You Gotta Have Hart: A Different 1988 and Beyond

The Midwest and Across The Pond
  • September 24th, 1987


    An article published in the Chicago Tribune


    Kohl, Engeleiter to Face off in Hotly Contested Senate Election in Wisconsin


    Millionaire businessman Herbert Kohl, who poured $3.2 million of his own money into a bid for instant political prominence, won the Democratic nomination last week in the race to succeed the notoriously frugal Sen. William Proxmire.


    Kohl, the owner of the Milwaukee Bucks basketball team, defeated three challengers in the Wisconsin primary, including former Gov. Anthony Earl.


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    In the Republican primary, state Senate Minority Leader Susan Engeleiter easily defeated former state GOP chairman Steve King. Engeleiter is considered to have a strong chance of reclaiming the Senate seat that Republicans lost to Proxmire in 1957.


    In the Democratic primary, with 92 percent of the vote counted, Kohl held a surprisingly strong lead over Earl, 47.4 percent to 37.7 percent. Former state Deputy Atty. Gen. Ed Garvey had 10.6 percent and Secretary of State Douglas La Follette had 3.3 percent.


    For Garvey, who gained national prominence when he led the National Football Players union through a long and bitter strike, it was his second failure in Wisconsin politics. Garvey won the Democratic nomination for the Senate in 1986, but lost to Republican Sen. Robert Kasten.


    Kohl, who became something of a local hero when he bought the Bucks in 1985 to keep the team from leaving town, was making his first try for public office. He heavily financed his own campaign, drawing some charges that he was trying to buy the election.


    But Kohl aides, who predicted a primary victory, said the charges didn't stick. "His message of putting people back to work was greeted across-the-board," Kohl`s campaign manager, Michelle Carrier, said at his headquarters in Milwaukee.


    Engeleiter indicated Kohl's money will be a key issue in their campaign.


    "I bring to the job . . . my energy, ideas, fresh ideas and experience that money can`t buy," she told supporters.


    Some Wisconsin leaders fear that the Kohl`s expensive campaign may change the nature of the Wisconsin politics, which have a reputation for being somewhat old
    fashioned.


    Proxmire, who assisted Earl`s campaign, said Tuesday night he was "troubled" by the influence of heavy spending in Wisconsin elections.


    "That gives the people who have the money an enormous advantage over people who do not," said Proxmire, who spent less than $150 on his last campaign.


    Kohl`s spending apparently didn't offend many Wisconsin voters. According to exit poll interviews conducted for WTMJ-TV in Milwaukee, voters thought Kohl was much more likely than Earl to spur new jobs and business for the state. More voters said that Kohl, rather than Earl, cared about "average, middle-income" people.


    Kohl had campaigned with a message that he would be an independent senator because he didn't need the money of special interest groups.


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    Kohl also drew more support than Earl did among black voters, despite a well-publicized gaffe in which Kohl said he provided "meaningful employment" to blacks by paying the members of his basketball team.


    Earl, who lost his re-election bid in 1986 to Republican Gov. Tommy Thompson, was trying to revive his political career.


    One candidate, Rep. Jim Moody (D., Wis.) said he dropped out of the race because he couldn`t compete against Kohl's spending. In a closely watched race, Moody won the Democratic primary against two challengers in his Milwaukee-area congressional district.


    Republican voters opted for Engeleiter, a moderate who is pro-choice on abortion and who supports the Equal Rights Amendment, over the strongly conservative King.


    With 92 percent of the vote counted, Engeleiter had easily defeated King 58.2 percent to 39.4 percent.


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    September 28th, 1987



    Excerpt from an article appearing in the Yorkshire Evening Post


    Ruffin, Edwards and Kendrick set to Kick off Tour of England in Leeds


    Former members and lead singers of the 1960's and 70's hit-producing Motown group The Temptations, David Ruffin, Dennis Edwards and Eddie Kendricks, are set to begin their tour of England in Leeds in two weeks.


    The trio, along with a musical ensemble including Nate Evans, are billed as Ruffin/Kendrick/Edwards: Former Leads of the Temptations. They will be playing a one month tour of England before returning to the United States, where there are rumors of a possible album containing all three men together.


    All three were key contributors to the group that spawned such hits as "My Girl", "Ain't Too Proud to Beg", "Cloud Nine" and "I Wish it Would Rain", among others. Ruffin and Kendrick were members starting in 1964, and both departed between 1968 and 1970. Edwards joined the group 1968 and has been a part of The Temptations on multiple occasions, the largest portion being from 1968 to 1977.


    When asked about his thoughts on going back out on the road, Ruffin said "I'm just glad for the opportunity to tour with two of my best friends. England has always been good to us, and we hope we can be good to them again".


    From all soul fans here in Yorkshire, cheers to a successful tour for a trio of extremely talented artists.


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    September 30th, 1987


    An excerpt from an article appearing in the New York Times


    Tradition Battles Against the Odds in Montana


    This state has not elected a Republican to the United States Senate in more than 40 years, or to the Governor's office in more than 20 years.


    Democrats here remain confident that tradition will be served in November, while Republican Party officials believe that an ailing state economy has sowed the seeds of a voter rebellion.


    Senator John Melcher, a two-term Democratic incumbent, appears to be leading his probable challenger, Conrad Burns, a former farm news broadcaster, politicians in both parties say. In the gubernatorial contest, Tom Judge, the former Governor, faces a stiff challenge from Stan Stephens, a Republican and former state Senator.


    ''Nobody is quite sure why Montana has always elected Democrats,'' said Ken Weaver, a professor of political science at Montana State University in Bozeman. ''It's certainly not that it's a liberal state.''


    Indeed, in Presidential elections, Montana has not gone with a Democrat since President Johnson carried the state in 1964. Now, Republican candidates have appealed to voters to assert their conservative views in the statewide races.


    Mr. Burns, a 53-year-old commissioner in Yellowstone County and the former owner of ''Northern Ag Network,'' a syndicated farm news program, has assailed Senator Melcher as ''a liberal who is soft on drugs, soft on defense and very high on social programs.''


    Eager to avoid being tagged a liberal, Senator Melcher has countered that he opposes abortion, supports prayer in the schools and supports a constitutional amendment to require balanced Federal budgets.


    ''What kind of a liberal does that sound like to you?'' he asked.


    Mr. Melcher, who in 1977 succeeded Senator Mike Mansfield, now the Ambassador to Japan, has enjoyed strong support from organized labor. But Republicans note that the number of union workers in Montana has dropped significantly in recent years, the consequence of cutbacks in the rail, mining and timber industries.


    The Burns campaign has gotten a boost with a series of appearances by national Republican leaders, most notably Bob Dole of Kansas, who has described Montana as one of the states where the Republican Party stands a good chance of ousting a Democrat. Senator Melcher, who has raised questions about Mr. Burns's qualifications for the Senate, contends that Montana, ''a big state with big problems,'' cannot afford to loose his influence in Washington. Mr. Melcher, who spent 12 years in the House of Representatives before entering the Senate, was a major sponsor of a bill giving relief to drought-stricken farmers and ranchers this year.


    Mr. Burns, who favors a two-term limit for Senators, contends that Senator Melcher has grown ''out of touch'' with his constituents. ''If John would come home more often and sit down and listen to the people in this state,'' Mr. Burns said, ''he wouldn't be voting the way he does.''


    In the contest for Governor, Mr. Judge and Mr. Stephens had split over a proposal for annual sessions of the state legislature, which now meets every other year. Mr. Judge favors the proposal; Mr. Stephens, who promises to slim down the size of state government, opposes it.


    Both candidates have stressed their admiration for outgoing Gov. Ted Schwinden, a 63-year-old Democrat who enjoys wide popularity among voters for his wit, candor and down-to-earth ways.


    Governor Schwinden, who was serving as Lieutenant Governor under Mr. Judge when he defeated him in the party primary in 1980, has endorsed Mr. Judge.


    Mr. Judge has stressed his experience in office. Mr. Stephens, a former state Senator, contends that he can cut taxes by transferring many duties of government to private contractors.


    They have also split over measures that would preserve huge tracts of forested land and wilderness from commercial encroachment. ''We have enough wilderness in Montana,'' Mr. Stephens said. ''What we need is economic development.''
     
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    Serve the Servants
  • October 3rd, 1987


    The door to the beleaguered apartment swung open, opening to graffiti covered walls and a short and curiously handsome 20 year old, who stood brushing his hair from his face with one hand and placing his other hand across the door frame, blocking the path into the dwelling.


    "So," the young man began, "what did you think of the tape?"


    The man standing opposite to the young man, a six-foot seven inch goofy looking fellow with a shock of long, dark hair and an easy grin,rolled his eyes. This was the greeting he had gotten for the last few months when he would turn up at his friends' apartment.


    "Come on man," the tall man began, "let me in."The shorter man would not relent.


    "When are you going to listen to the tape? It's been almost six months!" The tape in question was a crudely made demo that the tall man had been handed by the shorter man on one of thecountless days they spent watching their idols, a band called The Melvins, practice. The tape had the words "FECAL MATTER" scrawled on the front of it.


    "What if I told you that I listened to the tape, and I came over here to tell you what I thought?" The shorter man's face immediately lit up.


    "Don't bullshit me, man. If you're saying you listened to it just so you can eat my food and sit on my couch, I'll fuck you up." The taller man laughed and reaffirmed that he had, indeed, listened to it. The shorter man removed his arm from the doorway, not that it would have prevented the taller man from entering the apartment if he had really wanted to, and the tall man sat down on the couch in question, apiece of furniture that may have been olderthan him by twenty years.


    "So," the shorter man exclaimed, "what did you think?" The taller man shook his head.


    "Can't a man have a second to relax? It's been a loooooong day." Looking up, he saw that the shorter man was bearing down on him, so he put his hands up in mock surrender and laughed.


    "Okay, okay, no more waiting." Again, he let a second pass so that he could see the anticipation bubbling over on his friends' face. "I really liked it. I really, really liked it." The shorter man looked unconvinced.


    "No kidding?" The taller man got serious, as he always did when he talked about music.


    "No lie. It's exactly what I've been trying to do myself. I just haven't' had the ability to put it into music, and it looks like that's your gift. But the sound, the sound that you captured there, well, it's something special. It really is."


    "Krist, you don't know how much that means. No one in this hick town understands the sound I'm going for. They want that shitty hair metal. That's not me, and clearly that's not you either."


    "Well," Krist said, reaching for the bass guitar he had left in the apartment last time he had visited, "let's get to work."


    Kurt Cobain picked up his guitar, and the duo began, hammering on their guitars, hoping that they would find what they were looking for - the sound.


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    October 7th, 1987


    Article published in the New York Times


    Fight for Senate Leadership Dividing Democrats



    After Robert Byrd (D-WV) announced that he was retiring from leadership in the Senate, a minor race has appeared for his spot among Democrats.


    Left-wing senator, 1984 presidential candidate, and Senate Majority Whip Alan Cranston and Maine Senator George Mitchell have entered into a contest for the position.


    While many say that Mitchell is a safer choice due to his moderate views and polling indicating that he is running extremely well in his race for reelection, Cranston is leading a surprisingly solid campaign despite his narrow win for reelection in 1986 and his apparent radicalism.


    Many have credited this to Cranston’s long political career and his position as Whip; however, Cranston’s success remains to be seen, as some are reluctant to vote for him due to his more left-wing positions.


    It is unknown at this time who will become the next to climb the ladder in the Democratic leadership, but whoever wins will most likely become the next Majority Leader, as the Democrats are almost assured to maintain their majority.
     
    The Old Donkey
  • Just a short update for you lads! We're quite tired and busy and don't want to do three days of work.
    Sorry for any incovienece this may have caused you.
    -----------------------------------------------
    October 12, 1987

    Ted stared at the screen, almost longfully.


    He stared at Gary Hart, the fresh new face of the Democratic Party.

    Ted remembered when he was considered that - for a few months.

    Then his hopes for higher office dropped, almost like his car that dropped them.

    However, Gary seemed squeaky-clean. A perfect choice between the flamboyant Iacocca and controversial Jackson.

    He could be the one, the one to save the country from the crushing Republican hold that had held them for so long.

    Too long.

    “But,” Kennedy muttered to himself, “He is a McGovernite, he’ll probably ask me to be his running mate.”

    “Even with that” Kennedy thought “He could use an experienced endorsement”

    Kennedy walked over to his desk and began writing an endorsement speech.
     
    Ominous Skies Ahead
  • Another shorter post tonight because weekdays are hectic. Standard update coming on Saturday!


    October 16th, 1987


    James Baker, Secretary of the Treasury, sat at his desk, his brow furrowed. The lamps were on; he had been working for God knows how long, and at some point morning had become night. A half eaten dinner sat aside a pile of newspapers that Baker had spread out across his desk, startling headlines standing out on each one.


    DOW FALLS A RECORD 95 POINTS


    DOW CONTINUES DOWNWARD SPIRAL, DROPS ANOTHER 58 POINTS


    Not every title was economics or market based, however. Others seemed more alarming.


    IRANIAN MISSILE HITS U.S. TANKER OFF COAST OF KUWAIT


    SECOND U.S. TANKER HIT BY IRANIAN MISSILE



    This is bad,
    Baker thought, really bad. He had already seen the news that, with the British markets closing due to some freak storm, the DOW fell by a whopping 108 points. Everything the administration, and by extension Baker, had fought for these last eight years was in danger of being thrown away.


    And yet the biggest problem of all was that Reagan and Bush were still barely speaking to one another.


    This economic situation could be a big enough problem on its' own. But if the White House wasn't working together, this could go from bad to worse. Way worse, if Baker's thinking was correct.


    Baker tried to reconvene his faith in all of the economic principles that the administration believed in, the supply-side strategy that had saved the country from that fool Carter. But something felt wrong.


    Baker took a bite of his now-cold dinner and went back to reading. It was going to be a long night.
     
    Hurricane Dole on Black Monday
  • October 17th, 1987


    “Today in this country we’ve seen fights in the Democratic and Republican Parties, fights that have torn us apart rather than pull us together. ”


    “The good people of this country cannot handle this kind of firebrand infighting and obscenity any longer. No, I will say they will not suffer this brand of politics any longer”


    “We cannot have politics run by unqualified candidates and polar extremes”


    “I for one am tired of people who couldn’t have held office thirty years ago having as much power as they do now. To head into the future, this new millennium, we need a bit of the past”


    “We need someone qualified”


    “We need someone established”


    “We need Bob Dole”


    -Bob Dole’s announcement speech for President of the United States
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    October 19th, 1987


    "Everything's going to hell! It's all going to hell!" Vice President Bush exclaimed at a gaunt, tired James Baker as the two sat in Baker's increasingly messy office. Baker couldn't bring himself to disagree.


    The last few days had been the most grueling of Baker's life. London's market, re-opened after the storm the week previous, had collapsed at a startling rate. The shockwaves had hit the United States and other foreign markets, and they had hit hard. The Dow Jones had fallen a record amount once again. The American market was in a panic, and it looked like just as Bush had said - everything was going to shit.


    "This is the worst timing. That bastard Quayle is going to smile and laugh while stabbing the party in the back. And I'm going to catch flak for this. As if this way my doing!"


    "You've seen the numbers, George! Unemployment is down, inflation is low, interest rates are low. That's what the people care about. They don't care about Wall Street, they care about their own bottom lines!" Bush snorted an ugly laugh.


    "Any hick with ears can become an economist! And they're looking for leadership. Quayle, or Falwell, or whoever, aren't stupid. They know how to play to the fears of the regular guy. This is bad, really really bad."


    Baker shook his head and stood up, looking in the mirror before walking slowly to the doorway.


    "George, you need to stop this defeatist outlook on this campaign. I mean, for God's sake, it hasn't even started yet! Quale is a puppet. You know it, I know it, and the people will know it if and when you point it out to them. Now, I've got to go see the President. We'll be fine, trust me."


    On the outside, he was confident. But on the inside, James Baker couldn't help but feel Bush was a broken man.
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    October 20th, 1987

    Gallup Poll of Current Republican Candidates
    George H.W. Bush - 36%
    Dan Quayle - 32%
    Bob Dole - 29%
    Jack Kemp - 2%
    Al Haig - 1%
     
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    Reactionaries
  • The reactions following the release of the Republican Gallup Poll


    "Bob Dole is behind Quayle? Robert Joseph Dole, bastion of the Senate, ideal Republican, is behind Bush AND Quayle? Bob Dole will not let this stand, he will work night and day, Bob Dole --"

    "Bob, stop talking to yourself!"

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    "I'm starting to seriously believe that the Democrats could run a literal ass against whichever Republican survives the primary and the poor donkey would be getting called Mr. President in November."

    "Patricia, we do have an ass in the race. But at least call Iaccoca by his name."

    "Grow up, Gary."

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    "FOUR POINTS!"

    "Yes sir"

    "FOUR POINTS SEPERATES ME, THE MOST QUALIFIED CANDIDATE EVER AND SOME HICK PUPPET?!?"

    "One could argue that-"

    "SHUT UP HARRISON, NO ONE WANTS YOUR GODDAMNED HISTORY HERE!"

    ...

    "Oh god, what am I gonna do?"

    "You could make up with senat-"

    "No"

    ...

    "I need someone big's endorsement. Get someone, anyone!"

    "Like who?"

    "I don't know, Mitchel?"

    "Fine, sir."

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    "Mr, Quayle! You're only down four points in this poll!"

    "Shucks, I'm just glad for all the kind people out there who are voting for me. Who knew me, Dan Quayle, a regular guy, could have a chance to take down George H.W. Bush, one of----"

    "Mr. Quayle, you can drop the country boy act. You're among friends."

    "What act? This is just how I am."

    "Yeah, and Falwell is the holiest man in all the land. Sure."

    "What was that?"

    "Nothing, Mr. Quayle!"​
     
    The Biaggi Effect
  • “Lee Iacocca is the perfect candidate for this race!”

    “You all can agree that Iacocca is the one to bring change to this party”


    “To end the Leftism that has lost us election after election”

    “To stop us from being perennial losers!”

    “Iacocca promises a better future”

    “He promises us a new era”

    “Why? Because he has heart!”

    -Endorsement speech given by Mario Biaggi


    “Have I lost ground in the polls since Biaggi’s endorsement?”

    “No sir, while Biaggi’s corruption scares some-”

    “Bastard should’ve never endorsed me”

    “-your anti-establishment image helps in this time of recession, you’ve gained ground.”

    “Good, then will bag that tool Hart and that radical Jackson in the primaries and sweep Quayle or Bush in the general”

    -Conversation between Lee Iacocca and campaign assistant Dan Lipinski
     
    The Temptations Revue
  • A little bit of a supplemental update tonight with a couple of pictures we thought you’d enjoy!


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    David Ruffin shows off his flashy new suit as Eddie Kendricks watches during an interview with a local news station in England at the beginning of their tour. Kendricks and a noticeably sober Ruffin spoke of a possible album, unsure of whether it would be new material or re-recordings of their hits from the 1960'sand 1970's.


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    The pair during a performance in the late months of 1987. Performing their old classics in concert, the two, along with Dennis Edwards, played more intimate shows, reminiscent to their early days. The duo were met with much fanfare at the early shows, especially in Leeds. The group was left with a standing ovation after a resounding performance of a medley of hits, with Ruffin on lead for "My Girl", Kendricks on "Just My Imagination" and Dennis Edwards on "Cloud Nine".​
     
    It’s Happening?!?
  • November 1st, 1987


    "Today, the Democratic and Republican parties are crushing individual liberty"


    "Demogauges like Iacocca say they like liberty — the words of hypocrites who want to take away our freedom.


    "Radicals like Quayle want to take individual liberties from everyone. There will be no discrimination when we all lose our natural born rights."



    "We need a third option,"


    "One, to save liberty"


    "I am that choice to save us from government control"


    "It is time to end that control"


    -A Ron Paul speech in Anchorage, Alaska
     
    Missouri’s Favorite Son
  • November 4th, 1987


    “Where there are civil rights laws, the duty of a President is to enforce them vigorously, not to look for ways to deprive blacks and minorities and the majority who are women of equal justice and equal opportunity.”


    “When a treaty, which is the law of the land, says that we cannot test or deploy weapons in outer space, the duty of a President is to obey, not to send lawyers searching for loopholes.”


    “And if Congress outlaws military aid to the Contras, the duty of the Executive Branch is to carry out the law, not to figure out how to bend and break it covertly.”


    “From the White House to Wall Street, we must get rid of the dangerous idea that the proper standard of conduct is whatever someone can get away with. Let us insist that the government which makes the laws has no right to break the law.”


    “Often in recent weeks, I thought again of my years growing up here in St. Louis, where my mom was a secretary and my dad was a milktruck driver. His youthful hopes had been shattered by the Great Depression. He was raised on a farm. But be had to quit high school and move to the city when he was forced off the land.”


    “Yet he still saw hope. He still saw opportunity. My folks worked and saved so my brother and I could get the education they never had. I remember it well - sitting with them on our front porch - a little brick bungalow on Reber Place - on those warm summer nights. They talked with us about working hard, being honest, doing good, aiming high. The air was hot and muggy but it was full of dreams. America was on the move.”


    “I want the next generation to dream those dreams. I want to see America on the move again.”


    “There are some who say we are aiming too high in this campaign, and for our country. But that's not the lesson I learned from my folks, from my life, from our long history as a people. I reject the view that the challenges are too hard-and that Americans have grown too soft. The pessimists do not understand the meaning and the magic of freedom-what the daughters and sons of secretaries and milkmen, farmers and machinists, businessmen and women can do for their country when they are put to the test.”


    “Now we have a campaign to win and a nation to lead. So let me ask all of you: Are we ready to do it? Together, let's make America first again!”


    -A speech by Dick Gephardt in St. Louis, Missouri.
     
    1987 Gubernatorial Elections
  • Ballotpedia Entries for the 1987 Gubernatorial Elections


    Running on an outsider campaign against two former Governors as well as a host of other established candidates, businessman Wallace Wilkinson didn't appear to have a chance at securing the Democratic nomination for Governor of Kentucky. Most insiders had Wilkinson sitting in fifth early in the campaign, well behind John Y. Brown Junior and Steve Beshear.


    However, party infighting between Brown and Beshear allowed Wilkinson to sneak into contention. Little to no negative press regarding his candidacy, along with an endorsement from former Governor Happy Chandler, gave Wilkinson all of the swing he needed to shock Brown in the primary election, defeating him by a margin of over 10%, with Beshear in a far second.


    On the Republican side, State Representative John R. Harper was tapped to run for Governor after favorite Larry Forgy, who had been being groomed for the run for months, dropped out early in the race. Harper, with little name recognition outside of his home county of Bullitt and even less funding, was the choice of his party following Forgy's surprising withdrawal.


    The campaign quickly became dirty. Needing any advantage it could get, a cash-strapped Harper campaign (being out-funded $8 million to $225,000) attacked Wilkinson's policies as "Alice in Wonderland Economics" as well as taking shots at Wilkinson's previous business dealings. In return, Wilkinson's campaign tipped off to the media that the cause of Harper's son's death was murder during an armed burglary. Both men were harmed by attacks from one another.


    After being given no chance in the primaries, Wilkinson was the heavy favorite in the general election. Due to Kentucky's Democratic background as well as the general unknown that was John Harper, Wilkinson led most polls by margins ranging from 30% to 40%. On election night, the businessman who had been an unknown only months prior did not disappoint.


    Wilkinson would defeat Harper by a margin of 65% to 35%, firmly keeping Kentucky in the Democratic column.


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    After a term full of turmoil and uncertainty, Mississippi's one-term Democratic Governor William Allain decided to retire, leaving the field open in both parties in 1987.


    In the Democratic Party, the battle was between young State Auditor Ray Mabus and wealthy businessman Mike Strudivant. Running on a slogan of "Mississippi Will Never Be Last Again", Mabus scored an easy victory over Strudivant in the primary.


    For the Republicans, the primary was between Jack Reed, former chairman of the state Board of Education, against long-shot Doug Lemon. Reed defeated Lemon by nearly 50%, setting up for an interesting general election.


    Deadlocked in the polls at between 47% and 51%, Mabus received a key endorsement from Jesse Jackson, who appeared in joint rallies with the young candidate across Mississippi. This endorsement, coupled with Mabus's billing as one of the young faces of the "New South" propelled him into the lead.


    Election night remained reasonably close, but in the end Mabus received impressive support from the African American population in the state while keeping the white vote close enough to win. This coalition would make Ray Mabus the youngest Governor in the Untied States.



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    The gubernatorial election in Louisiana would prove to be the most interesting race in 1987, if not one of the most intriguing and strange political endeavors in recent memory.


    Heading into the campaign, embattled Governor Edwin Edwards was expected to have a tough path to reelection. Edwards, who had been Governor of Louisiana from 1972 to 1980 and then from 1984 to the time of the election, had always been embroiled in one scandal or another but had danced around them with his impressive political skill. To most in Louisiana, it seemed that 1987 would bring an end to Edwards' streak of avoidance in terms of his battling the odds.


    Sensing blood in the water, a number of strong candidates entered the race to face the weakened Edwards. These included Republican Bob Livingston, one of the stronger Republican candidates Louisiana had seen, Buddy Roemer, generally seen as the strongest challenger to Edwards, and a handful of other Democratic candidates, namely Billy Tauzin, James H. Brown and Speedy Long.


    The campaign, at first, seemed to be the battle to defeat Edwards, who, despite his scandals, had a passionate base and seemed to be safely in second place. The fight originally was strongest between Buddy Roemer and Bob Livingston. Edwards, a masterful strategist, saw Livingston as the easier opponent and covertly supported him, which in turn backfired and put Roemer in a comfortable position.


    For much of the campaign, it seemed certain that it would be Buddy Roemer in first place in the first round of voting, followed by Edwards and Livingston. At one point, rumors began to circulate that Edwards would throw in the towel if he did not take first in the first round of voting.


    And that's when everything changed.


    Lee Iacocca, beginning to campaign in areas of the South his campaign believed was softly for Jackson and could be flipped, endorsed Roemer, who was already known as a centrist. This damaged Roemer's prospects, as many Jackson Democrats who believed Roemer to be the better of two evils began to see him as a Republican in Democratic clothing. Polls began to tighten as the first round neared.


    Still, most Louisianians believed Roemer would defeat Edwards in the first round, with Livingston taking third.


    That's not what happened.


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    A number of factors came together to doom Roemer in the first round. The obvious first choice is Iacocca's support in a heavily-Jackson friendly area. Another is votes being squeezed by Roemer's opponents on the left and right, those being Edwards and Livingston respectively. The reason that is always overlooked is just how brilliant an orator and leader Edwin Edwards was. Displaying his talent, Edwards spoke across the state, especially in regions that had voted the most for Jackson in 1984. This strategy, coupled with the issues listed above, propelled Edwin Edwards into first place in round one of voting.


    Despite Edwards' shocking victory, many still believed that the remaining candidates would coalesce behind Roemer to bring down Edwards. One Shreveport reporter even wrote that "the only man who Edwards could beat in an election in Louisiana is Hitler".


    In the following weeks, Livingston endorsed Roemer, but the important Democratic candidates, namely Tauzin and Brown, joined Edwards despite their original statements that they would vote for "Anyone but Edwards". Roemer's "Slay the Dragon" movement seemed to be losing steam among fellow Democrats. Just like round one, the runoff seemed to be a coin flip between the two candidates as Edwards accused Roemer of party-jumping and Roemer attacked Edwards' scandals.


    The election had all of Louisiana watching. No one on either side could believe the outcome.




    GoVlqCc9gQJeqQaipHN-ZbUtslSFttUOHHfsKDeituvS60BDh15CUVrUPS6o2KxONsYvlEZFDWxUrFl90rNdjU6AMTdjhGNJrakpxfi2CoNbpRU22nGrQL5Yawz1ezckPg5QD23_



    The man who had been deemed unelectable, the man who had once already been banished to political purgatory, the man who had been given no shot in hell to win had pulled off one of the more improbable political upsets in recent memory.


    The Shreveport Journal said it best when they published the article on the morning of November 18th, "The Devil We Know".
     
    Sweet Music and Ugly Truth
  • November 20th, 1987


    "How... How the actual fuck did we lose to some corrupt redneck?"


    "It's a massive upset sir, Edwards is supposed to be a political wizard. We underestimated his skill."


    "Fuck his political wizardry. If other corrupt politicians that I know had 'wizardry' we'd be leading..."


    ...


    "You don't think this is because of the endorsement, do you?"


    "Well..."


    "Well what?"


    "Well... Louisiana's not really your state. They prefer Gore and Jackson down south. It’s not like we could have known tha—"


    "Fuck. Fuck! We still have a chance without some southerners don't we?"


    "Yes. The rural northern vote is great for you.”


    "Great."


    -Conversation between Lee Iacocca and a staffer

    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


    November 24th, 1987


    161123_POL_Jesse-Jackson-1987.jpg.CROP.promo-xlarge2.jpg


    Jesse Jackson rides a tractor at a parade in Iowa. Jackson wanted to stay competitive in a state seemingly strong for his opponents.​


    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


    November 27th, 1987



    The lyrics of “I Wish It Would Rain” as performed by Ruffin Edwards Kendrick: Former Leads of the Temptations.


    “Fellas, this was a true love - one of a kind love. But, it doesn’t always work out, because us men don’t always have a tendency to treat all our ladies just right.


    Ain’t that right ladies? (Cheers)


    The end of this kind of love always made me feel this way. I’m sure you’ve felt this way too”



    “Sunshine, blue skies, please go away


    My girl has found another and she’s gone away


    With her went my future, my life is filled with so much gloom


    So day after day I stay locked up in my room


    I know to you, it might sound strange

    But I wish it would rain, oh yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah


    'Cause so badly I wanna go outside (such a lovely day)


    But everyone knows that a man ain't supposed to cry


    Listen, I gotta cry 'cause sometime


    ‘Cause crying just eases all my pain,


    People this hurt I feel inside
    Words could never explain,


    I just wish it would rain, oh let it rain, rain, rain, rain, ooo baby
    Let it rain, oh yeah, somebody let it rain this evening, yeah


    Y’all put your hands together, let it rain, aw baby, somebody let it rain


    Day in day out my tear-stained face
    Pressed against the window pane


    My eyes search the skies
    desperately for rain


    'Cause rain drops will hide my tear drops


    I can’t hear you,


    And no one will ever know that I'm crying
    Crying whenever I go outside


    To the world outside my tears
    I refuse to explain, ooo I wish it would rain, ooh, baby
    Let it rain, let it rain


    Somebody, let it rain


    I’m sitting all alone in my room
    There was nothing but gloom
    It’s a bad situation


    I’ve got tears in my eyes
    Come on baby don’t let me get wet
    Let it rain


    Somebody let it rain this evening
    Yeah, yeah
    Let it rain from the skies, oh, with tears in my eyes


    Oh, let it rain
    Oh yeah, yeah, listen


    I'm a man and I got my pride
    'Til it rains I'm gonna stay inside, let it rain


    Let it rain
    Rain, rain, rain”​


    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


    sun-city-2.jpg


    David Ruffin and Eddie Kendricks with Bruce Springsteen when their tours crossed paths in Europe in late 1987.​
     
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    Hart of the Matter
  • December 4th, 1987


    "Thank you all for being here. The urgency of this national election is becoming increasingly apparent to the people not only of Iowa and New Hampshire but all across this country. People of this country know that the choice of our national leader in 1988 is critical to this nation's future


    The people of this country are beginning to realize that we cannot tolerate four more years of Reaganomics for the rich and Cold War, hostile foreign policy that jeopardizes the future of mankind on this planet


    The people of this state are beginning to realize that they have the power to change American history. The Iowa caucuses, the New Hampshire primary, indeed the entire nomination race represents an opportunity for the people of this nation, through the Democratic Party and it's new leadership, to change the course of this nation's future and that is what this 1988 election is all about.


    George H.W. Bush is unacceptable. George H.W. Bush represents the worst of our past. We cannot have a society that continues to divide itself along economic class lines racial lines and gender lines.


    If this nation is to survive and succeed and thrive in the 80s and 90s this must be a nation that unites itself and pulls itself back together behind the national interests and not the interests of greed and privilege.


    And so the people of Iowa and the Democratic Party across this country understand that the traditional Democratic leadership will not suffice. It will not suffice to win this election and it will not suffice to govern this country.


    Leaders in this party who are bound to old arrangements, special interest, and to deals that have been made with constituency groups are not leaders that can direct this nation's future.


    If a president goes into office beholden to a whole array of special interest, whose campaigns have been financed by political action committees and by special interest groups, that leader cannot identify the future and unite the American people behind it.


    There are those in this race who have given away so much of their own independence to govern this country in the future, in order to get endorsements, in order to raise money, and in order to appear to be the frontrunner that I am a great deal concerned.


    I think others in this party sold themselves to the point that those individuals will not have the independence of judgment or of decision to point this this country in the direction it must go in in the 80s and 90s.


    The issue in this race is this country's future versus its past.


    That is what the choice before the Democratic Party of Iowa and all across this country is.


    I believe there is an alternative.


    That alternative is the new leadership of this party. That leadership represents first of all a commitment to solving problems and not just debating old ideologies.


    No where is that issue seen more than in the question of national defense and national security.


    George Bush represents a blank checkbook to the Pentagon. Not just a check, but an entire checkbook for everything every General and Admiral and Hawk in this country wants.


    This nation is spending itself weak in a mad pursuit for security which will not be found in this unlimited and mindless nuclear arms race.


    Likewise, the American people who voted against the Democratic Party in 1984 and 1986 will not return to the Democratic fold and to a Democratic candidate if they believe our leadership only represents arbitrary cuts in defense even at the expense of the security of this country.


    I believe our party can present leadership to this country in the area of national defense and economics and other areas that avoids the pitfalls of the past.


    This country must reform its military institutions. We must have the most effective conventional forces and not the most just the most expensive. We must link military reform with a dramatic reversal of a dangerous and unnecessary nuclear arms race.


    I think we must also innovate within our economy to solve the challenges of the 1980s.


    That means directing private investment towards rebuilding and modernizing this nation's basic manufacturing base, where billions of private dollars, if necessary, guaranteed by the federal government go into the modernization of our plants and our equipment and the training of our workers so that by the end of this decade our Keystone industries are as efficient and modern and productive as any nation on Earth.


    I think this country must put millions of Americans back to work repairing and rebuilding the basic public facilities of this nation.


    I think finally we must have open and aggressive trade policies.


    If this nation follows Democratic leaders who want to erect trade barriers, the state of Iowa first and then other states to follow will experience a kind of economic downturn we have not seen since the Great Depression.


    We do not have the luxury of protectionism.


    This country cannot pursue the course of economic surrender. It will mean the loss of family farms and hundreds of thousands of jobs in the farm implement industry and other industries all across this country.


    I for one, as a leader of this party and as the next President of the United States, do not intend for this country to surrender economically in the 1980s.


    Finally the new leadership of this country has learned a lesson from Vietnam.


    We learned a lesson that Ronald Reagan or George Bush has not learned.


    That is we cannot militarize our foreign policy.


    We cannot expect to condition events in the third world in Latin America in Africa and in Southeast Asia by the deployment of American military forces.


    We cannot send our sons off to become the bodyguards of dictators in El Salvador and hostages in Lebanon and we cannot on the Democratic side have leaders afraid to speak out.


    We cannot have a nominee in this crucial election race who knows more about Chrysler than Iran.


    We cannot have a nominee of this party who continued to support our involvement in Vietnam month after month after month after many people in this country realized it was a disastrous policy.


    What this country is looking for is not just political leadership. This country is looking for more leadership and that means a willingness to speak out before it is popular and before public consensus has formed.


    There’s been a lot of talk that my candidacy will send a signal to the old guard in Washington that their days are numbered.


    I think that the people of Iowa ought to support a candidate in this race who does represent this party and this nation's future, but rather than send the old guard a signal, send this country a president who is prepared to govern the difficult new challenges of the 1980s.


    The people of Iowa have a choice. You have a choice and as I said before you have the power to change the course of American history.


    Thank you."


    -An excerpt of a speech given by Gary Hart in Des Moines, Iowa
     
    The Darkest of Horses
  • December 10th, 1987


    “We’ve seen the Republican party fall to religious righters and moderates who can’t hold their own against them.”


    “The Southern Strategy has failed this party, and turned it from the party of Lincoln to the party of Mecham,”


    “We cannot let ourselves fall to populism and the far right. We need a return to normalcy, if you will,”


    “We need a candidate for moderacy.”


    “That is why I’m endorsing Pete Du Point, a candidate for a return to the party of Lincoln!”


    -Senator Charles Mathias of Maryland endorsing Pete Du Point
     
    Iowa’s Favorite Son
  • December 10th, 1987


    “It seems that in 1988, in this unbelievably important election year, my Democratic colleagues are scared to go against the party establishment.


    Some of my ‘upstanding’ peers, who I won’t call out by name, they know who they are, I believed to be honest. I thought they would use their sound judgement to endorse the candidate they truly believe in, not the choice made by Democratic elites.


    I was wrong.


    Time and time again, I’ve seen my fellow congressmen endorse candidates who they barely know - who they may not even agree with.


    They do this not out of genuine care for our nation but to forward their own careers.


    To this, I say: enough!


    I’m going to endorse the candidate that I believe in, the candidate who I honestly believe would make the best President out of this crop of Democrats, and career forwarding be damned.


    The man I am endorsing today is Paul Simon.


    He will win here in Iowa!


    He will win in November!


    And he will push this country into the twenty-first century!”


    -Iowa Senator Tom Harkin endorsing PaulSimon for President
     
    Harkin Back To A Better Time
  • December 11th, 1987


    "Mr. Iacocca, Tom Harkin has just endorsed Senator Simon."


    "You mean that nerd from Illinois?"


    "Yes, it's taken him out of his 'home field' advantage that many have expected from his campaign. He's essentially dead in the water at this point."


    "Does Simon have an advantage over us now?"


    "No, even with the endorsement he's third behind Hart and you, respectively. A far third at that. It's a two man race here, and in my opinion, a two man race throughout."


    "We just need a final push to beat that son-of-a-bitch in Iowa"


    "Sir..."


    "I have no time for your objections, get me an endorsement!"


    "Yes sir..."


    -Conversation between an aid and Lee Iacocca



    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


    December 12th, 1987


    "Tom?" Tom Harkin's staffer floated his name in the air to get his attention as he walked towards his office. He turned towards her and she said, "There's a... few... calls on your answering machine."


    "Okay," Harkin began uncertainly, confused at his staffer's concerned tones, "who are they from?" She replied quickly but cautiously.


    "Richard Gephardt."


    Damn, Harkin thought to himself while he thanked his staffer and entered his office. He should have figured this was coming, but he had been hoping Gephardt wouldn't hear. Him and Gephardt were great friends, just as he and Simon were, and he hoped that Gephardt wouldn't hold the endorsement against him.


    The decision had been purely political. In Harkin's mind, and it seemed to him obvious in the minds of the voters, Simon had a better shot at the Presidency than Gephardt did, even if both of their shots weren't too great at all.


    Harkin was a realist. He knew that Gephardt's campaign had been buried when Hart entered the race, and was absolutely killed when Iacocca entered. Gephardt and Iacocca were running on very similar ideas, but Iacocca had name recognition, an outsider appearance, and, as much as it pained him to admit it, more charisma than his friend Gephardt.


    Harkin strode to the answering machine and hesitated. He had a feeling, based on the face of his staffer, that what was on the machine was not pretty. But he had been the one to put the situation in to motion, so he pressed the button.


    The messages were numerous, and all very similar. They were all very, very loud. Loud enough that Harkin had to close the door to his office. Loud enough that, without Harkin knowing, a couple people stopped momentarily in the hallway outside the room, hearing the yelling and wondering if they should intervene.


    The point of most of the messages was an insistent "HOW COULD YOU?!?". There were innumerable curses and a general feeling of betrayal. The move had been a stab in the back - Harkin couldn't disagree with that notion. But he had to let Dick know that it was in everyone's best in the end.


    "Hey, Dick, it's Tom. I'm calling to---"


    "You SON of a BITCH. You're lucky that I haven't hung up already." Gephardt was practically screaming.


    "Look, Dick, I know---" Gephardt cut Harkin off again.


    "No, you look! I had a real shot at Iowa, and if I could have won there I could've won the whole thing! And now it's all shit! And it's all your fault!"


    "What I did, I did for the party." Harkin said, leaning against his desk. "What. I. Did. I. Did. For. The. Party." There was silence from the other end for a moment.


    "You could've stayed out." Gephardt said, suddenly quiet, "You could've just stayed out this time."


    "Richard, I know you. I know you know that your candidacy was a long shot. You read the papers. You read the polls. You know Paul has a better shot."


    "Me and Paul were even before that endorsement! If it had been me, I could've beat Iacocca. And Hart, for that matter!" Harkin sighed audibly and shook his head.


    "Dick, you know I'm your friend, so I'm just gonna be straight with you. No, you wouldn't have. At this point, I would just drop out. You're gonna have a great chance in the next cycle. But if you stay in it's just gonna damage your reputation."


    There was a silence on the other end, this time prolonged.


    "Dick?" Tom asked. More silence.


    Then, the dial tone.


    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


    December 20th, 1987


    "Working as Minority Whip in the House of Representatives, I interact on an almost daily basis with the President and the Vice President and those close to them.


    Over the last eight years, I have seen a lot of growth in this country due to the vision of President Reagan and Vice President Bush. Their leadership over the past two terms has been inspiring and will be remembered among the most impressive administrations in terms of effectiveness.


    There are more jobs in America then there was eight years ago. There is more prosperity. There is more hope.


    Why would we want to change that now?


    We need continuity in this time of great uncertainty. The best man to continue President Reagan's legacy is George H.W. Bush, the man who knows him best and knows this administration in and out.


    That is why I am endorsing him for President of the United States in 1988. Let us not fall for the glow of simple populism, but instead turn to the steadfast leadership of George Bush."


    -Richard "Dick" Cheney endorsing George Bush for President in 1988
     
    The Flowers and the Trees
  • December 22nd, 1987


    “I’d like to look at our world from the viewpoint of self-interest.


    If we want there to be fish tomorrow we must manage the catch today.


    And if we want our kids to know the joy that we've known we’ve got to make sure that the Earth, with its incredible regenerative capability, can restore what we've taken.


    The case for paying attention to the environment is simple.


    I think Eisenhower summed it up the best when he bought a piece of land and he said “I wanted to take a piece of earth and return it to God better than I found it”.


    I'm here today to talk about building a better America.


    Im here to make a case for a cause that I feel very strongly about. That’s the case for a cleaner environment.


    It's a case based not just on our own health and safety. Not only on the obligation we have to future generations.


    It's based on the knowledge that successful economic development and environmental protection go hand in hand. And you can't have one without the other.


    This summer's been full of warnings about that condition of our environment. Medical waste has washed up on our ocean beaches and our lake beaches. Our own levels and accompanying respiratory problems have been frighteningly high. And even the exceptionally hot weather, even if only symbolically, has been seen as the sign of things to come.


    1987, in a sense, is the year that the Earth spoke back.


    Our land, water and soil support a remarkable range of human activities, but they can only take so much.


    We must remember to treat them not as a given but as a gift.


    I'm an environmentalist. I always have been from my earliest days growing up and then as a congressman when I first chaired the House committee on Earth resources and population.


    I always will be an environmentalist, to my last days as president and citizen of this great and beautiful country.


    And that is the point that I want to make here today - that environmental protection is not inconsistent with being a businessman. Nor is it with being a conservative. In fact it's an essential part of the thinking that should guide either one one.


    Today I'd like to begin to outline what I’d like to do about the environment - my plan for how we as a nation and as a people can lead the world to a new recognition of the importance of the environment.


    Some say these problems are too big; that it seems possible for an individual or even a nation as great as ours to solve the problem of global warming or the loss of our assets or the deterioration of our oceans.


    My response is simple:


    It can be done.


    And we must do it.”


    -George H.W. Bush giving a speech on his beliefs regarding environmentalism
     
    The Conservative Response
  • December 29th, 1987


    “Look at that pot-smoking hippie’s environmental speech, we’re gonna kick his lefty campaign in the ass, God permitting.”


    “Your confidence is an inspiration, sir.”


    “I’m tired of your yes-manning Jesse, show the goddamn strength you had in 1976. ”


    “Yes sir, err, I mean, will do.”


    “I can’t believe this idiot submitted to some idea that someone made up when they were smoking pot. The devil’s spice, by God.”


    “It is sad to see that Reagan hasn’t taught Bush to stay away from those beatniks.”


    “We’re gonna squash them, Jesse.”


    “The Conservatives will show him who’s in control of this party.”


    “We did in 1980, and we will now!”


    -A conversation between Jerry Falwell and Jesse Helms
     
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    He's Got Gritz
  • January 5th, 1987


    "It's real good to be with you today. Here, what should we talk about today? I made a little list...


    How about AIDS, abortion, Iraq flag burning, drugs, crime, budget, PLO, Israel, terrorism, savings and loan, healthcare, Social Security, education, Soviets...


    How about the H-Bomb, POWs, environment, prayer, corruption, homeless, unemployment, animal rights, gun control... Any others?


    Well let's see... The USA Today says that we have 19 cities that have set all-time records for heinous crimes, meaning murder, armed robbery and this type of thing.


    Here's an article that says one in every four people in the continent of Africa has AIDS.


    Here's another one, it's full-page I kind of thought it was representative of 1987 America. It says states face record tax hikes, food stamp recipients hit an all-time high and we're on the brink of war and Reagan pledges swift action. Now let's see what else...


    Just little statistics... People like statistics. I think we're all the time receiving some kind of poll that says America has never been better off and 89% of the people support President Ronald Reagan.


    Violent crime is up five hundred and forty four percent, teenage pregnancies between 10 and 14 years up 553 percent, sexual disease transmission up two hundred and twenty six percent, unmarried living together three hundred and fifty three percent, divorces up 117 percent. Boy, we are in good shape, aren't we?


    Well there is hope because in USA Today here is a half page ad that says Jesus is coming to all in the autumn of 1988... all right, Hallelujah!


    Well now here's a newspaper article that says Singapore has a new card up its sleeve. It's an electronic ID that tracks its citizens, and they have a new debit card in Singapore... here's the article on it.


    The new debit card requires everybody 18 years or older to register; they get a barcode ID card in which they can use credit and debit and it also has a electronic matrix - that's what they call, it the matrix - will include every government agency - from traffic tickets to school loans to paying your telephone bill to taxes - whether you're wanted for murder, whatever.


    Whenever you use this card these agencies are checked electronically so if there is any kind of outstanding warrant against you the light turns red and you don't get your 10 gallons worth of gas or you don't get your groceries. It says here that the ID has a telephonic arrest warrant now where when the agency sees on the computer that you are at the 7-eleven and you haven't paid your traffic ticket or your parking ticket and they simply dial the 7-eleven and say hold this person under arrest until the authorities arrive.


    Well I got one a little bigger, I blew this one up, this is right out of Time magazine. You see, everybody believes Time magazine. Mikhail Gorbachev is Time Magazine's man of the decade and they give you some kind of electronic Tracey watch if you take time, so I know that all of you are subscribers.


    So there in Time magazine it says "Peddling Big Brother". It says underneath that foreign governments are snapping up surveillance systems that are produced in the West, and here's a women showing her bar coded ID card, which, just like in Singapore, in Thailand, 16 years of older you're required to register. This also will serve as a credit or debit card...


    Well, let's turn now to proposed reforms of the United Nations. This is a government printing document, let me read you what it says under the title of "Committee to Frame a World Constitution". This is the preamble to the "World Constitution", I'm just going to read the last couple of lines here.


    It says quote, "The age of nations must end. The governments of the nations have decided to order their separate sovereignties into one government to which they surrender their arms".


    What do you think George Washington, James Madison, John Hancock, Thomas Jefferson and those others would have thought about this kind of a preamble, to the new constitution? Those are treasonous and they are fighting words in those days, they ought to be fighting words today.


    Huh, but here's a nice ad that if you haven't seen, it you will. This ad was in Phoenix, it's going around the United States, and it says, "Imagine Being a Citizen Under the New World Order". And do you know who the keynote speaker is? It says here that Dorothy Nelson, judge for the ninth district court of appeals, is the keynote speaker.


    This symposium is presented as a public service, which means they don't have to pay for this ad, by the United Nations Association, the Baha'i faith, co-sponsored by the global interactions and World Federation Association, and it says here "imagine a global society filled with solutions".


    Oh, what are some of the solutions? Well, this one just came like two days ago. It is to all who owned an automobile in Arizona.


    This is from the State Farm Insurance Company... how many of you have State Farm? Here, I see some of you do. So if you're in Arizona you've already got this because here's what it says: it says "...the Arizona House bill 2098 requires insurers to provide policy owners with a special identification card which can be scanned by optical character recognition equipment. This endorsed scannable card must be presented in order for you to register your vehicle once a year".


    Well, what does this all mean?


    It means that the legislators, not just in foreign countries but here, in the United States of America, are betraying us. They are betraying our interests, our beliefs, and they are attacking the very voters that landed them where they are today.


    I remember the oath of allegiance that I took and the oath, when I raise my hand to the square, was to bear true faith and allegiance to the United States of America, to defend the Constitution against all enemies, foreign and domestic.


    That does not mean covering up for my bosses wrongdoings. That doesn't mean shredding documents. It doesn't mean lying before the United States Congress.


    And this is why I have decided to run for the Senate seat in this great state of Nevada. As your senator, I will remain honest, firm and committed, with the integrity that I have displayed throughout my life. I will be the voice of the people of this state.


    A vote for me, Nevada, is a vote for you!"


    -An excerpt of a campaign speech given by Bo Gritz, senate candidate in Nevada
     
    1987 South Korea Presidential Election
  • A look back at the South Korea presidential election, December 16th 1987


    1987 will always be remembered as one of the most tumultuous in the history of South Korea.


    The problems, simmering under the surface for years under the leadership of President Chun Du-hwan, boiled over during a period of time known as the "June Struggle".


    The beginning to the calamity were the deaths of numerous college students, all known as opponents to the Chun regime, in mysterious circumstances. The deaths, though hidden by the government, were uncovered by the Catholic Priests Association for Justice, causing public uproar and the beginning of mass demonstrations in the country.


    The day before the Democratic Justice Party was set to meet, the students of Yonsei University protested against the tyranny of the Chun presidency. During the protest, a student named Lee Han-yeol was struck by a tear gas grenade that hit with such force that it penetrated his skull, leaving him in critical condition in the hospital. The movement that had been swelling on college campuses now had a martyr's face, as well as national attention (Han-yeol would succumb to his wounds on July 9th, with 1.6 million citizens participating in his funeral).


    This situation would have been bad enough for the Chun regime; what followed the following day, on June 10th, made things worse. At the Democratic Justice Party Convention, the party nominated Roh Tae-woo, party chairman, Minister of State for National Security and Foreign Affairs, as well as the head of the Seoul Olympic Organizing Committee.


    The problem with the nomination wasn't Roh himself, but the message that was sent that the party had anointed him the next President without public approval. What followed were massive pro-democracy protests in Seoul and many other large city areas.


    With the protests continuing throughout the month of June, South Korea seemed destined to be thrown into a revolutionary scenario that would tear the country apart. This is when Tae-woo made his capitulation to the people.


    On June 29th, Roh announced an eight point plan to revise the Constitution, calling for direct participation in the upcoming election for all citizens above the age of 20. Though his popularity was still incredibly low, Tae-woo had given himself a chance to lead in the future.


    With the prospects of actual democratic elections occurring in the country, a crop of candidates sprung up to try and challenge Tae-woo in the contest scheduled for December 16th.


    The early front-runner to combat Roh was Kim Young-Sam, President of the Reunification Democratic Party. Young-Sam had been president of the New Democratic Party for six years in the 1970's, but upon Du-hwan's rise to power was placed under house arrest. He was freed during the decriminalization process in 1985, and had subsequently founded the RDP and was believed to be the strongest opposition candidate early in the race. His pure opposition coupled with his political clout made him a tough opponent.


    The next challenger to enter the fray was Kim Dae-jung, another opposition leader. In 1980 Dae-jung had been arrested for a second time in three years for opposing the regime and had been sentenced to 20 years in prison as well as a complete ban from politics in South Korea. After spending five years in prison, his sentence was commuted during decriminalization and he was allowed to rejoin the political sphere. He had bounced from opposition party to opposition party following his stint in prison, but had decided to run under his own banner in 1987, the Peace and Democracy Party.


    The remaining three candidates, Kim Jong-pil, Shin Jeong-yil and Hong Sook-ja, all had party support but little infrastructure to win a national campaign. With the combatants decided, the election would come down to the top three.


    At first, despite the national protests, it seemed that Roh Tae-woo had the inside track to victory. First and foremost, he was the ruling party's candidate, meaning he would enjoy special privileges none of the opposition candidates would receive. The consensus among opposition leaders was that, if worst came to worst for Democratic Justice, ballots would be stuffed.


    All of Roh's success should not be placed on cheating, however. He was a very capable politician, and distanced himself enough from the current regime so as to appear his own man. Tae-woo led for much of the campaign in the polls.


    The other shoe dropped, however, when classified documents made it out to the public that Democratic Justice had advanced knowledge of police activity in brutality towards student activists. As chairman of the party, it became clear that Tae-woo had enough information in advance to put a stop to the brutality that ended in the deaths of a handful of college students. Shortly after the news broke, his share of the vote in polls took a sharp nosedive.


    All of a sudden, barring election tampering, it seemed that the contest was between Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung. Initial polling had the men in a tight battle, with Tae-woo in a close third due to regime loyalists.


    With Roh essentially confined to third place, Young-sam moved his campaign towards the experience aspect of governing, claiming that only political insight could allow South Korea to receive the forward progress it deserved.


    Alone on the path of full opposition, Kim chose to make his campaign that of a political outsider, despite his earlier experiences. Kim attempted to appeal to the voters who believed a fresh face was what South Korea needed to move out of the abyss of authoritarianism.


    With huge turnout, the election was expected to remain a close three way race between the earlier front-runners. All of South Korea sat on pins and needles, waiting to determine the future of their country.

    ysBXsvDTwLdMIleSFz3wG1LQk95WDm_6a2egrn5wTiPE4VpNU48CoAcFyW4qZFSloqKB9cOAKrtTgsLav3yPnU-IQmIrIsLQfD1UBuKXZfs_5_Woi1RgBHoTPy4ZzuzkkmfIeaxn
    The nation was shocked, as was the world at large. A large majority of South Koreans remained pessimistic, despite doing their civic duty, in the respect that if Democratic Justice saw a loss incoming they would simply stuff the ballot boxes. And to sum extent, they did. And yet, it wasn't enough to overcome Dae-jung, who had stolen much support from Young-sam in the closing weeks of the campaign. Not even Democratic Justice officials could have predicted they would lose by 4% with the amount of work they did to ensure that their candidate won.


    Much support coalesced behind Kim in the waning days due to a miscalculation by Young-sam. Assuming that the people would respond positively to a mixed message of change and order, Young-sam lost support amongst opposition leaders as well as those looking for change in government. These votes, in turn, went to Dae-jung, who had masterfully positioned himself as the new face in the group despite his past leadership.


    With the final returns reported, all eyes turned to the government in Seoul: would they honor the results, or would they maintain their iron grip on South Korean politics?
     
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