Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
Corporal John Edmondson was the first Australian to win a VC in the second world war. If you would like to know more about him, there is a very useful page on the Australian War Memorial site, here,

There is a letter from Private Ronald Grant to his father, explaining the action here
 

Ramontxo

Donor
A very well write example of the first battle in which the Commonwealth defeated the Nazis. Am waiting to see where this lead.
 

Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
A very well write example of the first battle in which the Commonwealth defeated the Nazis. Am waiting to see where this lead.
Thank you Ramontxo, for your kind words. This story isn't meant to lead anywhere, should be only historical, but I'm writing stories on North Africa, and other places to ensure my timeline is read in context of world events. However, to just say that Tobruk didn't fall at this moment was rather dry and boring, so I was able to fashion a bit more of a story, using the heroism of one man. Reading Grant's letter, you realise there was more than one brave man there that night, and no doubt there were others to be found on the other side too. To provide some balance on that fact, I will write at least one story detailing the heroism of a soldier fighting for the Axis nations in North Africa later. Hope this story wasn't too graphic in detail, but it gave some insight into the fact that most people don't die of a nice death in war, especially in hand to hand combat.
 

Ramontxo

Donor
Tobruk was the Commonwealth looking at the nazis eyes.
Some decades after that time Margaret Thatcher "Enjoyed" an football game in which West Germany slaughtered Great Britain (ok England sorry). When, after the game, Helmut Kolh try to apologise Maggie told him to relax
"As we have defeated you at your national game two times this century"
 
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MWI 41041611 Batu Arang Coal Mine Strike Is Over

Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
1941, Wednesday 16 April;

The Managing Director of the Malayan Collieries, Mr H H Robbins stood up, cleared his throat and then began to speak in his strong Australian accent. “I am able to report today, that we have reached a negotiated settlement with the Malayan Collieries Workers Trade Union. This has been achieved in no small part thanks to the assistance of the Chinese Consul Mr Tsze Zau. There will be an immediate pay increase of 7½% across all pay bands back dated to 1st April, and a further increase in May of 5%, giving a total of 12½%. I can report the men have accepted this and normal work resumed this morning with good attendance, thank you”. He sat down, as a reporter stood up, “Mr Robbins, its Simon Brown, Straits Times, I wonder if I might ask a few questions…

Ass Superintendent Hugh Broun Sym of the Special Branch sat at the back, in a nondescript suit, watching. There was nothing here for him to learn, he’d only came to witness the closure of the strike. But his work, well that was only just beginning.

The strike had started on the 7th, it had been well organised, the whole labour force of 5,000 Chinese and Indians walking out, demanding a 20% wage increase. But this time both the Police and the Colliery management had handled things better. The death and bloodshed of 1937 had been avoided, and they had been more patience throughout negotiations.

Intimidation, coercion and beatings had been used to keep the strike strong, and only when the Chinese had accepted the pay rise, had management taken a strong line with the Indians, who wouldn’t agree, laying them off. It broke the strike; they’d take the offer and came back.

But the work needed to organise a strike and maintain it had brought individuals to prominence, and Sym’s men had duly noted their activities. Among the Chinese, the Communists were becoming increasingly influential, while among the Tamil Indians, nationalism was an underlying driver. But it had also given opportunity for infiltration, Sym now had a number of men reporting back on the secret organisations from within.

Because, make no mistake, the British couldn’t afford to let the situation get out of hand, with so much at stake. It was important that the Chinese Communists didn’t grow any stronger, that the growth of the Indian Nationalism movement in Malaya was checked, and that the mines re-open and return to working to capacity. It was the only mine in the country, producing over 600,000 tons a year, of lignite, or brown coal, used mostly by the railway and the tin mines. Bunkerage coal for shipping had to be imported from South Africa, India and Japan, which was another 700,000 tons a year. Thus, it was a fundamental part of the makeup of Malaya’s economy, and as such had to be protected.

Well, reflected Hugh, we’d been caught out this time, but that wouldn’t be happening again, certainly not on his watch.
 
MWI 41041815 Fun At The Fair

Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
1941, Friday 18 April;

The young student carefully stepped forward, as directed by the operator, dressed in overalls, the Tamagawa Amusement Park name and logo nicely embraided on the back, a thick leather harness fixed tightly around him, the buckles and straps having been checked by the operator. He came to the edge, and looked down, a light wind was blowing, the overalls flapping around his ankles, the ground below looking quite distant from 165 feet in the air. He looked across at the operator, who gave a sharp nod, and he made a small leap forward. Down he soared, the canopy above filling with air, his body gently swinging like a pendulum as he descended. For a brief few seconds he was a parachutist, a dare devil, gliding through the sky, before the cable attached to the top of the canopy began to bite, arresting much of the fall, proving him with an easy landing, the proprietors sensing that broken legs and ankles would not be conducive to business.

Another couple of employees stepped forward to undo his buckles, the buttons of his overalls, allowing him to step out of them and join the other five students he was with, closely observed by a lecturer from his ‘school’. It completed the second jump for them all, and with thanks given to the jump tower operators, they began to make their way out of the park, led by the ‘lecturer’.

Much impressed by the success of the German Fallshirmjager, the Japanese military high command, both in the IJA and IJN looked to form units of their own. For the IJA, a small cadre of officers had been gathered, who at great personal risk, had written a basic manual, after studying what information there was to be found on parachuting, proposed training and technical techniques. With that done an initial 250 trainees, serving NCO volunteers, had joined at Ichigaya airbase in Tokyo, to create the backbone of a formation of paratroopers. This would be fleshed out by coming waves of volunteering privates, who would benefit from the small improvements made in the training manual, as time progressed.

After intense physical training, conditioning the trainees for the rigours ahead, there were few ways to simulate a parachute jump, other than off a tall wooden box and roll over on the mat below, before they were committed to the real thing, a jump out of a Nakajima Type 97 transport, a copied and modified Douglas DC-2, which could carry seven parachutists.

Meanwhile, back at Tamagawa, another six students had appeared, the recent big increase in popularity of the jump tower bemusing the parks owners, who, it would seem, had stumbled on a proverbial ‘gold mine’.
 
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Here are some photographs of the Canadian army jump tower at Camp Shiloh, Manitoba and the U.S. army's at Fort Benning, Georgia. Looking at those structures I can't help but wonder if jumping from them was scarier then jumping from a Dakota. And also to add to the fun imagine climbing those long ladders to the top weighed down with a parachute and all the other equipment. I don't think the WW2 jump towers were equipped with elevators.
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Camp Shiloh and Fort Benning.
 
Here are some photographs of the Canadian army jump tower at Camp Shiloh, Manitoba and the U.S. army's at Fort Benning, Georgia. Looking at those structures I can't help but wonder if jumping from them was scarier then jumping from a Dakota. And also to add to the fun imagine climbing those long ladders to the top weighed down with a parachute and all the other equipment. I don't think the WW2 jump towers were equipped with elevators.
View attachment 765456View attachment 765457
Camp Shiloh and Fort Benning.
Actually, if you look at the right one (Ft. Benning) you'll see a ring at the end of the arm on the tower. The trainee is winched up to the top and released to float to earth. It is actually based on a 1939 World's Fair Ride.

and in use:


fun and games
 
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MWI 41042118 The KNIL Army Plan

Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
1941, Monday 21 April;

KNIL Army HQ, Bandung, conference room, and they had been there for most of the day, excepting a light lunch. Lt Gen Gerardus Berenschot, Commander in Chief, Dutch East Indies, sat at the head of the table. To his right sat Maj Gen Hein ter Poorten, his Chief of Staff, newly promoted Maj Gen Johan Uhl, Inspector of Infantry, and planning staff officer Col Rudolph Bakkers. To his left sat another newly promoted, Maj Gen Wijbrandus Schilling, CO of the I Div & West Territorial Command KNIL, Maj Gen Pierre Cox, CO of the II Div & Central Java KNIL, and lastly Maj Gen Gustav Ilgen, CO of the III Div and East Java KNIL.

They had been reviewing and discussing the ongoing modernisation of the Army, from a purely lightly armed, static, internal security force to creating fully equipped, motorised, combined arms units, capable of being deployed anywhere within the Dutch East Indies. The task was huge, the need for new weapons chronic, and given the rest of the Allies needs, there was only limited availability. There were virtually no anti-tank weapons, artillery was scarce except for static coastal guns, limited AA guns, while machine guns, rifles and small arms were becoming a mishmash of types and calibres as new ones didn’t complement the existing weapons.

Secondly soldiers had to be trained on new weapons, which highlighted issues on tactics, i.e., how to deploy AT rifles and mortars. Thirdly the motorisation of units was held back by the limited number of vehicles, and types available. And the introduction of a tank unit had brought further challenges.

But their problems were more fundamental than that. The attraction of joining the Naval forces or the even more appealing Air Forces, meant much of the Dutch population didn’t see the Army as first choice, or else, was in essential war work and could only be used for home defence, so technical roles were hard to fill. While the need to train illiterate native recruits capable of handling increasingly complex weapons was challenging to say the least, handicapped as they were by a native population which only had about 6% literacy.

And to top it all, because the Army was organised as a territorial defence force, trying to form a field force, raised logistical problems as evolving from static garrisons, there were few centralised support services, much of the garrison needs met by local contractors. Which meant deploying any forces further than their own military areas, was limited to maybe a battalion at best. Expanding these service units had been excruciatingly hard to manage, and they more than any other, required literacy for their recruits and transportation for their equipment and stores.

So far, the three, fancifully called ‘Divisions’, had progressed at best, to a two-infantry regiment division with very limited support (1st Div), if the strategic reserve infantry regiment was added, and at worse, the other two, being just brigade size units, based around a single regiment of infantry and very little else, with mostly animal transportation. They wanted to raise at least another two regiments, making them all two regiment divisions, but that would be by milking the current units, already short on experienced men. Training up to now had been somewhat haphazard, and was only really done at company or battalion level. Anything else invariably meant borrowing support units.

And the last concern, probably the gravest was their fighting spirt. The Dutch would fight fine, and in general, some of the ethnic groups, Ambonese, Manadonese, Timorese, might hold up, but the Javanese, half of their troops, were a lot more dubious. To stiffen their resolve, the Dutch had adopted a couple of different things. For the field battalions on Java, and the for the couple deployed to Tarakan and Balikpapan, they formed battalions along the British Indian Army’s lines, of different ethnic companies within each battalion, including, ideally, a European Dutch one. This helped maintain discipline, and worked for local security provided the Javanese were deployed away from home. In each battalion there was three infantry companies and a support (heavy weapons) company.

However, outside of Java they used territorial or garrison battalions and companies, which were composed of ethnically mixed sections (brigades) of 15 rankers, led by a sergeant, with a corporal as his second. Ideally these would be made up of 6 Ambonese, Manadonese or Timorese, and the rest Javanese, if the sergeant was Indonesian, the corporal would be Dutch. These units were not trained to fight as companies or battalions, and were used for internal security, sections often operating in patrols on their own. Because of this, these forces were only lightly armed.

Apart from them, the only troops considered good were the Marechaussee Corps, jungle trained troops who operated at company strength, and were only a couple of battalions’ worth. Fundamentally, any invasion of the NEI would have to be faced by the local garrisons only, except on Java, where these three ‘Divisions’, with some difficulty, might be deployed outside their own areas.

As the evening drew near Berenschot called an end to the monthly review meeting, everyone, including himself had action points, relating to their various command responsibilities, to discharge, and although many were left ongoing, some were being completed, and the Army was gradually improving. It just needed time, the question was, how much time did they have?
 
Well written summary of the KNIL's many problems. Regarding the trustworthiness of the native forces, I do remember reading that apparently Javanese units were not more likely to break than Ambonese units and vice versa. The lack of fighting spirit of the native troops didn't seem to be caused by political support for Indonesian nationalism (if that would be so there would be a more logical connection between lack of fighting spirit and ethnicity) but by a lack of training in combined arms, because of which the infantry wasn't used to the sight of tanks and artillery, and the mentioned reorganization which broke up the almost familial bonds between the soldiers and their officers.

Destruction of KNIL and KM archives in 1942, 1945 and 1949 has made it hard to do any definitive studies in this field unfortunately.
 
if the sergeant was Indonesian, the corporal would be Dutch.
In a colonial army, what Dutch corporal would accept service under a native superior? And how would a native sergeant feel about having a white nominal subordinate who is there to keep him in line? In the entire history of 19th-20th century colonialism, there were AFAIK only a handful of occasions when white personnel were subordinated to non-whites,and almost all of these were either in specialist formations such as engineers, or when an "orphan" white unit was attached to a native command in an emergency.
 
In a colonial army, what Dutch corporal would accept service under a native superior? And how would a native sergeant feel about having a white nominal subordinate who is there to keep him in line? In the entire history of 19th-20th century colonialism, there were AFAIK only a handful of occasions when white personnel were subordinated to non-whites,and almost all of these were either in specialist formations such as engineers, or when an "orphan" white unit was attached to a nativecor command in an emergency.
A Dutch coporal in the KNIL would accept orders of a native superior. The main language of the KNIL and on the submarines of the RN Navy was Malay, not Dutch, If a comander, regardless his level, did not master Malay, then his command was quite ineffect.
The Comander in Chief Berenschot was an Indo as many officers of the KNIL and Royal Netherlands Navy were in those days, following a decades long history
 
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Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
Well written summary of the KNIL's many problems. Regarding the trustworthiness of the native forces, I do remember reading that apparently Javanese units were not more likely to break than Ambonese units and vice versa. The lack of fighting spirit of the native troops didn't seem to be caused by political support for Indonesian nationalism (if that would be so there would be a more logical connection between lack of fighting spirit and ethnicity) but by a lack of training in combined arms, because of which the infantry wasn't used to the sight of tanks and artillery, and the mentioned reorganization which broke up the almost familial bonds between the soldiers and their officers.

Destruction of KNIL and KM archives in 1942, 1945 and 1949 has made it hard to do any definitive studies in this field unfortunately.
Thank you HJ Tulp. You may be quite right about there being no difference in trustworthiness among native troops, its just what I've read. And certainly any combat reports I've read don't single out the Muslim Javanese as being better or worse than any others. It is as you say, very poor training, along with very little mobility, meaning most troops only defended the region they were based in.

A Dutch coporal in the KNIL would accept orders of an native superior. The main language of the KNIL and on the submarines of the RN Navy was Malay, not Dutch, If a comander regardless the level did not master Malay, then his command was quite ineffect.
The Comander in Chief Berenschot was an Indo as many officers of the KNIL and Royal Netherlands Navy were in those days, following a decades long history
That's a very interesting point you bring up Parma, the term Indo, short for Indo-European, or Indonesian and European mixed race. see Wikipedia for a good explanation

Its very interesting to compare the British and Dutch attitudes to mix race at this time and in these colonies. The Dutch 'Indo's were seen and treated very much as the equal of a 'full' white European in society, and Berenschot is a good example of how well they did, but he is by no means the exception. The British attitude was poor in the extreme, being extremely class conscience, and being of 'mixed race' was indeed a severe handicap. Some did rise above it, but only due to exceptional abilities, until war in the Far East came, and like any war's it became less of an issue. But while the Dutch could be more open and accepting, they could also be harsher, the conduct of the Marechaussee, subduing uprisings in Aceh, North Sumatra, was simple brutal, the closest the British came may have been the aftermath of the Singapore mutiny 1915, see Wikipedia
 
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