows after dark), yeah-eh!
So, my friend, I wish that you could see,
Like a bird in the tree, the prisoners must be free, yeah! (free)
- "Revolution" by Bob Marley

The June Uprising was the second phase of the overall Russian Revolution of 1917, after the February Uprising of the same year. The June Uprising, which began with an armed insurrection in Petrograd dated to June 23, 1917 in Julian calendar (July 6, 1917 Gregorian calendar) overthrew the Russian Provisional Government and gave power to the soviets.

When the Provisional Government was established after the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II, there was the popular belief that all problems that Russia faced, be they socioeconomic, military, political, would soon be solved or at least mitigated. In fact, very little was done to alleviate the problems that were afflicting Russia. Under the bourgeois remnants of the former State Duma, inflation continued to surpass the wages of workers, food was still being rationed in the cities and towns, peasants were still not being promised the repartition of gentry lands, and worst of all, the Great War continued, snuffing out more and more young Russian men every day and driving the economy into shambles. As the months passed, there developed among many a grim doubt that the liberal government of Prince Lvov was actually concerned for the peoples of the former Russian Empire.

On April 18 (May 1) Minister of Foreign Affairs Pavel Milyukov sent a note to the Allied governments, promising to continue the war to a victorious conclusion and affirming expansionary intentions. This communiqué, which became known as the Milyukov Note, was soon published thanks to Menshevik informers and the efforts of Victor Chernov, at the time one of the leaders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. As a consequence, a massive demonstration by workers and soldiers was held a few days later in Petrograd against the continuation of war and expansionism [1]. This prompted the resignation of Pavel Milyukov on April 30 (May 13), who would be replaced shortly by Mikhail Tereschenko [2]. In the minds of many, the episode proved that the Provisional Government was weaker than it appeared, as the strike was not put down by military forces despite the violence that was frequently reported, and change in the government was so easily created by popular force. Furthermore, the Milyukov Note wore considerably on the loyalty of the people towards their new government. Even after the resignation of Milyukov, there continued to increase widespread distrust of the almost completely [3] bourgeois Provisional Government, which continued to delay an election in order to create a government representative of the people.

The Minister of War Alexander Guchkov, at one time regarded as a friend of the people, being of peasant lineage, quickly became regarded as a ‘new Milyukov’ when a new offensive was launched against Austria-Hungary and Germany on June 15 (June 28). The Provisional Government was out to prove its validity with a successful military action, but the Guchkov Offensive, as it became known, was anything but [4]. Despite initial successes, the Russian Army faced increasing difficulty, starting with a quick German reinforcement of their lines and finishing with widespread desertions of Russian soldiers. Morale was the lowest it had ever been. While almost all newspapers and prominent figures in the Petrograd Soviet agreed that a ‘revolutionary defense’ [5] was necessary to keep the Germans from taking away new found freedoms, it was made apparent that the Provisional Government did not subscribe to popular opinions even on such sensitive and paramount issues as the war.

It was in this climate that the June Uprising would commence: emboldened workers in every city, soldiers deserting from the front lines, a starving proletariat, peasants withholding grain and illegally raiding the gentry’s lands, soviets in every town, village, even trains and city blocks, an economy shutting down and a government that refused to make the difficult decisions. And yet it seems the violent uprising came unexpectedly later than it should have, given the conditions. The reason for the delay was undoubtedly that opposition entire had already been given formal representation in the existence of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, called the Petrograd Soviet. This body, having been established during the February Uprising, consisted of the country’s socialist personalities, a hotbed of radicalism if there ever was one in Russia. The Provisional Government always held an interesting relationship with the Petrograd Soviet, and each supposed the other was subordinate to its decisions. And because political centre of both major socialist parties, namely the Social Democrats [6] and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, each believed that a democratic capitalist stage of development was necessary for Russia before the introduction of true socialism [7], even the Petrograd Soviet continued to make policy decisions in favor of the bourgeoisie. Both organs of administration were important to Russia following the February Uprising until June, and both were equally adamant in continuing the dual nature of power. A divorce or an absorption of one into the other was inevitable, and yet the socioeconomic conditions of the landscape refused the political situation from developing naturally. A forced separation of the governments had to be made, if any one, either the Provisional Government or Petrograd Soviet, were to survive, and this would be done by the only force superior to that of governments: the people they served. Of course they would choose the newer, younger body that had been born in the fires of the revolution, in contrast to the remnants of the old despotic regime.


Assembly of the Petrograd Soviet at the Tauride Palace

The June Uprising began with those most willing to fight for an overturning of the current order. During the February Uprising, a radical group of anarchists in league with the famous Kronstadt sailors had taken control of the villa of the late Pyotr Durnovo, former Minister of the Interior under the Tsarist government. The nobles who had possessed it after his death in 1915 had vanished after witnessing the brutality of the February Uprising, and so the anarchists felt that making it their new headquarters would do no one any harm. Unfortunately the nobility responsible for the property did return to the premises when order was returned to the capital, and made complaints to the Provisional Government under Prince Lvov. Hundreds of rubles later, soldiers from the Russian Army were sent to retake the villa by force. The anarchists were scattered, a few wounded, but most importantly, their leadership had been imprisoned. Over the next following weeks, during which time the Guchkov Offensive made headlines, the anarchists who had escaped gained the audience of the Kronstadt sailors, perhaps the most well-organized, well-armed, courageous group of radicals in the entirety of Russia. As discontent mounted over the recent offensive and general conditions, the Kronstadt sailors decided that they would just march to Peter and Paul Fortress and release those anarchists that had been wrongfully imprisoned [8].


The famed sailors of Kronstadt. The flag reads "Death to the petty bourgeoisie".

On June 23 (July 6) the operation began. Early in the morning, the sailors piled into boats and rowed from Kronstadt to Petrograd. Though the opportunity presented itself, coastal defenses did not fire at the boats that slowly, but surely made their way to the capital city. When they arrived at the docks and on the coastline, the sailors lined up with their rifles in hand and began marching in a more-or-less orderly fashion. The Kronstadt sailors began shouting, chanting, singing revolutionary slogans. The populace was soon alerted and news traveled fast. Workers making their way to the factories in the morning chose instead to follow the crowd, and so the revolutionaries’ ranks swelled as they made their way through the city. Police and soldiers can only watch as the sailors march defiantly to their goal.

The orderly and triumphant march only lasts so long. As the sailors and workers enter the heart of Petrograd, filled with soldiers and police, there soon arises conflict. Shots are fired into the air, and then at people. The sailors and workers scatter… and then the Kronstadt sailors bring their rifles to their shoulders and fire back [9]. The sound of gunshots alerts the entire city to the beginning of the uprising, and this time, there is no gradual build-up. The people know what gunshots mean in the capital, and with that, sides are chosen.

19170704_Riot_on_Nevsky_prosp_Petrograd.jpg

The sailors and their supporters scatter after troops of the Provisional Government open fire.

The Peter and Paul Fortress held a garrison of 8,000 soldiers that treated political prisoners of the extreme left very well. Each radical imprisoned by the Provisional Government only served to convince the soldiers even more that they were fighting for the wrong side [10]. When the first of the Kronstadt sailors made it to the Fortress, they were greeted warmly by its guards who declared their participation in the new uprising, and the prisoners they sought to liberate were there waiting. But there was violence on the streets... there would be no peaceful return to Kronstadt, not until the Provisional Government was dissolved.

As workers alerted one another and the ruthless brutality of the uprising re-emerges, a soldier detachment from the Peter and Paul Fortress arrives at the central military garrison of Petrograd, which holds many divisions readying themselves for the front, including most importantly a division of Machine Gunners which will be one of the most important units in the uprising. They had already been talking for weeks about rising up against the Provisional Government, indeed it had become commonplace in the last months for soldiers to entertain themselves with discussions in the barracks concerning rebellion. They would not need much convincing: all had already been assignments to be sent to the front within the month, as the Guchkov Offensive required more and more men to replace deserters. Obviously, they did not want to be sent to a bloodbath. The officers are imprisoned in the garrison, and half of the soldiers there align themselves with the revolutionaries, making their way to the streets with all their arms and ammunition. The other half will join within the next few days when the initial resistance is put down, and they promise to remain neutral until then. As such, there are no local military forces willing to resist the uprising. Soldiers, sailors and workers overwhelm mostly police authorities as they take one government building after another. There is no concerted strategy, but there doesn’t need to be, as there isn’t any organized counterattack.

By the afternoon, ten thousand (hungry) workers are on the streets in mobs, with placards and banners waving, chanting and singing various slogans. Enough of the proletariat are on the streets that the entire working class emerges and soon there are hundreds of thousands of workers in the streets. The Taurida Palace is overtaken almost bloodlessly by a raging mass of revolutionaries, very few with firearms. It is here that most ministers and bureaucrats of the Provisional Government, who had refused to believe that the masses would break through so quickly, are taken hostage [11]. General Kornilov, who had been present in the capital, leaves with those bureaucrats that had fled early, plus a few thousand loyal armed men. They make their way for the front, hoping to gather loyalists there in order to return and pacify the capital [12].

With the fall of the Taurida Palace, mob action also converges on the Petrograd Soviet, which has been reluctant to take any particular action during the uprising that day. Many believe that the uprising will be short-lived, and they don’t want to find themselves on the losing side when the Army restores the Provisional Government. And yet, the masses will not be complacent for very long. At the end of the day, it becomes realized that the masses want the Petrograd Soviet to seize power immediately, or be replaced with another. The Executive Committee of the Soviet, called the Ispolkom, stalls for time throughout the night… [13]

Sesi%C3%B3n+del+Comit%C3%A9+Ejecutivo+Central+del+Soviet+de+Petrogrado+%28preside+Chejaidze%29+-+1917.jpg

And so history rests upon the decision of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet

[1] Not as massive as in OTL, when the Bolsheviks under Vladimir Lenin attempted to turn this demonstration into a putsch attempt. Under their organization, the demonstration would be twice as large as ITTL, and would be copied in Moscow. As such, ITTL, it makes fewer waves.

[2] Milyukov left shortly after in OTL as well... however, Alexander Guchkov left with him. Prince Lvov then opened up the Provisional Government to socialist leaders such as Victor Chernov, Irakli Tsereteli, and Mikhail Skobolev. As soon as these leaders left the opposition, their reputations began declining due to association to the Provisional Government. This would eventually leave the Bolsheviks in the limelight as the only trustworthy opposition party. ITTL, Alexander Kerensky remains the only socialist minister...

[3] At first, introducing socialists into the Provisional Government eased tension and was a cause for celebration. That would all disappear... but it was something. Without a non-socialist/socialist coalition, discontent builds up faster.

[4] The Guchkov Offensive is virtually identical to the Kerensky Offensive, though it begins two days later, and General Alekseev is its champion, not General Brusilov. There is slightly more punishment of 'soldier committees', which helps the offensive but also creates more discontent among the rank and file. Nothing of too much consequence.

[5] Revolutionary defensism was popular throughout the country, even among the soldiers, until the arrival of Vladimir Lenin and his popularizing of revolutionary defeatism. Launching an offensive against the Germans, however, is at odds with both philosophies.

[6] Majoritarians? Minoritarians? All I know of is the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, united and strong... well, for now at least...

[7] This makes perfect sense for the Marxists. However, the Socialist-Revolutionaries hail from the native Russian narodniki or Populist school of political philosophy and are not Marxist at all. The author is simplifying the issue with the SRs: their principal goal was to maintain the socialist tradition of the village commune, which was given urgent priority considering the Stolypin Reforms had so recently established a capitalist foothold in the countryside. Still, the SRs did mostly agree that outside the village commune, the rest of the economy should be made capitalist; this would be overthrown eventually when people realized socialism was a better system of course... so they agreed to an extent with Marxists.

[8] The story is all true in OTL. However, the Bolsheviks had established relations with the Kronstadt sailors as well, and quickly usurped their plans with their own plans for a peaceful, organized demonstration instead. There was some disagreement in the ranks... in the end, even after Kamenev, Trotsky, and Zinoviev did their best to hold back the crowds and keep everything civil, the Bolsheviks were still incriminated, leading to the arrest of the leadership and Lenin's flight to Finland. It was a huge bungling of what could have potentially, even in OTL, been an October Revolution in July. Without Lenin and the Bolsheviks, the Kronstadt sailors go ahead with their original plans, placing the disturbances in Petrograd a few days earlier than in OTL.

[9] Up until now similiar, but not identical, events occurred during the July Days in OTL. But when the Provisional Government's troops opened fire... the sailors completely retreated! They had been told not to bring their weapons! With gunshots from the get-go, the uprising gets kicked off much quicker than the OTL July Days.

[10] As in the OTL July Days.

[11] As in the OTL July Days... what were they thinking, so many of them staying in the Taurida Palace?

[12] In OTL Kerensky had taken a liking to Kornilov and had given him a place in his offensive, instead of keeping him at Petrograd. With Guchkov as Minister of War, General Kornilov remains at Petrograd, where his skills are wasted... had he been at the front, he could have immediately organized a force to march on Petrograd. Furthermore, in OTL, there were forces enough to challenge the people behind the July Days, ITTL not so much due to more discontent and an immediate martial opposition to the troops of the Provisional Government. Still, Petrograd remained in anarchy until soldiers from the front were brought in to pacify the uprising... ITTL it will take longer to organize such a force, not only because Kornilov is in the wrong place, but because the soldiers are more discontent.

[13] The Ispolkom was so lucky in OTL. During the July Days, they were confronted by the mobs, and nearly gave in to the people's demands, when the Provisional Government marched in and re-established order... here though...

--

Comments?
 

Hnau

Banned
False ultimatum

Sergei Popkov threw himself at the boy. The infernal eye of the mob surrounding turned and focused on him. He didn’t mind its attention, he had a gun after all. Sergei grabbed his shoulder and shook him.

“Get him down from there! You mongols! You barbarians!” He shouted.

The boy, almost a man, blonde hair and short beard, weathered hands of a factory worker, laughed in his face. And the mob laughed, a dirty mocking chorus dredged up from the pit of society. Andrei Shingarev looked down on him with terror in his eyes.

“Pavel, shall we string him up too? We will if you can heft him.” shouted a burly revolutionary from the lamp post. The eyes burned into him, from all around. Here and there he saw a rifle flash from within the dirtied city clothing.

The boy scuffled with him, and Sergei felt a surge of fear. Violence could easily spiral out of control. He pushed his young opponent onto the cobblestones and took a few steps back.

“Get out of here, ya cossack filth!” came shouting. With that the stool was knocked from Andrei Shingarev’s feet, and the former Minister of Agriculture began to be strangled by the rope around his neck. No one had time to make a noose for the man, and he was being executed by lamp post, and odd angle. Andrei tried to wrap his feet around the pole, hoping to leverage himself. Gurgles, groans, death-noises. His frantic eyes sometimes fell upon Sergei, pleading eyes so different from that of the mob.

He held a rifle. Sergei wore the soldier’s uniform. No soldiers here in the mob though. No one to back him up in a fight. He would die with Shingarev if he fired. Fine. But that would be the last. Sergei threw people out of his way as he crossed the courtyard. The sun danced in his eyes as he looked up, searching for God. Passed white columns and tall oaken doors, through hallways… always people, people, more dirty people making it impossible to get anywhere easily. It was loud, but he was louder.

“Shingarev is dead! Shingarev is dead!” he shouted above the din and it helped him make his way into the central hall of the Soviet. His message got him through two guards and he entered a smaller meeting room for the Ispolkom.

“They’ve hung Andrei Shingarev by a lamp post! They say that for every hour that passes, they’ll hang one of you until the Soviet takes power! You fools have waited long enough!” Sergei Popkov shouted as various famous faces quieted themselves and focused on his dire pronouncement. Then he left with a sharp salute.

Irakli Tsereteli, the head of the Ispolkom [1], shuffled through a pile of papers as the rest of the men remained silent. He found what he was looking for.

“We waited, we hoped.” The old social democrat said, “But it has come to naught. I believe we have everyone’s signature here already.” Tsereteli added his own to the parchment in front of him and then held it up.

“The Provisional Government is dissolved." he said, tiredly, "The Petrograd Soviet has assumed executive power of Rossiiskaya [2]. All power to the soviets! Let us pray we know what we are doing, comrades."

There was laughing when someone eased the tension by reporting that now they could sleep finally. They all knew sleep was still a far-away comfort. Within the hour the mobs discovered the news and there was cheering. New orders streamed throughout the city from the Tauride Palace. Even so, messages were coming in from else where: rumors that other cities had risen up in revolt as well. Sergei Popkov walked with a rucksack down the avenues, towards those that he hoped had not.

[1] Irakli Tsereteli, one of the major leaders of the RSDLP, has been the head of Ispolkom since March.

[2] "Russia", however, this is not an ethnic term. It refers to the territory of the former Russian Empire itself, whatever nations may possess parts of it.
 

Hnau

Banned
On July 7, 1917, the Executive Committee of the Soviet, called by its nickname the Ispolkom, decreed the dissolution of the Petrograd Soviet after being faced with violent mob action outside the Taurida Palace. It had reluctantly emerged as the guiding force of a vast land empire, and everything political, economic, and social looked towards the Ispolkom for leadership. That isn't to say that all these forces were dependant on the Ispolkom, far from that fact, actually. With the dissolution of the Provisional Government and the bureaucracy of the state, soviets in every city, town, and village quickly placed themselves in positions of power, to decide policy. The economy briefly became completely free of influence from a central state organization. Social forces also went unchecked: national minorities were free to associate with one another and declare their own programmes and organize new agendas, peasants raided and confiscated the land of the gentry, and soldiers departed on trains to the countryside. Russia had fallen into a kind of organized anarchy: fortunately, it hadn't came all crashing down all at once, and the populace had a tradition of self-management in almost all affairs. The only change was that with the fall of the Provisional Government, that tradition had become thrust into a place of vital importance to keeping Russia together.

So while all these forces went unchecked, it was surprisingly widely-accepted that the Petrograd Soviet would be the government that would eventually re-assert control. The popular belief in the countryside and the towns was that their newfound self-management and hyper-autonomy was always what the socialists in the cities had promised, that society was to work like this from now on. Fortunately, the members of Ispolkom clung to Western ideas and were highly motivated towards centralizing power so that they could put their long-formulated programmes into action. But the orders and pronouncements of Petrograd would radiate slowly into the rest of the country, so for a period of time, much of Russia existed as an anarchic zone.

There were problems with this, of course. Monarchists, nobles, militarists organized and plotted. Until the resignation of Minister of War Alexander Guchkov on July 24, much of the front lines on the Eastern Front remained under his control under the name of the Provisional Government. Fortunately he did not declare his allegiance to various anti-soviet movements, such as General Kornilov's Volunteer Army, and use his power to syphon arms and men against the Ispolkom. Banditry was widespread, and there were often violent disagreements between various soviets. The towns and cities, possessing more resources at the discretion of their soviets, often assumed power over the countryside and transportation networks around them, keeping the village soviet under their control. The invalidation of grain requisitioning laws also prevented food from reaching the city, causing massive flight from urban areas to the countryside, on the order of hundreds of thousands. Anarchy focused hate and frustration away from a central body and created a general tension in all relationships between people and organizations. This unintended side-effect of widespread sovietism and self-management, compounded with the dire situation of the economy, made many people willing to listen to the demands and orders of the Petrograd Soviet. People wanted to believe that that central body of various intellectuals had something to fix their various problems.

And they would, but for more than a month, the Ispolkom delayed. They knew the reason that people grew to hate the Provisional Government was because they had constantly delayed an election to a Constituent Assembly, and were determined to rule undemocratically. But the people wanted their vote. Therein lies the problem. The members of the Petrograd Soviet were not representative of everyone in the former Russian Empire, and they needed a legitimate contract with the people, otherwise they felt they would experience the same eventual dissolution as the last two. We may also suspect that Ispolkom did not want to rule right away because they were frightened with the power they now had, and didn't know how to use it effectively. Many who had such a short time ago been merely notable peasants and petty radicals wanted more capable hands at the helm of their great nation. A final third factor emerges: even at the first whisper that the Ispolkom might take power, many Social Democrats and Socialist-Revolutionaries were exceedingly worried that their followers would push Russia towards a non-bourgeois society and thus hinder the natural progression of the economy. The SDs and SRs hoped that elections would introduce bourgeois representatives where there were none in the Petrograd Soviet [1]. Due to all of these concerns and conditions, the first major act of the Ispolkom, on the 25th of June, was the scheduling of elections to the Constituent Assembly for August 27, and its convocation on September 12.

There were other important actions. On July 8, Russia was declared a democratic republic, though the formal name of the entire state had yet to be defined. On July 16, Victor Chernov announces the establishment of a 'Committee for the Establishing of a Russian Land Socialization Program', to be known as the 'Land Committee'. His assistant, the notorious 'principal genius of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party', Panteleimon Vikhliaev would be largely responsible for its success. The First Decree on Land is immediately announced, establishing:

- a freeze on the buying and selling of land
- the dissolution of privately-owned plots which had been partitioned from communal village property during the Stolypin Reforms
- the legalization of confiscation by peasants all land that has fallen into disuse during wartime
- the legalization of the rights of land committees to their allotment of land.

It is explained that the complete repartition of land will have to wait until after the Constituent Assembly. This gives Chernov and Vikhliaev enough time to finish the organization and establishment of land committees across the country.

On July 22, the Ispolkom sent the Peace Decree to Allied governments. Their declaration was the intent of the Russian government to agree to an immediate peace with no annexations or indemnities, a status quo ante bellum, followed by self-determination of all nations to settle territorial problems. It was naively believed that the Peace Decree would allow Russia to become the mediator to the entire Great War. Every recipient of the Decree sends back curt replies. It should have been obvious: after three years at war, and millions dead, the Allies and the Central Powers would not turn their back on the battlefield. The only options were victory or defeat.

On July 27, with the resignation of Alexander Guchkov, the Russian Army was placed under the Military Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, or Milcom. Though soldier's committees had already seized control of military functions in the rear, the last of the Provisional Government military authorities are subsumed. The Petrograd Soviet gained control of a vast fighting force, while at the same time, this hastened the departure of many military figures, generals and officers mostly, to the southern regions. For there General Lavr Kornilov had ordered all 'loyalists to Russia One and Indivisible' to regroup to prepare for a reconquest of the country. The Don Cossacks, a major anti-socialist seat of power, are eager to accept them in. Yet there are disagreements: General Pyotr Vrangel departs for the Crimea to organize his own army, even further to the right than Kornilov's. And Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak would quickly depart from the company of these rebellious figures for Mesopotamia with his own contingent to keep up the fight against the Central Powers any way he can. The official resistance to the regime of the Petrograd Soviet and the Ispolkom found itself outside of the common sympathy of the people, and divided amongst itself. Yet they were still powerful enough to give democratic Russia a beginning fraught with danger and turbulence.

[1] The SDs and SRs continue to worry about this problem. On July 10, more than half of the right-wings of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Social-Democrats will depart from the government of the Petrograd Soviet to protest the lack of bourgeois representation. This causes the Petrograd Soviet to lurch to the left. Belatedly, Victor Chernov pushes through the acceptance of three Kadets and three non-party conservatives to Ispolkom, but these individuals are all from the left-wings of their respective parties.
 
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The depiction of violence in this seems way over the top. In 1917 the vast majority of soviets abolished the death penalty, it was lenin and the bolsheviks that pushed for its return and brought it back at the second congress in 1918.
This is made worse by the first post describing factory committees as if they solely consisted of illiterate imbeciles. Factory committees were organic organisations that had sprung up at the beginning of 1917 many of whom had captured their own printing presses and were running industries ona collective basis. A lot of their members were also involved in the soviets and the variety of political parties and organisations across russia either as delegates or on a dual membership basis.
I don't like it so far tbh since it seems to be just going for sensationalism and stereotypes rather than an accurate potrayal of history, but i'll keep reading since maybe it will improve.
 
The clerks were in it almost as much as the workers.

And Kornilov is getting a surprising amount of love. But I'm interested in seeing a continuation?
 

Hnau

Banned
Well, I am going for sensationalism a bit. I really wanted to paint the chaos of the Russian Revolution well. You should know that while the death penalty had been abolished in 1917, mobs were responsible for plenty of killings during the actual uprisings. The October Revolution was pretty bloodless, because so many people who knew their heads might be on the chopping block left for the south already at that point, but the June Revolution ITTL is not so non-violent, because you still have plenty of people in Petrograd still associated with the Tsarist government living in the city.

As for the workers, most were certainly illiterate. By 1916, only 56% of the population could read, and most of those who couldn't belonged to the rural peasantry. The majority of the workers were peasants who had emigrated to the cities. But I never said anywhere that Andrei and Pavel and others couldn't read. I actually was hoping I portrayed Andrei Zagorsky as a pretty intelligent guy, a born leader, who still retained his rustic country demeanor and of course, his penchant for violence.

But, I will try to tone down the sensationalism and violence. I guess my writing style just tends to be cinematic due to my being a film student.
 

Hnau

Banned
Elections to the Constituent Assembly

The general elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly were officially held on August 14, 1917 according to the Julian calendar (August 27 Gregorian calendar), but the truth is that the lack of organization of polling places and election authorities meant that returns would continue coming in passed the date of the convocation of the Assembly. As such, the first few weeks of this elected body were extremely confusing, with delegates changing and new delegates arriving throughout September and October and a few incidences even beyond to December. This caused many measures to be re-voted upon, thus inefficiency was rampant in those first few months.

The elections themselves were a phenomenon. Roaming revolutionaries and activists joined ex-soldiers newly deserted from the fronts to hunt for backwoods populations where they could advertise their various political programmes and candidates. Even the election authorities enlisted to hand out candidate lists were often biased towards one group or another and became firebrands when they arrived in one village or another. Particularly, the Socialist-Revolutionaries had a huge organization of (they boasted) more than a million members, which they were able to mobilize to great effect in order to reach every village possible. Yet, this is not to say that people were often fooled and swindled out of their votes. Everywhere there was a growing degree of political consciousness, and while there are some outlandish special cases, throughout the country elections there was a respect for democracy and a very diverse outcome to them.

Political participation tended to be high in the villages, where the entire village gathered together in their best clothing and ventured en masse towards the nearest polling place to cast their vote. In the towns and cities, there was a higher degree of political diversity and thus debate, but fewer came out to vote during the weeks the election was held. Almost every train in service was a polling place to its passengers, making sure they had a place to vote. On the front, too, officers were held accountable to soldier's committees to deliver candidate lists to the rank and file or else they could be demoted or worse.

The major problem of the election was largely in the recording of votes. Electoral offices were ill-prepared, many biased, and otherwise. Many votes were lost and thus entire sections of the country unrepresented in the following Constituent Assembly. On every part of the organization of the election, there were problems in tabulation, and as such, it was a closely held secret that the Constituent Assembly represented only 35 million out of an estimated 52 million of those who voted.

The results of the election showed that the Socialist-Revolutionary Party had won in a landslide. This was only somewhat of a surprise to the Ispolkom. On one hand, Social Democrats and Socialist-Revolutionaries considered themselves the two pillars of socialism, equal in the strengths of their traditions and widely considered two faces of the same coin. Their political tenets were extremely similiar, the primary difference was simply a question of emphasis. The Social Democrats emphasized the urban worker, the proletariat of Marxism, as the vanguard of socialism, while the Socialist-Revolutionaries emphasized the peasant. By that logic, however, even the SDs saw the writing on the wall: Russia was an agrarian country, nearly 80% of the population belonging to the peasantry and half of the remainder possessing strong ties to the countryside. The Socialist-Revolutionaries also had a simple programme and goal that they advertised in every village. "If you want more land, vote for the Socialist-Revolutionary Party" some would simply announce to peasant congregations. And that was the most important thing to most of the electorate, rather than the emphasis on a quick peace, or the place capitalism would have in the country, or whether industrialization should be encouraged. The people, in this instance, voted for their farms.

In this regard, the Socialist-Revolutionaries took 17.7 million votes, while their Ukrainian branch earned independently another 3.4 million. Together, the old narodniki traditions garnered a full 60.5% of all votes cast. No other party came close. The Social Democrats fractured over Alexander Shlyapnikov's declaration of a 'Left-Social Democratic Party' in allegiance to the Fabzavkomy movement, leaving the RSDLP with 4 million votes (11.5% of the total). The Left-SDs suprisedly took another 3.4 million votes (9.6% of the total), as such it is predicted that Social Democracy broke almost cleanly down the middle. Outside of these two political bastions, the Constitutional Democrats were the only others to break a million votes, with 1.7 million (4.9% of the total). Socialism had emerged triumphant... few were willing to give the remnants of the old order a chance to prove themselves.

Of the other 13.5%, there were a great number of small parties. The cossacks, the old believers, the cooperative movement, the landowners, the national minorities all voted for their own lists and took what small portion they could. Many would discover that they did not have a chance of putting a delegate into the Constituent Assembly, and their supporters would flee to other parties. However, Russia's proportional representation would last and continue to be a problem for years, as a steady minority of the electorate would continue to vote for special-interests and nationalistic aspirations. From this pool many parties could easily draw coalition partners with which to take a majority by only giving in to a few special demands.

Breakdown of the Russian Constituent Assembly
Socialist-Revolutionary Party - 356 delegates
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party - 80 delegates
Social Democratic Party (Left) - 67 delegates
Popular Socialist Party - 6 delegates
Other socialists - 5 delegates
Constitutional Democratic Party - 34 delegates
Religious groups - 27 delegates
Special interest groups - 5 delegates
Ukrainian Socialist Bloc - 10 delegates
Ukrainian Socialist-Revolutionary Party - 69 delegates
Nationalist groups - 25 delegates

This all for a total of 684 delegates to the Russian Constituent Assembly. More than a hundred seats would never be filled, due to the confusion concerning the vote.

Initial actions of the Russian Constituent Assembly
On August 31, 1917 J.C. (September 12 G. C.) the Constituent Assembly would meet for the first time in the Tauride Palace. The Socialist-Revolutionaries quickly began running the show by electing Victor Chernov as Assembly Chairman, though many socialists quickly agreed so as to not be left out of the group. Chernov was the last of the old theoreticians of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, a man who had for decades dreamt of taking power and what changes could be made to his country. He would finally have his opportunity. As soon as this action had been taken, debate began at once concerning two items of infinite concern: what to do with the war, and what to do with the peasants.

On September 1 J.C., the Assembly would vote to adopt the Gregorian calendar, something that everyone could agree on. Everyone in Russia would wake up the next day on September 15, 1917 instead of September 2. And on that day, they would wake to further news, the long-awaited Second Land Decree. It is quite a comprehensive decree. Effectively, the Second Land Decree would initiate what would become known as the Vikhliaev Program and it would be extremely radical for its time, following a most utopian arrangement created by the Socialist-Revolutionaries. All landed proprietorship was promptly abolished, land was to become the ownership of all people, to be used according to the ability of the toiler, and never owned again. The Socialist-Revolutionaries wanted to make land a free resource, as free as air and sunshine, which would only be divided in the future according to democratic measures. People would find various ways around this, but what the measure effectively did was give the land committees discretion to divide land as they saw fit. Effectively, the peasants had the land they had longed for years. The Black Repartition had begun.

There were exemptions. Bashkir, Buriat, Finnish, Siberian and Ukrainian delegates pushed through a delay on repartition in their own countries. There was some resistance to the program in its entirety, especially in Finland, and it was desired to handle land reform independently in too-be-established regional governments. There was no reason to oppose their wishes. The Don Cossack region is also handled tenderly so as to not raise resistance in the area. [1]

On September 16, the Democratic Federal Republic of Russia (RDFR) is formally declared over the entire territory of the former Russian Empire.

[1] However, the Second Land Decree is enough to push the Don Ataman, Alexey Kaledin, to declare secession. The Don Cossack Army takes control of the territory. By September 28, the Don Krug, the national assembly of the region, declares a 'Don Republic'. The cossacks did not want a redistribution of land in any way.
 

Hnau

Banned
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Since July 22 of 1917, the Petrograd Soviet and then the Constituent Assembly had waited for progress to come of their Peace Decree. This constituted an appeal to a peace based on no annexations or indemnities, a status quo ante bellum, followed by an internationally-mediated self-determination of all territories in order to set straight current disputes. The Allies and then the Central Powers rejected this offer quite promptly: they had been in the war too long, each side was self-interested to their own country's gains.

Slowly but surely, the anti-war lobby in Russia began to turn to other more practical solutions, such as a separate peace with the Central Powers. Eventually, Germany's offensives on the front came to an end after the capture of Riga on September 1. This was followed shortly thereafter with the convocation of the Constituent Assembly on September 12. Germany began to entertain the idea of a separate peace with Russia, in order to shift troops and equipment towards their Western Front, in order to knock out the Allies before American intervention became a deciding factor in the war. So too did the anti-war lobby snowball their popularity once Victor Chernov had become elected Assembly Chairman. Chernov wanted more than anything an immediate and fair peace, but once it had been proven that was a naive idea, he became amenable to the proposal of a separate peace.

Something all persons could agree on was an end to Russian involvement in the Great War. Soldiers wanted to leave to their farms in order to take part in the Black Repartition that the Second Land Decree had legalized. The economy was going nowhere until the war had ended, and trucks carrying food could finally be turned towards the cities instead of the frontlines. While the majority of the population would still be mortified if the country lost anything more than Poland, an armistice was common sense to even the lay person.

On October 2, 1917, after a few negotiations between the two sides the awaited armistice came. Negotiations began a week later at Brest-Litovsk. The Russian delegation was headed by Vladimir Zenzinov, with famous personalities Alexander Martinov and Maria Spiridonova attending as well, though they were kept out of the limelight and mainly there to represent their respective factions. The Germans were represented by Foreign Secretary Richard von Kuhlmann, though General Max Hoffman would be the most important figure in shaping the peace. From the Ottoman Empire came Talat Pasha, and from Austria-Hungary, Count Ottokar Czernin.

There was much debate and discussion with the Central Powers delegation, who demanded absolutely all territory that they had already occupied as well as a heavy indemnity against Russia constituting 6 billion marks. On this position there was very little that was negotiable: the Central Powers felt that if their demands were not met, they would simply continue to march towards Moscow and Petrograd. There was much discussion in the Constituent Assembly whether or not the Russian Army could continue the war, but of this, there was no hope, as the soldiers had already begun to leave for home. Those left in the trenches were a small fraction of what had been months ago.

After a short feud between Vladimir Zenzinov and Victor Chernov, the Assembly Chairman himself signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk when no individual in the Russian delegation would take the fall for him. And a fall there would be. The treaty was quite unpopular, after it announced that Courland, Riga, Lithuania, Poland, and much of White Russia would be ceded to the Germans, on top of a heavy amount of reparations on the order of 6 billion marks. Victor Chernov's popularity immediately plummeted, though there was a secret consensus amongst the Constituent Assembly that there had been no other option left. Chernov took responsibility for the Treaty, and he was largely unaware that he had been maneuvered into such a dire position, so distanced from reality was he. Vladimir Zenzinov, who had gained popularity as a result of his leading of the peace delegation, began rising even more as a figurehead of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, though he was from the rightwing of the party, not the left-center as Chernov. By the beginning of the New Year, Victor Chernov would be replaced by Zenzinov as Assembly Chairman in a 391-293 vote, though he would be given wide responsibilities in managing the interior of the country, specifically the land-socialization program. That was always his specialty, after all. Zenzinov's ascent would lead to a much more disloyal SR leftwing, which had already begun to associate with the Left-Social Democrats as a united front of leftist extremists.

Meanwhile, the Germans began moving millions of troops and a huge amount of military infrastructure towards the Western Front. Nearly 70 divisions were suddenly freed from the icy battlefields in the east.

Map: January 1, 1918 after the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk [1]

[1] The map shows various self-autonomous regions within the RDFR, these being Finland, Estonia-Latvia, White Russia, the Ukrainian Republic, the Moldavian Democratic Republic, and Central Asia. Tuva is functioning independently, as are the Emirate of Bukhara and the Protectorate of Khiva, as well as the rebellion Don Republic. Mongolia is nominally under Chinese control.

1918.PNG
 
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I'm really not at all familiar with that era of Russia's history, but I think it's pretty interesting so far. Looking forward to more!
 
OTL, when Lenin asked for an armistice in November, the Germans demanded the Ukraine as well. What changes that here?

Bruce
 
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