You Gotta Have Hart: A Different 1988 and Beyond

Simon's Endorsement
  • March 17th, 1988


    "Barack, I hate to say it, but it's time." In the short time of the campaign, Paul Simon had found himself turning more and more to young Barack Obama for advice about various things. The young lawyer wasn't a yes man, and he told it like it was. In fact, this very characteristic was what caused Simon to see so much of himself in Obama.


    "Come on, we can hang in a little longer! We just won Illinois!" Obama wasn't ready to give up. He had put his heart and soul into his work with the campaign, but if he was being honest with himself, he wanted Simon to stay in the race for his own reasons. He had found the campaign trail so much more interesting than legal work; the ups and downs of the trail had become almost like a drug for him, and he wasn't quite ready to give it up.


    "As much as I hate to say it, It's time to face facts. There's no way we can catch up this late in the race. If we wait any longer, we'll be drowning in debt, and for what reason? We gave it our best shot, but it's time for me to go back to the Senate and for you to law school."


    Obama reflected on this for a minute, the room silent as Simon watched him.


    "Fine," Obama relented, "but what now? Who do you endorse?" Now it was Simon's turn to pause and think.


    "Well, obviously I'm going to pick Iacocca!" Both he and Obama burst out laughing before Simon said, "Seriously, though - I know who I'm going to pick. Now, I'm going to write the speech. Can you go get the media vultures ready for tomorrow?"


    Obama nodded and rose, walking towards the door. As he reached for the knob, Simon called to him.


    "Barack," the old Senator said curtly, "you have a real future at this. Keep your head up."


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    March 18th, 1988


    "It is with a heavy heart that I must announce that I am officially ending my bid for President of the United States of America.


    To all of you who voted for me, to those who sacrificed countless precious hours working for this campaign in all fifty states of this great nation, I thank you from the bottom of my heart. Each and every one of you worked your tails off, and if it wasn't for you, I'd still just be the zany, bow tie wearing guy from Illinois.


    However, now is the time to accept that my dream of leading this great nation as President is over. It is time that I choose the man who I think will lead this country to the strongest future. The man who has the strongest record of fighting for Americans.


    I have had the pleasure of working with this man for many years, and as such I can attest to his strength and intelligence. At a time like this, we need an experienced hand to lead us to prosperity.


    We need Gary Hart as our President of the United States of America.


    I look forward to helping Mr. Hart in any way I can and any way he sees fit. Once again, thank you to everyone who forwarded this common man's campaign for the highest office in the land. The ideas you believe in, and by extension you, will not be forgotten and will not be silenced!"
     
    The Other Shoe Drops
  • March 18th, 1987


    "Mr. Iacocca, we have an appearance scheduled in Topeka tonight, followed by an election watch party in Wichita tomorrow evening." Iacocca perked up at this news.


    "I can't wait! I love these people! These Midwesterns, they are the ones who understand what I'm saying. The East and West are far too polarized politically..." He trailed off, seeing the face of his aide. It was filled with concern.


    "Sir, I don't want to rain on your parade, believe me. But someone has to say it. We are wasting our time here!" Iacocca was confused by this sudden turn.


    "Wasting our time with what? This conversation? What do you mean?"


    "No, sir. In this state! We have this place locked up, there is no question about it. We will win here in Kansas by upwards of 30%, but for what? A single extra delegate? We need to start committing time to the Northeast - New York is coming up, and if we can rally the labor unions, we might have a shot!"


    Iacocca fell absolutely silent, contemplating. Finally he spoke.


    "Get. Out."


    "Sir?" The aide was taken aback.


    "Leave. You are fired. Get out of here."


    As the downtrodden and enraged aide gathered his things and stormed out, he tore a poster of Iacocca taped to the wall in half and threw the remnants of the ad to the ground.


    "I'll bill you for that!" Iacocca screamed at the man as he slammed the door.


    Suddenly aware of the presence of all of the eyes in the room staring at him, Iacocca pivoted.


    "Anybody want to join him? Keep looking and you're all welcome to go hang out with your pal in the unemployment line!"


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    March 19th, 1988


    Results of the Democratic Caucus in Kansas
    Lee Iacocca: 60.7%
    Gary Hart: 22.1%
    Jesse Jackson: 17.1%​

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    March 21st, 1988


    Standing in the hallway of a recording studio in downtown Detroit, Eddie Kendrick spotted David Ruffin as Ruffin sauntered towards him. Ruffin was in one of his flashier suits, a white coat with a black dress shirt underneath. On his head he wore a white fedora adorned with black cloth.


    "How's it going, Corn?" Ruffin asked, calling Kendrick by his old nickname from the Temptations days. As they exchanged a handshake, Kendrick noticed a pin standing out on Ruffin's jacket.


    "What's this, Ruff?" Kendrick asked, tapping the pin with his pointer finger. Ruffin chuckled.


    "It's a pin for Jesse Jackson. Some people don't seem to know that there is a primary coming up in a few days." Kendrick didn't know that Ruffin had been keeping any eye on politics at all - he had known he had been passionate about Civil Rights when the Temptations toured the segregated South, but that was about it.


    As they walked into the recording booth, it was as if Ruffin had read Kendrick's mind.


    "I might not know everything about his policies," Ruffin said with a grin, "but us brothers gotta stick together."


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    March 24th, 1988


    "I am here, standing with you in Detroit, because I care about you. I care about all of you immensely. The auto workers, and the labor union members, and all of you.


    You know who is not here in this city? Mr. Lee Iacocca.


    All I hear about on the campaign trail from this Iacocca is how much of a hero he is in this city, and this state. That he saved the city, as if he is some sort of merciful God who glanced at this place and it was magically fixed.


    And yet, three days before the primary in Michigan, Mr. Iacocca is nowhere to be found. He is currently in Fargo, North Dakota, as a matter of fact.


    What does that tell us? Well, it tells us that he is taking all of you for granted.


    He seems to believe that he doesn't even need to stop here in this city, or this state, and he will still win here by a wide margin because all of you are indebted to him somehow.


    Well, how about we show him differently?


    You all are indebted to no one. You owe your vote to no one. This is America, this vote is your choice.


    Would you rather stand with a man who has pledged his support to the labor unions that have held the autoworkers together, or the man who would rather turn a profit than raise the wages of his work? Would you rather vote for the Rainbow Coalition or a tyrant?


    The choice is yours, but it should be clear. Do not support oligarchy, support democracy!"


    Jesse Jackson at a rally in Detroit, Michigan


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    March 26th, 1988

    Results of the Democratic Caucus in Michigan
    Jesse Jackson: 34.5%
    Lee Iacocca: 34.4%
    Gary Hart: 31.1%​
     
    Iacocca's Redemption
  • March 27th, 1988


    6:00 AM


    This night had been the longest of Lee Iacocca's entire life.


    As the sun rose over the horizon, there were tears in Iacocca's eyes. He had failed himself and he had failed the country. He had somehow, against all odds, managed to lose Michigan.


    Michigan! The state that he had made his own, the state that he had saved! Michigan!


    The anger was gone - all that was left was shock and dismay. Iacocca knew as soon as the results were finalized that the fight was out of his body; if the state that had made him wasn't behind him, there was no point in continuing.


    He knew it wasn't that simple. He had realized, after coming down from the cloud of ego, that he had wronged many people over the last year. His pal Tip O'Neill was right all the months ago - "nobody can keep their hands clean once they jump in the swamp".


    "Charles!" Iacocca yelled to his driver, "Warm up the car! I have to pay somebody a visit!"


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    7:30 AM


    That little runt launched it into the bushes again! the man thought as he reached into the foliage to retrieve the morning newspaper. As he did this, he heard a car pull up his drive.


    It was a Chrysler.


    The window rolled down and he was sitting there.


    "You've got a lot of nerve coming here!" The man shouted at Lee Iacocca, who's disheveled face, eyes underlined by bags that displayed his exhaustion, appeared through the open window.


    "Matt, we need to talk. I need to apologize to you." Out of all of the people he had wronged, Iacocca knew the one he had attacked the most was his former aide.


    "So you do know my name? It's a miracle. I hope you know I voted for Hart yesterday!" The man's face was red and he was steaming, despite the incredibly cool morning air.


    "Matt, do you really want the neighbors seeing this? Get in the car so we can talk."


    After a moment of apprehension, Matt relented and entered the car, sitting horizontal to Iacocca. His anger seemed to be radiating off of him - Iacocca could almost feel it.


    "Yesterday humbled me, Matt. It opened my eyes to what an evil, mean spirited man I have become. It wasn't supposed to be that way, but, well... it is. And all I can say is that I'm sorry."


    Some of the hate left Matt's face before he answered.


    "Well, is that the only reason you are here?"


    "No," Iacocca began, "I'm here for a bigger reason. I need you to help me write a very important speech..."


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    7:00 PM


    "Thank you all for being here tonight. It is an honor to give this speech in Detroit, where it all began for me. The truth is, I have been lying to all of you, and I have been lying to myself.


    I am not cut out to be a politician, and I am even less prepared to be President of the United States. I thought that the world of business and the world of politics would be compatible; I was wrong.


    This campaign has made me do things I didn't want to do, say things I didn't want to say, and become a man I don't want to be. Politics, even in this short of a dose, has made me cynical and bitter.


    With this in mind, I have decided to let the professionals handle the world of politics, as I officially withdraw my name from the Democratic primaries.


    This campaign has given me a new appreciation for my family and true friends, and I want to thank all of you for the support that you have given me throughout the run of this campaign.


    Thank you all!"
     
    The North Dakota Primary + Potential Polling
  • March 27th
    As Gary Hart stared at his television screen, a mix of excitement and happiness spread across his face. His biggest national rival in the Democratic primary was dropping out! While Jackson was popular, his support was largely concentrated in heavily African-American areas, and Hart could beat him everywhere else. Not only that, but Jackson had a past of making controversial statements, and those could come back to haunt him later. Then a thought bolted into Hart’s head the North Dakota Caucus! Due to different time zones, North Dakota’s primary wouldn’t be starting for an hour in most counties, and in a few more, it would be starting in two hours. That gave voters a chance to hear about Iacocca’s dropout and potentially vote for Hart. Both Hart and Jackson hadn’t spent much time campaigning in North Dakota, as Iacocca seemed to have an insurmountable lead in the state since he announced his campaign in 1987. However, there was only an hour to campaign, and nothing could be done except watch the results.
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    Results of the Democratic Cacus in North Dakota
    Gary Hart: 40.8%
    Lee Iacocca: 34.2%
    Jesse Jackson: 18.5%
    Al Gore: 4.3%
    Paul Simon: 2.2%

    Italics: Dropped out
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    After seeing the results of the primary Hart laughed to himself. He saw that even after dropping out, Iacocca still got 34% of the vote, and the former populist campaigns of Paul Simon and Al Gore won 6.5% of voters who were dissatisfied with everyone else after Iacocca dropped out. Still, it didn’t matter, because a win is a win, and Hart hopes to use the win as momentum going into Connecticut.
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    From A New York Times Article on July 28, 1988

    Over the course of this incredibly competitive primary season, Lee Iacocca has been considered as a potential third party candidate, after he dropped out of the Democratic primaries and didn’t endorse anyone, it still seems possible. Due to this, we conducted polls exploring this possibility.

    Who would you vote for between these three candidates?

    Poll 1:
    Gary Hart: 36.2%
    Dan Quayle: 34.5%
    Lee Iacocca: 29.3%

    Poll 2:
    Lee Iacocca: 35.8%
    Dan Quayle: 33.7%
    Jesse Jackson: 30.5%

    Poll 3:
    Gary Hart: 39.8%
    George Bush: 35.1%
    Lee Iacocca: 25.3%

    Poll 4:
    Gary Hart: 40.1%
    Bob Dole: 32.1%
    Lee Iacocca: 27.8%

    Poll 5:
    George Bush: 37.8%
    Jesse Jackson: 32.1%
    Lee Iacocca: 30.1%

    Poll 6:
    Bob Dole: 34.1%

    Jesse Jackson: 33.2%
    Lee Iacocca: 32.7%

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    Iacocca's Announcement and Connecticut Primaries
  • March 29th, 1988


    The prompt exit of Lee Iacocca from the race for the Democratic nomination left both the Hart and Jackson camp scrambling to secure an endorsement from the Chrysler magnet.


    Both campaigns believed that they had a shot at the backing of Iacocca. On the one hand, Gary Hart was the obvious pick: he was, first and foremost, the front runner, as well as the candidate viewed with the best chance in a potential general election.


    However, Jesse Jackson greatly appealed to Iacocca's most vital resource: his employees. With the auto workers union backing him, Jackson could easily point to their support as a sign that Iacocca should stand by his workers.


    This is why, when Iacocca announced a press conference the morning of March 29th, also the date of the Connecticut Primary, a mass of media congregated in Detroit.


    Iacocca looked refreshed and, for the first time in months, happy, as he strode to the podium.


    "Thanks to all of you for coming today," Iacocca began. "Did you miss me?"


    The assembled media laughed together, but there was a taste of anticipation in the air. They all knew that if Iacocca was seriously considering an independent run, he would be waiting in the weeds, not hosting a press conference.


    "I said it two days ago, and none of you listened to me! I am absolutely not interested in the Presidency at this time. Therefore, it is my duty to announce my endorsement. I have chosen to endorse..."


    Iacocca paused, playing to the cameras. The entirety of the journalists were leaning on the edge of their seats, staring intently at the businessman.


    "Oh, it's too easy with you guys! Fine, I'll give you your scoop. I have decided to endorse the candidate I believe is the best to lead this country both with moderation and progressive ideals. This man is someone I never attacked on the trail, as I respected him too much. This man is none other than Gary Hart."


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    Everyone in the Hart campaign office in Connecticut was celebrating, dancing and screaming. The day was slowly becoming referred to as V-Day by the staff, with the combined news of Iacocca's generous endorsement as well as Hart's resounding victory in the Connecticut primary, by nearly an 75%-25% margin over Jesse Jackson and the other withdrawn candidates.


    Sue Casey was among the jubilant, dedicated group of staffers celebrating. It was one of the most incredible moments of her political career. There was not a face in the room without a smile. Those who knew her, and those who didn't, continued to run up to her, pull her into an embrace and yell,


    "You did it!" Her response was always the same:


    "No, we did it! And it's not over yet!"


    This was the happiest night of her political life, and yet something kept tugging at her mind. Someone was missing. And then she realized she hadn't seen Gary Hart since the party began.


    She began walking through the party, scanning the jumping crowd. He wasn't at the refreshments table, or one of the many tables that ringed the room. She peeked into a number of offices before coming to the one farthest from the party, and that's where she found him.


    He was sitting at a desk, his head in his hands, and he was bawling.


    "Gary?" She said cautiously. He wiped his eyes quickly and peered up at her, clearly startled.


    "What is it?" He couldn't make it through the words without his voice cracking. Sue quietly closed the door behind her.


    "What's wrong, Gary? We did it. This should be a happy night." He covered his face with his hands once again.


    "I did it, but... but Lee isn't here to see it. She always knew... she always knew... that I could do it, but she isn't here now." Hart shuddered, and the room became deathly silent.


    "Sue, I wasn't a good husband."


    "Gary, you were a fine husband! I don't know what you mean!" Hart paused for a moment.


    "Sue, you don't get it. I wasn't... well, I wasn't loyal. Not at the end." Sue's political instincts kicked in almost immediately.


    "That is the one and only time you are going to say what you just said to anyone. Gary, we've come too far to give up now. You ARE the nominee. Regardless of what you did, Lee is proud of you for this. You have got to believe that."


    He wiped his eyes. She was right, he knew that. But it didn't take away the guilt he felt.


    "Tears of joy. That's what I'll tell the audience, at least."


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    In the same state, at the same time, the celebration at the Connecticut office of George H.W. Bush was far more subdued.


    Make no mistake, they had won again, by a large margin. The Northeast was Bush territory, and he continued to prove this, dispatching Quayle and Dole easily in the state that his father had represented in the senate.


    Even so, the Republican primaries remained deadlocked. The three candidates were in a virtual tie of delegates, with Colorado, Delaware and Wisconsin looming ahead.


    Bush was confident that he would take Delaware without much trouble, but the other two states were in the air. The national media was touting Colorado and Wisconsin as possible deciders of the primaries.


    Lee Atwater, and Bush by extension, wasn't so sure. This wasn't a race with comparable candidates with similar platforms that could be easily substituted for one another. This was a death struggle for the future of the party; the moderates, the group that had proven success in passing successful legislation, against the conservatives, who Bush viewed with a growing discontent that bordered on plain hatred. Whoever won controlled the party for years into the future.


    Just as the party factions remained deadlocked, so did the voters. The polls in Wisconsin and Colorado painted the picture of a dead heat between Bush and Quayle in both states, with Dole just behind.


    It was entirely possible that the election would come down to a few thousand votes in two states. And it was also possible that it wouldn't.


    Atwater knew how entrenched the Quayle vote had become. They had gone from radicals, outsiders, and fringe members to a full blown movement. Once that occurs, it is extremely difficult to pry voters from their man, even if it was a lost cause.


    Atwater feared what could happen at the convention if no candidate had a majority of the delegates, which was looking increasingly likely. How low would they have to go to secure the nomination?


    "We might have to make a deal with the devil..." He thought to himself, afraid of what that deal would look like but more afraid that he, Lee Atwater, the boogeyman himself, was afraid.
     
    Colorado Primary Prep and Primary Maps
  • April 1st, 1988


    A quick look at how each party is dealing with the lead up to the Colorado caucuses on April 4th...


    "Jesse, I don't know how much longer we can keep this campaign afloat. We are hemorrhaging money!" Gerald Austin was running his hands through his hair. He had just gotten off the phone with another influential donor who was pulling support from the Jackson camp. Once the big fish started leaving the pond, the pond itself usually dried up, and it was a sad sight to see that the first had just swam off in the direction of Hart.


    "Presumptive nominee? That's what we are calling him now. We might as well say it out loud, because that's what we are all thinking. Hart has become the elephant in the room, and it is time to acknowledge his presence." Austin was taken aback by Jackson's straightforwardness. Jackson was a natural realist, but he was also stubborn; Austin knew how hard it was for Jackson to admit when things weren't going his way.


    "That is the reality, but not all is lost. We can still use our delegates to get some leverage--" Jackson raised a hand to silence Austin. Austin had worked next to Jackson long enough to know that when the hand came up, it was time to listen.


    "Give me until Wisconsin. Can you keep me alive that long?" Austin looked down at his shrinking list of major donors; it was thanks to the Rainbow Coalition that they were able to keep up the advertisements that they had, but that alone couldn't sustain them for long.


    "The operation will have to move to a skeleton crew, but yes, we can keep up until then. What do you have in mind?" Jackson shared a knowing smile, a grin that divulged that he had concocted a plan.


    "Colorado is Hart's home state, so it's time to abandon it. We are moving all of our efforts to Wisconsin. It's a state that I can win - we can play the exact same cards that we did in Michigan." Austin still wasn't sure.


    "Jesse, that's a Pyrrhic victory. What's it matter if we've got a couple more delegates? We're flat broke."


    "It's not about the delegates." Jackson said with the same confident grin. "It's about the leverage."


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    April 2nd, 1988


    The television screen flashed as the commercial began.


    "When you consider who you want to represent the Republican Party in this year's presidential election, who do you want? A lifelong loser? Or a proven winner?"


    "You could choose Senator Bob Dole, who, as the Vice Presidential nominee in 1976 under Gerald Ford, almost single handedly caused the defeat of the Republican ticket for President in that election."


    "You could choose Vice President Bush, who was easily defeated in the 1980 primaries and rode the coattails of President Reagan into the White House."


    "Or, you could choose a winner, Senator Dan Quayle. In his political career, Quayle has won every election that he has run for, both in the House of Representatives and in the Senate. He is a proven conservative with an impressive track record of succeeding at every level."


    "Don't pick a loser. Vote for the natural born winner. Vote for Quayle."


    Jerry Falwell chuckled.


    "Very good." he said with a sneer. "I want this on every television in Colorado and Wisconsin, as soon as possible, God willing."


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    The Republican Primaries
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    The Democratic Primaries
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    The Colorado Primary
  • April 4th, 1988


    As the day progressed, George H.W. Bush's mood turned from dark to jubilant.


    It began, in the technical sense, the day before. With the election hanging in the balance, the Vice President didn't have any time to sleep, let alone fulfill the office of the Vice Presidency. He had been up all night, looking at polls and graphs and advertisements. To be specific, the advertisement.


    Dan Quayle - the name itself burned Bush's tongue when he spoke it out loud - had called him a loser. The no name, do nothing hick senator from Indiana had referred to the Vice President as a loser.


    Bush had called Senator Dole after he first saw the advertisement - which also attacked Dole - and the two had shared a rare moment of appreciation and camaraderie in the heat of the political battle.


    Not only that, but they had shared a promise. Whatever happened, Quayle could not become the nominee.


    It wasn't just Bush and Dole who thought that the commercial was in bad taste. Bush noticed that at his rallies after the commercial aired, not only were the crowds at his rallies bigger, but they were more and more raucous and angrier. He had been concerned that he could not match Quayle's intensity and vitriol, but it had been Quayle that had sparked the increase in intensity after all.


    In a state that had been seen as a tossup between Quayle and Bush, with Dole running a close third, just a few days ago had slowly turned into solid Bush country. Bush won nearly 40% of the vote, with the rest split nearly down the middle by the other two candidates.


    He had finally won one of the close ones. This wasn't a northeastern state, or his home state; this was one that could've easily been another close loss.


    Atwater, and Bush as well, saw this as halfway to the knockout punch. Now all they needed was Wisconsin.


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    In unsurprising fashion, Gary Hart comfortably won his home state of Colorado over his last challenger, who had spent no time in the state for nearly a week.


    While the votes rolled in, Jesse Jackson was in Milwaukee's Third Ward, running on a last ditch effort to save his campaign. Meanwhile, Hart was in his hometown of Aspen, celebrating with his family and friends. The dream of the Presidency was becoming an increasingly realistic venture, and Hart couldn't be happier.


    For what it was worth, Hunter S. Thompson was asked whether he'd voted, to which he responded that he hadn't. When asked why, he retorted that "none of the uptight bastards came out to visit me."


    Hart wouldn't wait for long to make his next move, however. His campaign could sense that the deathblow could come in Wisconsin. If Jackson lost there, the support and funds would dry up and Hart would have the clear path to the nomination.


    If anything, it was becoming increasingly clear that the Democratic Party's unification would be much easier than the Republican's. Despite the desperation of the Jackson campaign, they had stayed on the issues throughout, relying on the power of the grassroots to try and retain hope.


    Internally, the Democratic Party began to wonder who the Hart brain-trust would pick as the Vice Presidential nominee if given the chance. A list had been compiled among the operatives; most were from either the South or the Northeast. There were favorites, but the ultimate pick was still a mystery.
     
    The Wisconsin Primary
  • April 5th, 1988


    After Gary Hart's easy victory in Colorado, Wisconsin was swamped with a downpour of political attention in the form of ads, speeches, appearances and fliers from both Hart and Jesse Jackson. By the dawn of the primary, a balmy 58 degree spring day, a sense of political weariness rose with the sun over the state.


    The two candidates remained attached to their respective bases. Jackson spent much of his time in Milwaukee and Madison, counting on the urban, liberal population to propel him to a miracle victory. Meanwhile, Hart made appearances in various regions of the state, showing his support for new technology and innovation.


    Leading Democratic Senate candidate Herb Kohl made appearances with Hart throughout his time in Wisconsin, a symbiotic relationship which gave a boost to both campaigns. For Kohl, he was given much appreciated national attention, and for Hart, Kohl was able to provide a sense of local credibility to his country wide campaign.


    Jackson's campaign held the belief that if they could raise turnout in Milwaukee and Madison significantly, they could overcome the harsh returns for Hart in the rest of the state. It was a Hail Mary if there ever was one, and the Reverend Jackson could do nothing but pray as the returns came in.


    To his credit, Jackson kept it close most of the night, but in a state that's demographics included a 92% white population, he could not overcome the pure improbability of victory in Wisconsin. Hart would go on to win with a 55% to 45% margin, with exceptional margins in most of the state. Most encouraging for Hart was that he was able to keep Madison much closer than Milwaukee; this pointed to a stronger connection to the younger, more liberal generation that he would certainly need in the future.


    With Jackson's last stand collapsing before him, many were beginning to tout Hart as the presumptive nominee. The fervor only grew with the news that Jackson would be holding a press conference the following morning.


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    On the Republican side, it was beginning to seem that Wisconsin was going to come down to a razor's edge between the three candidates.


    The Quayle campaign's attack ad on both Bush and Dole had backfired tremendously in Colorado, and it was promptly pulled from the air in Wisconsin and replaced with the traditional ads which touted Quayle as a conservative with values. In the eyes of many, however, the damage was already done.


    The Bush campaign, with the masterful Lee Atwater at the helm, countered with an ad which called to attention Quayle's previous comments and questioned his moral conservative nature. "Don't vote for a bully. Stick with experience. Vote Bush" the ad surmised.


    Bush himself was supremely confident after his triumph in Colorado. Wisconsin had its' conservative areas, such as Ozaukee county, but was generally moderate, which played to his strengths.


    Bob Dole, meanwhile, was seen as a dark horse in the state. He had his roots in the Midwest, and had been producing results in recent primaries that suggested that a large portion of the Republican electorate fed up with both Bush and Quayle were quickly turning to Dole as an alternative to the two extremes.


    Quayle spent all of his time in the state in the rural towns in the center of the state, making speeches in town halls and posing for photo opportunities with the farmers. Bush and Dole stayed primarily among the middle class Republicans in areas like Racine County, seen as a bellwether county in both primary and general elections.


    As the results were totaled, it became clear that the night would be a major blow to the Quayle campaign. Bush would end up taking first in the state, followed closely by Dole, with Quayle tailing in third.


    It was a breakthrough victory for the Bush campaign, which only became better with the added news that he had won the Delaware caucuses on the same evening. For Dole, his second place finishes in both states were enough to stave off the end of the campaign, but a victory was quickly becoming necessary to stay in the race.


    The Quayle campaign was becoming more and more worried. The major concern was that the novelty of his campaign was wearing thin, and the Republican electorate was turning to the conventional choice as a cop-out.


    The path would only become harder for Quayle, with the next Republican primaries coming in New York, Vermont and Pennsylvania.


    And for George Bush, victory was coming into sight.
     
    Jesse Jackson’s Announcement
  • April 6th, 1988


    Gary Hart was at his desk in his study, looking through internal campaign polling for the Delaware caucuses, set to take place in twelve days. His eyes scanned the pages, but he didn't take any of the knowledge into his mind; it seemed to him that, if his campaign aides were right, there wouldn't be a Delaware caucus at all.


    As if on cue, the phone began to ring and Hart grabbed it, anticipating what it might be.


    "Is this Gary Hart?" The voice on the other end asked, immediately recognizable. It was Jesse Jackson.


    "Yes, and this must be Jesse Jackson." Hart was trying to keep his composure, but excitement was coursing through him, and he tossed the Delaware papers down with such force that a couple other memos flew off his desk.


    "So, you have been expecting this call." Jackson said with a laugh. "I think you know what I'm going to say. You must have heard about the press conference that I've called for later today."


    "It's been a good race, Jesse. And I am extremely happy that you have enough faith in me to withdraw now. I only hope you will support my campaign fully going forward." Hart was attempting to choose his words carefully, afraid that he may make an overstep and offend Jackson, breaking the concept of cooperation.


    "I plan to do just that. I know what kind of man you are and I know what kind of President will you be. How you handled the departure of your wife was nothing short of incredible, and I cannot wait until you are the President of the United States."


    "I appreciate that greatly, Jesse." Hart could sense that the process couldn't be that easy.


    "There's just one thing, Gary." Jackson began. "When you assemble your cabinet, keep me in mind. That is all I ask."


    Hart was relieved that Jackson hadn't requested the Vice Presidency. It would've been a reasonable move by Jackson, but Hart already had someone in mind for the position.


    "Well, tell me Jesse: what position do you have your eye on?"


    As Jackson told him, a smile appeared on Gary Hart's face, and he could feel a sureness and confidence that he hadn't had before.



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    "It is with a heavy heart that I must announce my withdrawal from the Democratic primaries, and my subsequent endorsement of Gary Hart for President of the United States.


    Gary Hart is not a perfect candidate. Neither was I. But we are attached by one thing: our goal of bettering this country in the year 1988 and beyond.


    This may be the end of the Jackson campaign, but this is not the end of the Jackson movement. The movement lives on in all of us. It lives on in the farmer, the student, and everyone who feels disrespected, disheartened, and misrepresented.


    These groups have come out in this cycle in droves. They have voted for me, and they have voted for Gary Hart, and they have also voted for Lee Iacocca. But, what is clear is that they have voted for the Democratic candidates. And I pray that we do not let them down.


    I have watched this party grow and change, even since 1984. We have become a party that I can feel proud as a representative as; a party which represents the forgotten among our people. They have not only been forgotten by Reagan, Bush and Quayle, but by the old Democratic Party as well.


    This party has grown and it has become more evolved. My respect for Mr. Hart is even greater than it was four years ago. He has shown that he is not only a capable President, but a man of strong convictions and calm, intelligent decision making skills. This is a man who I pray will become President.


    I look forward to working closely with Mr. Hart soon, both on the campaign trail but also in the Oval Office. I once believed that 1984 was our time, but I was proven wrong.


    I say it again, in the year 1988: this is our year!"


    -An excerpt from Jesse Jackson's withdrawal speech
     
    Chapter 70
  • You Gotta Have Hart - The Hart Beats Again


    Last time on You Gotta Have Hart....



    "It is with a heavy heart that I must announce my withdrawal from the Democratic primaries, and my subsequent endorsement of Gary Hart for President of the United States."


    -Jesse Jackson withdrawing from the Democratic primaries


    Meanwhile, on the Republican side of the race...



    It was a breakthrough victory for the Bush campaign, which only became better with the added news that he had won the Delaware caucuses on the same evening. For Dole, his second place finishes in both states were enough to stave off the end of the campaign, but a victory was quickly becoming necessary to stay in the race.


    The Quayle campaign was becoming more and more worried. The major concern was that the novelty of his campaign was wearing thin, and the Republican electorate was turning to the conventional choice as a cop-out.


    The path would only become harder for Quayle, with the next Republican primaries coming in New York, Vermont and Pennsylvania.


    And for George Bush, victory was coming into sight.



    And without further ado, we resume You Gotta Have Hart:


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    April 10th, 1988


    While the Republican Party continued to writhe and thrash with itself without any semblance of party unity, the now-extinct Democratic field of candidates came together at a fundraising event in presumptive nominee Gary Hart's hometown of Aspen in order to demonstrate the sense of camaraderie that was so clearly lacking in the party of their opponents.


    While some of the candidates had commitments tying them up in Washington, Hart sat alongside Lee Iacocca and Jesse Jackson for the Gala event, and the three former enemies were fast friends as they discussed the future of their party.


    The seating arrangement was almost poetic: the three candidates were seated on a dais at the front of the supper event, with Lee Iacocca in the chair on the right. Hart sat between the two men, and Jesse Jackson, wearing the pin of the Rainbow Coalition, sat to his left.


    As the three men talked of the country's future as casually as if they were perched on a front porch, the hired security dragged a bedraggled man wearing shorts, a flannel shirt and a fishing hat before Hart.


    "I'm sorry to bother you, sir," the burly security guard said meekly, "but this man here has a media pass that he claims is legitimate, and he says he knows you..."


    The Hart campaign, now transitioning to the pace of a general election, assured that the gala was highly publicized, allowing a slew of media into the building. There were correspondents from all of the major networks and publications, from the Times all the way to Rolling Stone.


    When the assignment information reached the desk of the magazine's owner Jann Wenner, he didn't have to think long before he was sure who he would send. He knew his best man was stationed only a few miles from the address where the party was set to commence. He was on the phone with his man in seconds, and after a fair amount of shouting and gunshots, an agreement was made.


    His man was now in the arms of the security guard, the journalist's pistol clearly visible on it's holster. Gary Hart pantomimed a sigh before nodding to security.


    "Yes, I suppose I know him," he said. He turned to Iacocca and Jackson with a look of mischievous entertainment shining in his eyes.


    "Gentlemen," he said, "Let me introduce you to Hunter S. Thompson."



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    As the Democrats acted chummy at Hart's bash, the Republican Party finally inched closer to unity.



    After his victory in the Wisconsin primary, he knew that the call was coming. Hell, the entire campaign staff was aware that this sort of telephonic adventure was rapidly approaching. With this in mind, Bush's closest advisers had prepped him over and over, and the decision was finally reached. He knew what he was to say when the call came.


    As he read about Hart's show of unity in Aspen, his phone rang.


    "Vice President Bush?" Bob Dole's nasally Kansas drawl crowed over the handset.


    "Senator Dole, I must say that it is music to my ears to hear your voice today. How's the campaign?" A laugh shot through the other line, a new chuckle that Bush had never heard from his longtime colleague.


    "I think you know how it is George, considering that you are the one whipping my ass up and down these fifty states. It's about time that I get out of this race." Bush's heart was slamming against his chest.


    "Let me guess," he said, barely holding in his excitement, "this revelation doesn't come without strings attached?"


    "Well, not exactly," Dole said, "and I think you know what guarantee I am looking for here."


    "Tell me it's as easy as platform influence?" Bush said, half-kidding and half-hoping. He could almost hear Dole shaking his head over the phone line.


    "No, it's not quite that simple. While I certainly want to have a large hand in the alteration of the platform (and God knows we have to moderate against the Quayle wing), I only want to do it as your running mate."


    A candidate with less preparation or worse timing than he might have stumbled, but Vice President Bush had run through in his head what he would say to this statement at least one hundred times.


    "Off the record, I am prepared to offer you the Vice Presidential nomination."
     
    Chapter 71
  • After Bob Dole's phone call and surreptitious Vice Presidential promise, he called a press conference in his home state of Kansas where he graciously endorsed Vice President Bush but, as the Bush campaign requested, did not mention anything about his forthcoming nomination.


    With his status as lone frontrunner cemented and the remaining slate of primaries extremely favorable to him, Vice President Bush felt he could finally sit back and relax after months of the back and forth between the campaign trail and Washington. Lee Atwater knew better.


    "You thought that call from Dole was nerve-wracking?" He asked, smoking a cigar. "You have another one coming from your ol' pal Dan Quayle very soon, and I'd bet that it's going to be in regards to an already filled position." The Vice President's face began to redden.


    "He can't possibly expect to be my Vice President after all he's done to hurt this party!" Atwater shook his head.


    "Quayle isn't insulated by political wizards, but it wouldn't exactly take an expert to see that their campaign still has plenty of leverage. He'll tell you that it's for the unity of the party, but if we let them in now, they'll take apart everything we have worked for."


    "So what do we do?" Bush asked. Atwater nodded at him.


    "I have an idea..."


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    While the music-going public continued to scarf down the commercially comfortable hair metal that had dominated most of the 1980's, some of the major labels had begun to see that the writing was on the wall and a change in sound was vastly approaching.


    That's why, when Seattle-based Soundgarden's Screaming Life EP (released through independent label Sub Pop) landed upon the desks of the major record companies, multiple companies came calling for this new sound. The dirty, Do It Yourself attitude and sound of Soundgarden stood in aggressive contrast to the commercially driven albums that had dominated the music scene for most of the decade.


    The decision came down to two choices for the pioneering band: SST Records, an independent punk record label formed by Black Flag leader Greg Ginn touting alternate rock released by the Minutemen and the Meat Puppets, or A&M Records, a far more commercially successful label that had bolstered their rock credibility with bands like The Police. The decision wasn't an easy one, and the individual members of Soundgarden agonized over the idea of abandoning their independent roots, but ultimately they chose to join A&M as a means to reach a greater audience.


    The band got together with producer Terry Date, who had worked with heavy metal bands like Metal Church, and commenced work on their debut studio album, Ultramega OK. The album, which was mixed with a heavy sound, is due for release in the fall of 1988.


    Seattle was alight with bands being courted by various record labels. Mother Love Bone, an offshoot of the alternative band Green River and fronted by the flamboyant and charismatic Andrew Wood, was close to signing with a PolyGram subsidy. With the departure of Soundgarden from Sub Pop, founder Bruce Pavitt was looking for more local talent, and had prospects in a group that had been previously known as Skid Row, Ted Ed Fred, and Fecal Matter, but was going by a new term: Nirvana.


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    "Vice President Bush," Dan Quayle's voice squawked over the phone, "this has been a wonderful campaign." Bush tried to hold in his angry laughter.


    "Senator Quayle," he said as coolly as he could muster, "congratulations on running a.... interesting campaign."


    "Well, I think my time is about done in this race. There is just one thing I would like to ask of you before I officially withdraw..." Quayle's voice trailed off and Bush looked over his words carefully before responding.


    "I think I know what you are referring to... and, Senator Quayle, I can promise you that we will definitely keep you in mind."


    Senator Dan Quayle, and Jerry Falwell beside him, both grinned with the knowledge that he would be the next Vice President. Vice President Bush grinned too, with the knowledge that Quayle would never be his Vice President.
     
    Chapter 72
  • Sportscenter


    "Two of the top teams in the American League came face to face today in the Coliseum this afternoon, as the Oakland Athletics won a tight one thanks to the bat of Jose Canseco and the arm of Dennis Eckersley, who notched his twenty third save of the season. Canseco continued his season-long tear at the plate, hitting----


    We're going to change gears here, as the NBA offseason has started off with... what could be called a bang. The Los Angeles Clippers have acquired Michael Jordan, the Most Valuable Player from this previous season, from the Chicago Bulls for a package including three players and two picks.


    In return for their wayward MVP, the Bulls have acquired Mike Woodson, Michael Cage, Benoit Benjamin, as well as the number one and number six overall picks in the upcoming draft.


    There has been rumors of discontent in Chicago, as the team has been knocked out of the playoffs short of the finals in three straight seasons. Meanwhile, the Clippers are coming off of a seventeen win season.


    The Most Valuable Player in the NBA has been traded, but has his work cut out for him on a roster who's next highest scorer from last season following the trade is Quintin Dailey. We go live to Chicago for a reaction from...."
     
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