I would like to see updates on the Crimean Tartars, possibly one to do with Armenia and maybe something about how the Armenian Genocide is dealth with?
Zhirinovsky's Russian Empire
- Thread starter Pellegrino
- Start date
I would like to see updates on the Crimean Tartars, possibly one to do with Armenia and maybe something about how the Armenian Genocide is dealth with?
MarshalBraginsky
Banned
Just out of curiosity, how many Zhirinovsky counterparts does the world have? We know that Funar is the Romanian version, but would Milosevic and Ter-Petrosyan be considered as Zhirinovsky's counterparts in ex-Yugoslavia and Armenia?
Funar is the closest, but even he falls short of the pure extremism of Zhirinovsky.
Milosovic would be second, but he tends to keep his rhetoric in simple Serbs versus Turk/Croat/Bosnian terms and to my knowledge never went the anti-Zionist/Jewish route that Zhirinovsky often goes.
Ter-Petrosyan would be in 3rd place, in OTL he mostly focuses on Armenian persecution but didn't really go nearly as far as Zhirinovsky or Funar in OTL in regards to nationalist or racist rhetoric. But the massacre on the road to Alat may change everything for him and he may be almost forced to go a more extremist route (he will never be seen as anything but an extremist after that). Interestingly enough, so far in this TL the road to Alat is the biggest crime against humanity we have seen (although we know that will change by 1997).
Many of the central Asian leaders were unapologetic Stalinist in OTL which puts them at odds with this new Zhirinovsky faction in TTL (they are most certainly appalled at the anti-Muslim rhetoric coming from Moscow, but just as terrified by the privatization tht the Russians are now embracing.
Tjudman in OTL was a bit Zhirinovsky-esque in OTL, I would guess that doesn't change in TTL
MarshalBraginsky
Banned
Would Izetbegovic count as a more, opposite version of Zhirinovsky though? He did serve in the SS Handzars during WWII, so I'm pretty sure he would know a bit about extremism.
I'm still unclear as to how the Russians are getting to Serbia/Bosnia at this time. Does SLF territory extend clear across Romania? If so, how does the fact that Russian forces are actually passing right through the country effect Romanian thinking re Moldova?
Bruce
whitecrow
Banned
Also, isn't Romania in your Tl a member of NATO? This just adds another layer of questions to the civil war and presence ofUIS troops in the country...
No, it is not. In part due fears that Emil Constantinescu was going to win the 1992 election (which could have led to NATO admission) Zhirinovsky backed Constantinescu, resulting in a razor thin Funar victory. Funar is seen as too controversial for NATO and admission is sidelined as a result.
In OTL Russian "peacekeepers" in South Osettia allowed Russian troops free access. Something similar would occur here. I hope to clear the picture in Romania shortly
MarshalBraginsky
Banned
Wait a minute, could Zhirinovsky pull off the same trick with regards to the elections in foreign countries? Support an incumbent candidate and he loses the election.
It seems to be only one-time method. After eruption of Hungarian rebelion in Romania it became obvious Moscow didnt support anyone without bad intencions.
However main problem of SLF is they are very week at the begining. I mean there was no serious ethnic tensions in Romania OTL (at least i didnt heard about it), so it main catalisator of this war is Funar victory in october of 1992.
There is only a month between foundation of SLF and eruption of Civil War, for me is too little time for creation of powerfull organisation. SLF at begining most likely is terrorist group composed by bunch of strange extremist with guns "made in Russia", alieneted from ordinary Romanian Hungarians. But Funar anti-Madgyar obsessions and lack of Romanian police and military prepare for such kind of threat means they response for SLF terrorist actions could be only brutality. This certainly antagonised most of Magyar population and after year-two its turn into OTL Kosovo situation.
MarshalBraginsky
Banned
So with the stuff happening in the UIS Republic of Armenia, what will happen to guys like Raffi Hovannisian? Moreover, what happens to the Russophobic politicians from the Caucasus in this case? It might be difficult since Zhirinovsky did say that he doesn't want purges, yet he did purge the UIS of the Communists.
PART FIFTY SIX: THE PINOCHET EFFECT
PART FIFTY SIX: THE PINOCHET EFFECT
PART FIFTY SIX: THE PINOCHET EFFECT
OK folks, after the brief poll I think I decided to go a little out of order and start with an update on Romania followed by the Baltics next. I am a bit mad at myself for leaving things a bit muddled in regards to what is going on in Romania since the 1992 Civil War erupted, so I hope this update somewhat clarifies things.
Some new names in this update:
Route E671
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_route_E671
Romanian nationalist Corneliu Vadim Tudor
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corneliu_Vadim_Tudor
Romanian Union Leader Victor Ciorbea
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_Ciorbea
Romanian politician (ethnic Hungarian) Gyorgy Frunda
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gy%C3%B6rgy_Frunda
Romanian General Victor Stănculescu
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_St%C4%83nculescu
American Ambassador to Romania John Davis:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Ambassador_to_Romania
Arad, Romania
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arad,_Romania
Romanian Prime Minister Petre Roman
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Petre_Roman
And if you notice, we get our first hint as to who takes over as President of the UIS now that Lukyanov is gone…
______________________________________________________________
Romanian President declares martial law as Parliament moves forward with impeachment proceedings; protesters take to streets in Bucharest
By Richard Roundtree
Economist
May 13, 1994
Protesters took to the streets of Bucharest (AP)
In a move that has earned sharp criticism from dozens of Western nations, Romanian president Gheorghe Funar declared martial law yesterday just hours after the Romanian Parliament announced it was proceeding with impeachment proceedings against the increasingly unpopular president. American Ambassador John R. Davis condemned the move, calling it “a disturbing step that threatens democracy in Romania.” Davis called on President Funar to recall the executive order, which severely limits the power of the Romanian Parliament and restores the President’s power to dissolve the Parliament.
Thousands of protesters flooded the streets of Bucharest to condemn the unilateral actions of the Romanian President, who has seen his popularity plummet since taking office in 1992.
“Funar is a disaster and he needs to step down for the good of the country,” one protester told the Economist. “He has dragged us into a war with the Hungarians to the west and the Russians to the east. All in the name of Greater Romania!”
Funar has badly alienated ordinary Romanians since taking office. In the first week of his presidency his attempt to outlaw the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania nearly cost him his presidency. The move was widely seen as the catalyst for the Romanian Civil War, a three month conflict in which thousands of Romanians were driven from their homes. The shaky ceasefire, singed in January of 1993, gave Russian peacekeepers nearly unlimited access to the unrecognized Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland. His subsequent attempt to sign a free-trade agreement with the UIS Republic of Moldova, a move which was widely recognized in NATO as a direct provocation, also led to an embarrassing defeat. The so called “friendship treaty” was shelved after his Moldovan counterpart backed out of the agreement hours after troops loyal to Moscow routed the Moldovan armed forces last week. However, it is his chilly relationship with NATO that has alienated protesters the most.
“We need to be partners with NATO and every time he opens his mouth he drives NATO further away,” commented another protester. “We cannot afford to be isolated…not with Vladimir Zhirinovsky living next door.”
“Romania after Ceaușescu” (Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
By Robert Solomon
Routledge Press, (2003)
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN:
With the disastrous defeat of the Moldovan forces at the hands of the UIS 14th Army, opposition leader Emil Constantinescu knew that there was no time to wait: the impeachment would have to proceed.
“Constantinescu was deeply troubled about going forward with an impeachment,” commented Victor Ciorbea, an aide to Constantinescu in 1994, “as much as he hated Funar, he also recognized that as Romanians first democratically elected president, an impeachment would weaken democracy and destabilize the country. It would create a dangerous precedent.”
Constantinescu had maintained communications with Washington, and was given assurances that once Funar was out of the picture NATO admission was all but guaranteed.
“Funar had put together a cabinet filled with anti-Hungarian and anti-Jewish politicians,” Ciorbea said, “Corneliu Vadim Tudor was the most noteworthy. And he created a firestorm when he attacked Prime Minister Petre Roman’s Jewish heritage in a press conference, calling him the ‘first non-Romanian Prime Minister’ in the country’s history. There was no way the Americans would have anything to do with Funar.”
Recognizing that Funar was alienating nearly everyone in the country, Constantinescu began to move towards forming a strong opposition party which would ‘quarantine’ Funar for the duration of his presidency. He formed a coalition with Prime Minister Roman, a one time ally of Ion Iliescu, as well as Ciorbea, who was a noted union leader.
“He not only was isolating Funar and robbing him of Parliamentary support, but he was isolating Iliescu as well,” Ciorbea added. “There was little question by mid-1994 that Constantinescu was going to emerge as President of Romania in 1996.”
Constantinescu even made major progress to mend fences with the Hungarians, and Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland.
“György Frunda was emerging as the undisputed leader of the Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland,” Ciorbea said, “which was a godsend for us since he wasn’t really interested in independence. He was perfectly fine with an autonomous region inside of Romania, was well as Hungarian language and cultural rights protected in the Romanian Constitution. He, like us, wanted stronger ties to NATO and Hungary, and he didn’t like how the Russians were creating trouble in his back yard.”
The shadowy Szekely Liberation Front still remained an organization clouded in mystery, and the lack of clear leadership or even doctrine from the SLF proved a boost for the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (or UDMR as it was referred to in Romania).
“They were much easier to deal with,” Ciorbea said, “for one thing; they could not care less about E671.”
The E-671 Highway that ran from north to south across the western border of Romania, (just a few miles from Hungary in some places) was one of the most contentious areas of disagreement between the Moscow backed SLF and Bucharest. E-671, which ran through the predominantly Romanian city of Arad, was the only link that Moscow and the UIS had with the UIS Republic of Serbian Krajina, and the SLF was unwilling to consider the surrender of territory if it meant a breaking the “Transylvanian Corridor.”
“Everyday the Russians used the E-671 highway to transport troops and supplies to Croatian occupied territory,” Ciorbea added, “and the SLF was not going to turn on their only international backer by closing that one crucial lifeline to the Serbs. Frunda, however, could not care less about the Russian occupation of Bosnia and Croatia. He didn’t want to ‘occupy’ Arad, which was over 80% Romanian. He indicated that as part of a permanent peace all of the predominantly Romanian areas that the Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland controlled in the south would be transferred to Romania, as long as we recognized Hungarian autonomy.”
The announcement by Petre Roman that the Parliament would begin impeachment proceedings against Funar led to a standing ovation in the halls of the Romanian Parliament, and was widely embraced across the country. One independent poll had support for impeachment at over 80%. However, Funar was unwilling to go quietly, and decided to move on the self-proclaimed Republic of Szeklerland.
“He assumed that we wouldn’t move on a sitting war time president,” Ciorbea, “and he also realized that a victory over the Hungarians could boost his sagging popularity.”
Word of the pending invasion panicked both Constantinescu and Frunda.
“Frunda told Emil that an invasion would tie his hands,” Ciorbea said, “that he would have to declare independence. He also indicated that Hungary would recognize the independence of Szeklerland if that happened. I am not sure if he was bluffing, but Constantinescu begged him to hold off. He told Frunda that he would work with the Parliament to strip the President of his authority as commander in chief over the military before the end of the day.”
Lost in the shuffle and confusion on May 14th, 1994 was a third faction that was equally fed up with Funar, but also was threatened by the growing strength of Constantinescu’s democratic coalition. By nightfall on the 14th the Romanian military had reached its boiling point, and was poised to move.
Excerpts from the book “A Diplomat’s Life: An Autobiography of Former Secretary of State Warren Christopher”
Published by Hyperion © 2003
Chapter VII: The Pinochet effect
President Kerrey looked like a man who had just been kicked in the stomach. He said nothing as he leaned back into his chair, trying to decide how to respond to the news. Our ambassador in Bucharest was contacted by Romanian General Victor Stănculescu, former minister of defense under Nicolae Ceauşescu. The military was done with the disastrous experiment of democracy. They were going to move on the presidential Palace and oust the unpopular President Funar in a coup.
“Mr. President,” I said nervously, “we can’t panic. Let’s give Emil Constantinescu a chance; he may be able to rally the Parliament in time to prevent…this.”
“Mr. Secretary, with all due respect, but the question needs to be how we deal with General Stănculescu,” Joint Chief of Staff General Colin Powell said as he closed his folder and took a seat, “if we are willing to back him he may give us some concessions. He promised to hold elections before the end of the year.”
“Where have I heard that before,” Vice President Gore said sarcastically, “what makes you think he has any desire to follow through?”
“To be honest, I doubt he would,” General Powell replied, “there is nothing in his resume to indicate he has any interest in democracy. And considering there has been a growing call for his prosecution over his role in the massacre of civilians in Timisoara during the Romanian Revolution, this may have more to do with self preservation than with any real desire to help the Romanian people. But our options are limited right now.”
“What do you mean,” I asked, “we can warn Constantinescu, he can call protesters on the street, much like Yeltsin did back in 1991.”
“You may not want to use Boris Yeltsin as a selling point,” Gore replied, “Otherwise he’d be on the first plane to Paris.”
“Mr. Secretary,” General Powell said, “Constantinescu doesn’t have the means or the time to resist the coup. Only one person does: President Funar. Now we can do nothing, but if General Stănculescu succeeds and afterwards he feels we didn’t help him he may be less inclined to work with us at containing the UIS. He may even side with Moscow. All the Russians really want is an EZ-Pass across the E671 and General Stănculescu would be more than willing to give them that if it means regaining control of Szeklerland.”
“So what happens if we back him?” Vice President Gore asked, clearly considering the option. “What will he promise us?”
“If we are willing to give military aid, much like what we did with the Georgians, I believe that he would side with us against the UIS.”
“The Hungarians won’t like that,” I said. “They won’t like that at all.”
“Mr. President,” General Powell added, “There is another thing you need to consider. If President Funar survives this planned coup, there is a strong possibility that he will proceed with the invasion of Szeklerland. The Hungarians have already mobilized troops near the border with Romania. Although they assure us that this is a routine exercise our intelligence indicates they may be planning an intervention in the event of hostilities. They may send troops into western Romania if things get ugly enough. And if the Romanians capture the E671, it is an absolute certainty that the Russians will invade Romania.”
“What are you suggesting?” President Kerrey asked nervously.
“Mr. President,” General Powell replied, “if President Funar survives this coup attempt, or if you convince the General to abandon the coup, there exist a very real possibility that within 96-hours NATO troops from Hungary and UIS troops from Moscow will be engaged in hostilities. In such a scenario the likelihood of a global conflict before the end of the year would be, in my honest opinion, over 50%.”
The gasp around the room was audible. We were looking at the real possibility of World War III before the end of the month! Still, we had a golden opportunity here, to undo the wrongs we made in the past during the last Cold War. I didn’t want to repeat them.
“Mr. President,” I said firmly as I stood up, “this is all very frightening, but you need to take a long, hard look at what you are about to do. President Funar is an idiot, but he is the democratically elected president of Romania. If you back General Stănculescu it will be Chile 1973 all over again. We will lose almost all of our credibility in Eastern Europe and the UIS will score a major PR victory. The short term benefits are real, but the long term problems of backing this coup cannot be ignored. The Pinochet effect will destroy our credibility in the one part of the world where we are still looked upon in a very, very positive light: Eastern Europe. If we do this, if we back this unapologetic tyrant, who I might add was the man responsible for the show trial and execution of Nicolae Ceauşescu in 1989, we will be answering for that decision for the rest of our lives and this country will be answering for that decision with the Romanian people for decades…if not centuries. Bob, we both were appalled when Nixon backed Pinochet’s coup in Chile in 1973. We both were shocked that America had become so blind to the evil that we were committing in the world, all under the banner of fighting communism. This is our Pinochet moment Bob! This is our Nixon moment! We can change how this country defends freedom or we can continue to make the same mistakes we’ve made for over fifty years. Let me call Emil Constantinescu. Let me call the one true democrat in Romania and tell him that we are in his corner!”
President Kerrey said nothing, but I could see that almost all of the color had drained out of his face during my speech. He was conflicted, I could clearly see that. But I could not in good conscience say nothing. I could not in good conscience let this administration turn into another Nixon administration.
“General Powell,” President Kerrey said in a near whisper after close to thirty seconds of silence, “call General Stănculescu and tell him that the United States will support him.”
Coup in Romania! Military seizes control of government as President Funar seeks asylum in the British embassy
The Scotsman
May 19, 1994
Romania’s brief experiment with democracy ended yesterday when forces loyal to General Victor Stănculescu, commander of all armed forces in Romania, launched a raid on the Presidential Palace, forcing the Romanian president to seek asylum in the British embassy. The new Romanian head of state also dissolved the Parliament and promised to hold fresh election before the end of the year.
“This country has suffered tremendously in the last three years,” General Stănculescu said on Romanian television several hours after cementing control over the country, “but we cannot in good conscience sit back and let mismanagement and corruption destroy the country we have sworn to defend.”
General Stănculescu also issued a warning to the Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland, the autonomous self proclaimed Republic in the western part of the country.
“The Romanian people have remained patient in our desire to see this conflict end peacefully,” he said as he pointed his finger into the camera, “but the window for a peaceful settlement is rapidly closing, and the time for action will soon upon us.”
United States ambassador John R. Davis, announced in a press release that the United States would recognize General Stănculescu as acting head of state of Romania, but that if democratic elections were not held before the end of the year such recognition may be withdrawn. The press release earned scorn from Moscow, with UIS Prime Minister and acting President Yuri Luzhkov calling it “pure hypocrisy.”
“The Americans have shown time and time again that they don’t care about democracy,” Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky said as well, “they showed it by interfering in our democratic elections and they showed it again by overthrowing the democratically elected president of Romania. Make no mistake: the greatest threat to world peace and stability today is the United States of America.”
Ethnic map of Romania
The unrecognized Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland in GREEN (1994)
General Victor Stănculescu appearing on Romanian Television to announce the formation of a military government
PART FIFTY SIX: THE PINOCHET EFFECT
OK folks, after the brief poll I think I decided to go a little out of order and start with an update on Romania followed by the Baltics next. I am a bit mad at myself for leaving things a bit muddled in regards to what is going on in Romania since the 1992 Civil War erupted, so I hope this update somewhat clarifies things.
Some new names in this update:
Route E671
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_route_E671
Romanian nationalist Corneliu Vadim Tudor
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corneliu_Vadim_Tudor
Romanian Union Leader Victor Ciorbea
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_Ciorbea
Romanian politician (ethnic Hungarian) Gyorgy Frunda
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gy%C3%B6rgy_Frunda
Romanian General Victor Stănculescu
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_St%C4%83nculescu
American Ambassador to Romania John Davis:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Ambassador_to_Romania
Arad, Romania
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arad,_Romania
Romanian Prime Minister Petre Roman
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Petre_Roman
And if you notice, we get our first hint as to who takes over as President of the UIS now that Lukyanov is gone…
______________________________________________________________
Romanian President declares martial law as Parliament moves forward with impeachment proceedings; protesters take to streets in Bucharest
By Richard Roundtree
Economist
May 13, 1994
Protesters took to the streets of Bucharest (AP)
In a move that has earned sharp criticism from dozens of Western nations, Romanian president Gheorghe Funar declared martial law yesterday just hours after the Romanian Parliament announced it was proceeding with impeachment proceedings against the increasingly unpopular president. American Ambassador John R. Davis condemned the move, calling it “a disturbing step that threatens democracy in Romania.” Davis called on President Funar to recall the executive order, which severely limits the power of the Romanian Parliament and restores the President’s power to dissolve the Parliament.
Thousands of protesters flooded the streets of Bucharest to condemn the unilateral actions of the Romanian President, who has seen his popularity plummet since taking office in 1992.
“Funar is a disaster and he needs to step down for the good of the country,” one protester told the Economist. “He has dragged us into a war with the Hungarians to the west and the Russians to the east. All in the name of Greater Romania!”
Funar has badly alienated ordinary Romanians since taking office. In the first week of his presidency his attempt to outlaw the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania nearly cost him his presidency. The move was widely seen as the catalyst for the Romanian Civil War, a three month conflict in which thousands of Romanians were driven from their homes. The shaky ceasefire, singed in January of 1993, gave Russian peacekeepers nearly unlimited access to the unrecognized Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland. His subsequent attempt to sign a free-trade agreement with the UIS Republic of Moldova, a move which was widely recognized in NATO as a direct provocation, also led to an embarrassing defeat. The so called “friendship treaty” was shelved after his Moldovan counterpart backed out of the agreement hours after troops loyal to Moscow routed the Moldovan armed forces last week. However, it is his chilly relationship with NATO that has alienated protesters the most.
“We need to be partners with NATO and every time he opens his mouth he drives NATO further away,” commented another protester. “We cannot afford to be isolated…not with Vladimir Zhirinovsky living next door.”
“Romania after Ceaușescu” (Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
By Robert Solomon
Routledge Press, (2003)
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN:
With the disastrous defeat of the Moldovan forces at the hands of the UIS 14th Army, opposition leader Emil Constantinescu knew that there was no time to wait: the impeachment would have to proceed.
“Constantinescu was deeply troubled about going forward with an impeachment,” commented Victor Ciorbea, an aide to Constantinescu in 1994, “as much as he hated Funar, he also recognized that as Romanians first democratically elected president, an impeachment would weaken democracy and destabilize the country. It would create a dangerous precedent.”
Constantinescu had maintained communications with Washington, and was given assurances that once Funar was out of the picture NATO admission was all but guaranteed.
“Funar had put together a cabinet filled with anti-Hungarian and anti-Jewish politicians,” Ciorbea said, “Corneliu Vadim Tudor was the most noteworthy. And he created a firestorm when he attacked Prime Minister Petre Roman’s Jewish heritage in a press conference, calling him the ‘first non-Romanian Prime Minister’ in the country’s history. There was no way the Americans would have anything to do with Funar.”
Recognizing that Funar was alienating nearly everyone in the country, Constantinescu began to move towards forming a strong opposition party which would ‘quarantine’ Funar for the duration of his presidency. He formed a coalition with Prime Minister Roman, a one time ally of Ion Iliescu, as well as Ciorbea, who was a noted union leader.
“He not only was isolating Funar and robbing him of Parliamentary support, but he was isolating Iliescu as well,” Ciorbea added. “There was little question by mid-1994 that Constantinescu was going to emerge as President of Romania in 1996.”
Constantinescu even made major progress to mend fences with the Hungarians, and Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland.
“György Frunda was emerging as the undisputed leader of the Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland,” Ciorbea said, “which was a godsend for us since he wasn’t really interested in independence. He was perfectly fine with an autonomous region inside of Romania, was well as Hungarian language and cultural rights protected in the Romanian Constitution. He, like us, wanted stronger ties to NATO and Hungary, and he didn’t like how the Russians were creating trouble in his back yard.”
The shadowy Szekely Liberation Front still remained an organization clouded in mystery, and the lack of clear leadership or even doctrine from the SLF proved a boost for the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (or UDMR as it was referred to in Romania).
“They were much easier to deal with,” Ciorbea said, “for one thing; they could not care less about E671.”
The E-671 Highway that ran from north to south across the western border of Romania, (just a few miles from Hungary in some places) was one of the most contentious areas of disagreement between the Moscow backed SLF and Bucharest. E-671, which ran through the predominantly Romanian city of Arad, was the only link that Moscow and the UIS had with the UIS Republic of Serbian Krajina, and the SLF was unwilling to consider the surrender of territory if it meant a breaking the “Transylvanian Corridor.”
“Everyday the Russians used the E-671 highway to transport troops and supplies to Croatian occupied territory,” Ciorbea added, “and the SLF was not going to turn on their only international backer by closing that one crucial lifeline to the Serbs. Frunda, however, could not care less about the Russian occupation of Bosnia and Croatia. He didn’t want to ‘occupy’ Arad, which was over 80% Romanian. He indicated that as part of a permanent peace all of the predominantly Romanian areas that the Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland controlled in the south would be transferred to Romania, as long as we recognized Hungarian autonomy.”
The announcement by Petre Roman that the Parliament would begin impeachment proceedings against Funar led to a standing ovation in the halls of the Romanian Parliament, and was widely embraced across the country. One independent poll had support for impeachment at over 80%. However, Funar was unwilling to go quietly, and decided to move on the self-proclaimed Republic of Szeklerland.
“He assumed that we wouldn’t move on a sitting war time president,” Ciorbea, “and he also realized that a victory over the Hungarians could boost his sagging popularity.”
Word of the pending invasion panicked both Constantinescu and Frunda.
“Frunda told Emil that an invasion would tie his hands,” Ciorbea said, “that he would have to declare independence. He also indicated that Hungary would recognize the independence of Szeklerland if that happened. I am not sure if he was bluffing, but Constantinescu begged him to hold off. He told Frunda that he would work with the Parliament to strip the President of his authority as commander in chief over the military before the end of the day.”
Lost in the shuffle and confusion on May 14th, 1994 was a third faction that was equally fed up with Funar, but also was threatened by the growing strength of Constantinescu’s democratic coalition. By nightfall on the 14th the Romanian military had reached its boiling point, and was poised to move.
Excerpts from the book “A Diplomat’s Life: An Autobiography of Former Secretary of State Warren Christopher”
Published by Hyperion © 2003
Chapter VII: The Pinochet effect
President Kerrey looked like a man who had just been kicked in the stomach. He said nothing as he leaned back into his chair, trying to decide how to respond to the news. Our ambassador in Bucharest was contacted by Romanian General Victor Stănculescu, former minister of defense under Nicolae Ceauşescu. The military was done with the disastrous experiment of democracy. They were going to move on the presidential Palace and oust the unpopular President Funar in a coup.
“Mr. President,” I said nervously, “we can’t panic. Let’s give Emil Constantinescu a chance; he may be able to rally the Parliament in time to prevent…this.”
“Mr. Secretary, with all due respect, but the question needs to be how we deal with General Stănculescu,” Joint Chief of Staff General Colin Powell said as he closed his folder and took a seat, “if we are willing to back him he may give us some concessions. He promised to hold elections before the end of the year.”
“Where have I heard that before,” Vice President Gore said sarcastically, “what makes you think he has any desire to follow through?”
“To be honest, I doubt he would,” General Powell replied, “there is nothing in his resume to indicate he has any interest in democracy. And considering there has been a growing call for his prosecution over his role in the massacre of civilians in Timisoara during the Romanian Revolution, this may have more to do with self preservation than with any real desire to help the Romanian people. But our options are limited right now.”
“What do you mean,” I asked, “we can warn Constantinescu, he can call protesters on the street, much like Yeltsin did back in 1991.”
“You may not want to use Boris Yeltsin as a selling point,” Gore replied, “Otherwise he’d be on the first plane to Paris.”
“Mr. Secretary,” General Powell said, “Constantinescu doesn’t have the means or the time to resist the coup. Only one person does: President Funar. Now we can do nothing, but if General Stănculescu succeeds and afterwards he feels we didn’t help him he may be less inclined to work with us at containing the UIS. He may even side with Moscow. All the Russians really want is an EZ-Pass across the E671 and General Stănculescu would be more than willing to give them that if it means regaining control of Szeklerland.”
“So what happens if we back him?” Vice President Gore asked, clearly considering the option. “What will he promise us?”
“If we are willing to give military aid, much like what we did with the Georgians, I believe that he would side with us against the UIS.”
“The Hungarians won’t like that,” I said. “They won’t like that at all.”
“Mr. President,” General Powell added, “There is another thing you need to consider. If President Funar survives this planned coup, there is a strong possibility that he will proceed with the invasion of Szeklerland. The Hungarians have already mobilized troops near the border with Romania. Although they assure us that this is a routine exercise our intelligence indicates they may be planning an intervention in the event of hostilities. They may send troops into western Romania if things get ugly enough. And if the Romanians capture the E671, it is an absolute certainty that the Russians will invade Romania.”
“What are you suggesting?” President Kerrey asked nervously.
“Mr. President,” General Powell replied, “if President Funar survives this coup attempt, or if you convince the General to abandon the coup, there exist a very real possibility that within 96-hours NATO troops from Hungary and UIS troops from Moscow will be engaged in hostilities. In such a scenario the likelihood of a global conflict before the end of the year would be, in my honest opinion, over 50%.”
The gasp around the room was audible. We were looking at the real possibility of World War III before the end of the month! Still, we had a golden opportunity here, to undo the wrongs we made in the past during the last Cold War. I didn’t want to repeat them.
“Mr. President,” I said firmly as I stood up, “this is all very frightening, but you need to take a long, hard look at what you are about to do. President Funar is an idiot, but he is the democratically elected president of Romania. If you back General Stănculescu it will be Chile 1973 all over again. We will lose almost all of our credibility in Eastern Europe and the UIS will score a major PR victory. The short term benefits are real, but the long term problems of backing this coup cannot be ignored. The Pinochet effect will destroy our credibility in the one part of the world where we are still looked upon in a very, very positive light: Eastern Europe. If we do this, if we back this unapologetic tyrant, who I might add was the man responsible for the show trial and execution of Nicolae Ceauşescu in 1989, we will be answering for that decision for the rest of our lives and this country will be answering for that decision with the Romanian people for decades…if not centuries. Bob, we both were appalled when Nixon backed Pinochet’s coup in Chile in 1973. We both were shocked that America had become so blind to the evil that we were committing in the world, all under the banner of fighting communism. This is our Pinochet moment Bob! This is our Nixon moment! We can change how this country defends freedom or we can continue to make the same mistakes we’ve made for over fifty years. Let me call Emil Constantinescu. Let me call the one true democrat in Romania and tell him that we are in his corner!”
President Kerrey said nothing, but I could see that almost all of the color had drained out of his face during my speech. He was conflicted, I could clearly see that. But I could not in good conscience say nothing. I could not in good conscience let this administration turn into another Nixon administration.
“General Powell,” President Kerrey said in a near whisper after close to thirty seconds of silence, “call General Stănculescu and tell him that the United States will support him.”
Coup in Romania! Military seizes control of government as President Funar seeks asylum in the British embassy
The Scotsman
May 19, 1994
Romania’s brief experiment with democracy ended yesterday when forces loyal to General Victor Stănculescu, commander of all armed forces in Romania, launched a raid on the Presidential Palace, forcing the Romanian president to seek asylum in the British embassy. The new Romanian head of state also dissolved the Parliament and promised to hold fresh election before the end of the year.
“This country has suffered tremendously in the last three years,” General Stănculescu said on Romanian television several hours after cementing control over the country, “but we cannot in good conscience sit back and let mismanagement and corruption destroy the country we have sworn to defend.”
General Stănculescu also issued a warning to the Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland, the autonomous self proclaimed Republic in the western part of the country.
“The Romanian people have remained patient in our desire to see this conflict end peacefully,” he said as he pointed his finger into the camera, “but the window for a peaceful settlement is rapidly closing, and the time for action will soon upon us.”
United States ambassador John R. Davis, announced in a press release that the United States would recognize General Stănculescu as acting head of state of Romania, but that if democratic elections were not held before the end of the year such recognition may be withdrawn. The press release earned scorn from Moscow, with UIS Prime Minister and acting President Yuri Luzhkov calling it “pure hypocrisy.”
“The Americans have shown time and time again that they don’t care about democracy,” Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky said as well, “they showed it by interfering in our democratic elections and they showed it again by overthrowing the democratically elected president of Romania. Make no mistake: the greatest threat to world peace and stability today is the United States of America.”
Ethnic map of Romania
The unrecognized Hungarian Republic of Szeklerland in GREEN (1994)
General Victor Stănculescu appearing on Romanian Television to announce the formation of a military government
Last edited:
In OTL Bill Clinton and the Democrats were crushed in the 1994 midterm elections. Look for something similar ITTL over Eastern Europe
Great idea! The Crimean Tartars will be addressed, but not for a few posts and I want to use that as a Segway into the Uzbekistan update.
Lithuania and the Baltics will start to come into play in the net update
I will start to fill in everyone on Belarus and Ukraine shortly, but I think that since it will allow me a great Segway into the Uzbek-Turkmen war and since Belarus and Central Asia are still Communistic I am going to do the Baltics first...