Wrapped in Flames: The Great American War and Beyond

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 30: Williams Goes South​

"Because I will cut off from you the righteous and the wicked, therefore My sword will go forth from its sheath against all flesh from south to north.” - Ezekiel 21:4

“The successes in Maine, and the perceived shabby state of the Union Army brought matters to a head in Canada. In London there had been a sense of complacency regarding Canada, so long as Kingston remained secure and William’s army was south of Montreal there seemed little chance of the British facing a serious reversal. With the campaign season of 1862 drawing to a close, it was seen as necessary for the British to preclude the chance of a fresh invasion come spring 1863. To avoid that, there was one post in American hands which had to be taken, Fort Montgomery in northern New York.

From here it was obvious an American army could shelter, build up supplies, and even collect gunboats for a march north. Though there had been discussions about seizing it at the outset of the war, the objections of Williams and the resources diverted to the campaign against Portland had seen such an idea shelved. The victories on the Lacolle River and the reverses of the American thrusts north at Napierville had merely added to the complacency of British planners.

Now though, London sought another victory, and intended to make their Canadian position utterly secure…” - Empire and Blood: British Military Operations in the 19th Century Volume IV.

Fort Montgomery, 1869​

“One of William’s objections early in the war had been a lack of gunboats to support his troops when marching south to the shores of Lake Champlain. In early 1862 only a few converted gunboats had been available to support him, but by August over a dozen Russian War and new build gunboats were in the waters of the St. Lawrence. However, Collinson, commanding the St. Lawrence Squadron, was concerned about the lack of ironclads to support his squadron.

Some basic intelligence had filtered to the Admiralty regarding the our ironclad program, but details were slim until information from a pro-British ship builder filtered across the Atlantic in the fall. Palmerston, in his characteristic nature, demanded ironclads for the St. Lawrence while berating Somerset about the need for their speedy construction.

Palmerston’s anger was somewhat misplaced. Designs had been discussed in the halls of the Admiralty since January. While at first as purely theoretical matters, but as February wore on into March and war broke out, the discussion changed to practical construction rather than theory. Captain Coles, at that point the foremost ironclad designer in the Royal Navy, championed a riverine design similar to the first Monitor, which he claimed would be superior to any broadside ship. This was hotly contested by Somerset and Watts[1]. Somerset, predictably opposed it on matters of cost, while Watts opposed it on matters of time.

Watts’s argued that experimentation and construction would take much longer than the time frame imposed by the government. Coles argued that previous tests done would allow him to create a prototype which could be quickly emulated and shipped to North America by the fall. When the War Cabinet inquired how many weapons such a vessel could mount, Coles estimated three heavy Armstrong guns would be the maximum. Palmerston balked at this “armored peashooter” and demanded some swifter design.

Watts, who had helped design the Warrior, pointed to the ironclad batteries designed for the Crimea as his example. He declared that a smaller vessel, perhaps one third the tonnage, would be most suited to riverine warfare in North America. When asked how he could expedite the process he suggested building them in Britain, but knocking them down and shipping them by sea to North America. He proposed an ambitious building schedule for these vessels, constructing them in only 90 days. Palmerston and Somerset approved, and so the River Class ironclad was born.

Based on the Aetna Class built for the Russian War, they weighed in at 700 tons with an armament of seven guns. Six in a broadside and a single bow gun, which Watt argued was useful in the confines of the St. Lawrence or on the Lakes themselves. The Navy contracted for six vessels at first and the Lawrence, Yamaska, Richelieu, Ottawa, Rideau, and Ontario were built. Beginning construction in April, they underwent trials in July before being knocked down and convoyed across the Atlantic in August.

They were relayed to the yards in Montreal where they were rebuilt and launched officially with a mix of British and Canadian crews…

Lawrence, Yamaska, and Richelieu were dispatched to Fort Lennox, while Ontario, Ottawa, and Rideau ran the St. Lawrence to Kingston…

Welles and the Board of National Defense had realized since the outbreak of the war that some naval force would be needed on Lake Champlain, if not for offensive operations at least to prevent it from being used as a highway of invasion by the British. Joseph Smith had experience from Lake Champlain, and understood the necessity of an armed force of ships on the lake.

Fortunately, they had the example of the Western Gunboat Flotilla to draw upon, and numerous displaced naval officers and river boatmen to act as crews and gunners for the emerging squadron.

Command of the squadron itself would be gifted to Captain John A. Winslow. He had joined the navy in 1827 and was commended for gallantry during the Mexican War. Serving aboard vessels in the Pacific and Atlantic he had also served in the Boston Navy Yard. With the outbreak of the war in the South he had gone west and been present on the Mississippi. He had labored alongside Eads and Pook to outfit gunboats for service on the Mississippi River, eventually being given command of the gunboat Benton after serving with Foote’s squadron at Fort Henry. This service, and his friendship with Foote, earned him a recommendation to the Board, and when names were cast around for a commander for Lake Champlain, he was soon on his way north with Eads in April…

In the endeavor to equip and build new vessels would be supported by the engines of industry in New York. Two individuals in particular would throw all their industrial and political clout into the project. Those would be John Gregory Smith, and John Flack Winslow[2].

Winslow was the titan of the iron industry in New England, owning Rensselaer Iron Works and the Albany Iron Works with his partner Erastus Corning, having a corner on the iron market in the United States. With ties to railroads and rolling mills this considerable duo put their weight behind the war effort, and Winslow in particular put his influence into the ironclad program. He partnered with John Ericsson for the original Monitor, and would sponsor and supply those being built in New York. With this experience he turned towards supplying the new “Lake Champlain Squadron” with whatever they needed to construct vessels. Providing for facilities at Troy, Albany, and Shelburne he worked closely with the arriving officers to lay down vessels for the navy. He had a personal stake in the project as Vermont was his home state.

Smith, another Vermonter, was a railroad owner whose home town was St. Albans. His support was also based on a personal connection to the events of 1861. When the raiders had struck he had been away from home, but the raiders had attempted to burn his home with his wife Ann inside. She had confronted them with a pistol and they had fled, but this event left him with a burning desire to “give the British and South their due” and had thrown his not inconsiderable political weight behind the war effort[3]. He was the trustee of the Vermont and Canada Railroad, and using that position would effectively give ownership of the railroad to the military for the duration of the war. Lobbying local and national interests he ensured that all the resources of his state could be thrown behind both the Army of the Hudson, and Winslow as he attempted to build a naval squadron from scratch.

Already in March and April local steamers had been commandeered to serve as an ad hoc squadron, five ships had been assembled and armed. United States(4), Boston(2), Burlington(2), General Greene(2), and Shelburne(2) had all been strengthened with timber, and armed with guns shipped from across New England to make up for the lack of existing naval stores. Eads had set up slips at Troy and Albany to provide for the construction of three new “City Class” ironclads. However, they were slightly smaller than their Mississippi sisters, carrying only 10 guns, and with their hulls protected, but their sterns remained unprotected as with Eads original design.

Four vessels, all with eight guns, were launched between July and August, two named for their places of construction, Albany and Troy, and two, at Smith and Winslow’s insistence, after the places attacked by the rebels. The USS St. Albans was launched in July, but her sister was held up from commissioning until August as her proposed names, Franklin and Vermont, were both already in use by the navy. Finally a compromise was reached and the USS Plattsburgh joined her sisters on Lake Champlain…” The Naval War of 1862, Theodore Roosevelt Jr., New York University Press, 1890

“The Army of the Hudson had taken a series of hard knocks since May, and had lost over 10,000 men in the process, alongside numerous brigade and division commanders. As such, despite Sumner’s aggressive exhortations, the morale of the army was at an all time low. Men were despondent, and desertions were a common occurrence, with Sumner having to take extreme measures to counter the flight of nervous troops. From June on he repeatedly wrote Washington requesting more supplies and more men to hold his position. He firmly believed that it was only British inaction which kept Fort Montgomery secure.

With the fall of Portland, Stanton and Lincoln determined that something must be done to shore up their armies in Canada and New York. The Army of New England was deemed too weak to take the offensive into Maine (and with the Royal Navy supreme on the coast it was hazardous to make the attempt) and so they ordered two divisions from that army to the border.

Keye, the remnants of the militia and William’s division, would remain around Portland to pin the British in place with some 20,000 men. The 16,000 men of William F. Smith’s 3rd Division and Silas Casey’s 4th Division would be transported by rail from Maine to New York. The divisions movement would take near a month by rail, but come September 15th they had arrived at Albany and were being shipped up the Hudson.

Sumner now took the opportunity to reorganize his command. With Washington’s approval he divided his army into two Corps formations. Keeping the original designation for his army, II Corps, he placed the divisions of Howard, Burns, and Smith under the command of Israel B. Richardson. The newly created XVII Corps, with the Divisions of Foster, Casey, and Burns, under Ambrose Burnside.

With the 16,000 men from Maine, Sumner now had some 60,000 men under his command…” - The Union’s Shield: The Army of the Hudson, Donald Cameron, University of New York 1930

Burnside and Richardson​

“The Army of Canada, now four divisions strong, was deemed by Williams to be strong enough to take on a foe who he believed was demoralized, and at the very least numerically equal to his. Though his cavalry had been unable to completely penetrate the thin screen that Sumner had put forward, reconnaissance from the lake showed that Fort Montgomery remained incomplete, and the Americans seemed to have not thrown up few fieldworks of their own.

William’s determined that his men should cross the border marching toward Main Street along the rail line, with one column aiming for the village itself and another aiming for Fort Montgomery. From there they would seek to engage the Americans directly, with the support of Collinson’s squadron on the Lake. Scouting determined that a series of blockhouses had been thrown up along the roads, one set covering Main Street, while another sat at Waldon’s Farm covering the extreme left of the America position. In theory, these were covered by the forts guns and so the British determined to begin their attack with a bombardment of the fort using the army’s heavy guns. From there the infantry would advance and drive the Americans from the field.” - Empire and Blood: British Military Operations in the 19th Century Volume IV.

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1] Isaac Watts, Chief Constructor of the Royal Navy until 1863

2] Yes there are too many John’s in this picture, but try to remember their last names most prominently!

3] You can’t make this up! Though this is not what actually happened, his hometown was St. Albans and apparently his wife was threatened by the raiders. A fitting inclusion I think.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 31: The Battle of Rouse Point
​

“Up, Guards, and at them again.” – Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellesley, at the Battle of Waterloo

​

“The American defenses at Rouse Point, compared to the extensive entrenchments that Williams had constructed along the Lacolle River, were rudimentary. Sumner believed that “the men under my command are disorganized from various causes. Action with the enemy on multiple fronts and my new divisions having just been merged, the troops with me, officers and men, need drill more than they do experience with the pick, shovel and axe. Under all these circumstances I believe that drill and discipline are worth more to our men than fortifications, which may dampen their spirit further.”

As such, beyond rudimentary entrenchments covering the causeway at Fort Montgomery, Sumner had established few field works. The blockhouses on the roadways were intended to drive off Williams scouts and raiders, rather than protect his position indefinitely. However, most of the army was bivouacked beyond these works. Richardson’s II Corps sat in the forward positions, barracked in the larger buildings of the town, such as the train yard, the church, and the hotels. Burnside’s men were encamped largely under canvas south of Lake Street but above the shipping depot.

60,000 men put a strain on the village of barely 1,000 souls, and Sumner was planning on splitting his army between the Rouses Point and the village of Champlain to send them to winter quarters…

Sumner had taken for his headquarters, the Massachusetts House Hotel in the village of Rouse Point proper, housing himself and his staff. From here he could manage the Fort, and his front line troops while keeping in contact with both of his Corps commanders as they drilled and prepared their troops…” The Union’s Shield: The Army of the Hudson, Donald Cameron, University of New York 1930

“A singular failing in the Union armies early in the war was the lack of coordination of the cavalry. Even when present these formations were attached at the brigade or division level, and not used beyond scouting, picket, or escort duty. Though almost all of the armies had cavalry brigades organized on paper, these were merely organizational groupings and did not reflect the true deployment of the Union troopers. Even their ostensible commanders had little control over their deployments and use, often only commanding their own regiments and reporting to the commanders of the army regarding the state of the cavalry overall. This lack of organization would contribute greatly to British and Confederate successes in the field…

… in the Army of the Hudson. Blake’s cavalry had been farmed out between the corps with the 4th and 6th New York attached to II Corps, the 8th Illinois to XVII Corps, while the 5th Cavalry was attached to Sumner’s headquarters. By contrast, the British cavalry was concentrated in a single division under Lawrenson with two brigades. This cavalry had skirmished and raided up and down the border, giving William’s an excellent view of the American dispositions, and only the blockhouses prevented a good view of the positions beyond.” – Cavalry in the Great American War, MG Amos Morrell (Retired), 1978, USMA

“William’s men had moved south starting on the 28th, his four divisions moving on the road alongside the Champlain, with the gunboats of Collinson’s squadron meant to support them. William’s ordered the gunboats to remain at Fort Lennox until 7am an after the attack was to commence so that the infantry would not be discovered too early.

Leading the formation would be the relatively fresh 4th Division under Major General John Eardley Inglis. Considered a hero for his defence of Lucknow during the Mutiny he was regarded as an affable and able soldier. The Nova Scotia born general had first seen action in the Rebellions of 1837, and was present at St. Charles and St. Eustace, before serving in India in the Punjab Campaign and then in the Mutiny where had had received the rank of Major General. Previously he had been appointed to the command of the Ionian Islands in 1860, but when war had broken out and the regiments from the Mediterranean had been called on he had requested and received permission to command the Division formed from those regiments. With his heart in Canada he had been unable to bear the thought of sitting out the war, and had argued that the local climate would be good for his health after recurring bouts of illness from his time in India.

General John Eardley Inglis​

His three brigades were under the commands of Col. Alexander Dunn[1], MG Charles Warren, and MG James Lindsay…

Warren, commanding the 2nd Brigade, was an old officer who had first seen action as a young officer under Wellington at Waterloo. From there he had served in India and China, and then again in the Russian War where he had commanded the 1st Brigade of the 2nd Division, serving at Alma, Inkerman, and had been wounded in the assaults on the Redan. Personally brave he was well suited to field command in the eyes of his superiors despite his age.

Lindsay was, like many of the officers sent to Canada, was a Guards officer. He had joined the Grenadier Guards by purchase in 1832 and served with his battalion in Canada from 1838 to 1842, though without seeing any fighting in the rebellions. He rose quickly in the ranks earning the rank of Major General in March 1861, but without ever having fired a shot in anger. When war had beckoned he had not been amongst the officers dispatched but had remained in Britain where he was placed in command of a brigade destined for Canada. Though he had never seen action, he was energetic and popular with the men of the 3rd Brigade.

Second in line was the 1st Division under Paulet which would support the 4th as it moved to attack Fort Montgomery. The 2nd and 3rd Divisions, under Grant and Russell respectively, followed and would move to attack the American strongpoints in the village directly and drive off the defenders. Simultaneously Lawrenson’s cavalry would swing to the west and engage the American flank to keep the defenders off balance.

Williams expected this pressure, coupled with the appearance of the ironclads and gunboats, would drive the Americans from the field and leave the fort to surrender to the British troops.” Empire and Blood: British Military Operations in the 19th Century Volume IV.

“The 29th of September dawned as a crisp, bright, and pleasant autumn morning. The waters of Lake Champlain sparkled in the sunrise, and the men of the Army of the Hudson woke with a familiar sense of drudgery as they began morning work. Cook fires were lit, sentries were relieved, and patrols were sent forward to probe the border for signs of the British. As had been the case for almost the last three months, no one expected to find anything other than scouts, or the occasional Canadian lumber party.

However, a sharp sighted lookout at Fort Montgomery spotted unusual movement in the tree line. He duly reported this to the forts commandant, Col. Alfred Sully of the 1st Minnesota Volunteer Infantry. The Minnesotan’s had suffered heavy casualties at Beaver Creek, but had been out of the line of fire at Napierville. With the dispatch of the majority of the 99th New York to serve as crews in the gunboats of Winslow’s squadron Richardson had posted the Minnesotan’s to the forts garrison to allow them to recuperate along with Sully who had been wounded at Beaver Creek.

Sully had joined the army in 1841 and had served against the Indians in Florida and against the Mexicans, being breveted three times for bravery earning the rank of Captain. He had been posted to the command of the regiment in 1862 and from there had fought in the battles in Canada. As an old Indian Fighter he took the sentry’s report seriously and placed his men on alert, and sent this report to Sumner in the village. Sumner, who was breakfasting with his officers saw this report of “queer goings on in the woods”, passed word to Richardson and Burnside. Richardson suspected something was up and ordered the men to stand to and soon Oliver O. Howard’s Division was forming up in line…

Burnside gave similar orders…” – The Union’s Shield: The Army of the Hudson, Donald Cameron, University of New York 1930

“Right away Inglis could sense something had gone wrong. Union troops were seen lining up for battle, and the British were not all in position yet. He requested that the attack begin immediately, even though Russell’s division was not yet in place. William’s held firm to his schedule though, and by 8:30am the guns were in place and he ordered the attack to go ahead.

All along the line the guns opened up, and after a short bombardment, the British advanced at 9am sharp. Warren’s brigade led the way, ominously into silence. What none knew was that the landward facing guns, despite months of work, had yet to be installed as the builders feared the descent of vessels up the river more than an army on land. As it was, it was only the muskets of the defenders that would greet the British from the fort itself. However, they were supported by the men of William “Baldy” Smith’s division. Smith’s men, at this point old hands at fighting the British, were ready.

Brooks’s Vermonter’s, supported by Captain Ayres artillery, took the lead. Warren’s brigade made for the causeway, soon under fire from the Ayres’s guns and the men in the fort. Dunn’s brigade moved to support them, opening fire at 400 yards against Brooks men. The Vermonters, remained steady and fired back with aplomb, and soon the battery guns were doing deadly work in the British ranks…

…Russell’s division advanced up the center, taking fire from the blockhouses on Main Street as they came. Col. Smythe’s 1st Brigade led the way, while the 3rd Brigade under Scovell kept contact with Inglis’s position on their left, trading fire with the blockhouses. Oddly, as they advanced towards Haldon Farm, they received no fire whatsoever, and through the emerging smoke of battle they could discern no enemy infantry present. Russell was suspicious, but determined to make good use of this potential opportunity. And so in went Smythe’s brigade, led by 76th Regiment of Foot.

When they came within 100 yards, the world exploded. The position was not empty, but merely waiting.

The remaining 1600 men of the Irish Brigade had, on Meagher’s orders, held fire until the British were in close. Using their preferred buck and ball tactic, they hit the 76th with a volley which the men would come away determinedly believing was a hidden artillery emplacement. The shocked 17th Battalion of Volunteer Rifles wavered, then upon the second volley broke, and the 76th fell back in disarray. Only the 86th remained relatively unscathed and fell back in good order, but the Irish did not pursue and Meagher kept his men in the limited shelter of the blockhouses. In a matter of minutes they had inflicted some 300 casualties on the British while suffering only 5 of their own…

The Irish Brigade strikes back​

…Grant’s Division faced hard luck. On their flank thick woods concealed the enemy, and rendered their artillery useless and he found himself struggling to make headway against Blenker’s men…

Warren’s attack on the causeway was repulsed, and his men rotated out of line and Lindsay’s brigade went in. They fared little better. Lindsay, in his first taste of battle, was cool under fire, but the fire was heavy, and they advanced into the teeth of Brooks men, while the 1st Minnesota caught the British in enfilade fire from the ramparts of the fort.

Soon Davidson’s New Yorker’s were fed into the line and Dunn’s troops were forced to split their attention between the two brigades. However in doing so, a gap was opening between the section of the line between Russell’s division and Inglis’s…” Empire and Blood: British Military Operations in the 19th Century Volume IV.

“Smith, in the smoke of battle, realized a gap was opening up in the enemy lines. He relayed this news to Sumner, commanding from the edge of the village. Requesting permission to counter attack, he proposed to feed Hancock’s men into the gap and take the British from the flank. Sumner agreed and ordered him to take advantage of the British weakness.

Hancock, leading from the front, brought his men around. They were eager, fresh, and looking forward to being the attackers. The men of the 5th Wisconsin, 49th Pennsylvania, 43rd New York, and the 6th Maine were spoiling for a fight. Hancock had licked the British in Maine, and he could do it again here. Leading the charge he dashed at the head of his men, and they emerged through the smoke on Dunn’s flank.

The sudden enfilade of fire took Dunn’s men by surprise. The regulars wheeled in perfect formation to meet this sudden threat, but the overwhelming fire of Hancock’s well-handled men forced Dunn to withdraw, firing as he went. Hancock’s success emboldened Brooks troops and they too began the advance.

Sumner wrote in admiration of the beginning of the counter attack saying “Hancock behaved superbly today”…” Hancock the Superb: The Life of Winfield Scott Hancock, Charles Rivers, Newton Publishing, 2012

Hancock's decisive action would put him in good standing​

“The beginning of a general counterattack along the line allowed Sumner to move Burnside’s II Corps into action. Sending Burns’s Division to support Smith, he ordered Burnside’s men to swing around the flank to take the British at the edge of the village. Burnside complied, and led his corps into action from the camp…

…while Burnside’s troops advanced, the cavalry under Blake skirmished with the British at Fox Farm. Low’s 1st Brigade of Cavalry was holding the flank, and the appearance of the New Yorkers was assumed to be the presage to a flanking attempt. In due course Low detached riders to warm William’s of what he believed to be an impending assault on the flank. The first report was dismissed, as was the second, but the third report was far more urgent as by now Burnside’s men were shaking into line at the woods on Grant’s flank.

Williams was faced with a dilemma. On Inglis’s front he was facing a general attack, and Russell’s division was already heavily engaged in the center. His only reserve was Paulet’s 1st Division, which he intended to use to counterattack and storm the works. If this flanking attack was true he would have no reserve to commit if he went in, but if he did not commit the reserve his attack on Fort Montgomery would fail. Finally he informed Grant he would need to hold out on his own…” – The Union’s Shield: The Army of the Hudson, Donald Cameron, University of New York 1930

“Williams’s decision has remained controversial to this day, and many in London would later use it against him. Though William’s knew Grant was his possible replacement it is hard to imagine Williams’s pride allowing him to jeopardize his army. While more cynical elements in London society would simply call it an attempt to discredit Grant, others would point out that with the problems that beset Inglis’s division keeping Paulet in reserve was the best choice.

However, in the post war world, it would be held as a black mark against him. Indeed Lord Granville would relate that his rise was a conspiracy engineered by an energetic social climber and that he had been “considered something of a nincompoop at Woolwich, unfit to command in the field.”…” Empire and Blood: British Military Operations in the 19th Century Volume IV.

William's and his staff​

“Burnside’s emergence from the woods nearly enveloped Grant’s division, which by this point had curled in on itself, forming a near right angle to Blenker’s men in front and the approaching men of Casey’s division. Grant, riding up and down the line encouraged his men, and directed them as best he could, but soon superior numbers began to tell, and slowly, surely, he was pushed back. Soon his brigades were making contact with Russell’s men, still stalled in the bloody fighting at Haldon Farm.

Casey’s spirited counter attack forced the two British divisions nearly into one another’s arms, and they began withdrawing north to connect with Inglis, only to find Americans in contact with them…

Burn’s men advanced into the gap Hancock had exploited and were soon engaged along the line with Inglis. The fighting was particularly bloody, and Inglis himself was shot and killed as he attempted to keep the flank secure. It was here that William’s threw in the 1st Division.

As ever Paulet’s men, disciplined and unflappable, plugged the gap, reuniting the line with Russell’s troops just on the border. Once again the disciplined volley fire drove the Union back and mowed men down in their hundreds. Despite even Hancock’s valor after Smith fell leading the way, the Union men could not close with the 1st Division, allowing the remainder to slip north...

…The fighting would rage on and off until 6pm, and it was only as Lawrenson’s cavalry began to harass Burnside’s flanks that a general advance ceased. Paulet’s rearguard action allowed the remainder of the army to slip away to their positions on the Lacolle River. Bleeding and broken they would lick their wounds back north, while Sumner did not have the means to pursue. The Parthian shot by Collinson’s returning gunboats put that in plain perspective…” – The Union’s Shield: The Army of the Hudson, Donald Cameron, University of New York 1930

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1] Whom I hope you remember from Chapter 25.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 32: To Meet the Enemy
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“The two squadrons on Lake Champlain were similar in composition. Each contained ironclads and wooden steam gunboats, and while the British squadron was inferior in ironclads, she was superior in wooden gun vessels and in the weight of metal thrown by broadside.

The British squadron, with its flag in the ironclad Richelieu, was composed of Richelieu(7), Yamaska(7), and Lawrence(7), with the wooden vessels Sepoy(4), Bullfrog(4), Carnation(4), Spanker(4), Sandfly(4), Herring(4), Cherub(2), and Netley(2). The squadron assembled had some 4,161 tons together and an impressive throw weight with 49 guns. The Albacore class vessels Sepoy and Bullfrog did not carry their full potential armament of weapons, instead carrying two 24pd howitzers each for the purposes of bombardment of our works at Fort Montgomery. The remaining vessels carried between them, 32pd and 68pd weapons, especially new Armstrong guns which were superior in throw weight to anything our squadrons possessed at the time.

Collinson had, in the waters available to him, drilled and maneuvered his squadron so far as he was able. In the fast running waters of the Richelieau and St. Lawrence however, this was far from an ideal environment to drill his crews which were a combination of regular British seamen, and lakers joining from Canada. Beneath him were an experienced set of officers, with service in the late Russian War, and some service in China and constricted waters. Collinson, true to his experience in China and in his many explorations, had taken careful soundings as far south in the river and on the lake as he could, and so was well aware of any hazards which might be lurking ahead of his squadron.

Collinson was new to command​

Winslow, with his flag on Albany, had his squadron comprised of four ironclads, Albany(8) St. Albans(8), Plattsburgh(8), Troy(8), and the wooden gunboats United States(4), Boston(2), Burlington(2), General Greene(2), and Shelburne(2). This totaling 40 guns and a total tonnage of 3,783 tons, but with a drastically inferior throw weight compared to the British squadron. It should be noted that the ironclads were by far the most powerful vessels, each carrying two 8 inch guns in their chase armament, and six 32pd guns in a broadside. The smaller gunboats carried an eclectic mix of 32pd and 24pd weapons, with the United States carrying a single 43pd gun alongside a 32pd in her armament. Despite being strengthened by timber, these auxiliary vessels were woefully inferior to their British built counterparts, which were made for war.

Winslow however, had the advantage in drill over the British. While one could make many great claims for British training, it cannot be disputed that their time in the restricted waters of the St. Lawrence, and Collinson’s lack of experience in squadron command, greatly hindered their effectiveness in drill. Winslow meanwhile, could use the whole of Lake Champlain to run and drill his men in formation and gunnery as necessary. Such should be taken into account when examining the outcome of this battle, especially with the oft derided performance of American seamen by British authors who denounce them as “amateurs” on the water. They forget the strength in formation and gunnery displayed by the American squadron that day…

William’s had wisely kept his gunboats back from the opening bombardment, allowing a modicum of surprise to be achieved. However, he did not expect the American squadron to be nearby.

Winslow had been exercising his squadron in the upper waters of the Lake and so was ready to maneuver to meet the unexpected thrust of the enemy…

…Collinson’s squadron was moving south, his ironclads leading with the gunboats trailing behind. Collinson was aware of Winslow’s squadron as his lookouts were quick to sight the telltale signs of our vessels at work. Leading the way in his flag, Collinson determined to display some of the Nelson touch and so ordered his vessels into a rough line, which was ragged in appearance as it formed. Abandoning previous discussion, he included Sepoy and Bullfrog in his line, determined to add their weight in metal to the bombardment.

Winslow, rightly fearing for his auxiliaries, formed his vessels into two divisions and hove to, using his better armor to hopefully shield his smaller vessels from early British fire. Collinson had committed a grave error in his assumption of line, for only his flag could fire her chaser mounts to engage Winslow as the two squadrons moved to meet one another. Winslow, under no such impediment, opened fire early with ranging shots from his vessels 8inch guns. Solid shot flew, but though he scored early hits he made little headway against the British armor.

Gallantly though, Winslow strove in, closing the range to 200 yards, and opened up with his broadsides. His weaker guns having less power than his chasers, he waited to fire upon the wooden vessels of the British line, in doing so he sacrificed his own armor to give his auxiliaries the chance to strike home against Collinson’s ironclads. Though his line was ragged, Collinson’s gunners fired true, and the first volley ripped through the thinner armor of Winslow’s vessels. Albany was spared the worst of the fire, but Plattsburgh, in the middle of the line, took the full brunt of Collinson’s first barrage.

The vessel shuddered as she was pierced by numerous 68pd shot, and was soon bombarded with abuse from the wooden consorts of Collinson’s squadron. Her sacrifice however, bought time for the wooden vessels to run the ironclads guns and engage their British counterparts in close.

Drawing off the wooden vessels, Winslow was able to turn and bring his heavier guns to bear against the now turning British vessels. The 8inch guns fared well, discomforting Yamaska as she turned to engage the oncoming ironclads and dismounting one of her 68pd mounts. Collinson showed his lack of familiarity with his vessels capabilities by again attempting to form a line, but with his ships turning to fire their chase mounts before again maneuvering to engage.

The heavier broadsides again told, as on this pass the heavily damaged Plattsburgh would be battered into submission, with her steering disabled by the ferocity of shots, and she began to veer wildly away from the action. Winslow himself would be wounded in this pass, and all of his vessels would take moderate damage from the heavier broadside of the British vessels. Though Collinson’s tactics were relatively uninspired, the sheer weight of shot he could bring to bear, and the inferiority of the armor schemes in Winslow’s ironclads, showed that the fight was not presently winnable, and Winslow would order his ships to withdraw southwards.

His wooden vessels had been engaged with the more numerous British vessels, and there too the heavy armament told. Lt. Dewey, aboard United States, led a generally futile, if gallant, action against his more numerous British opponents. Here he would see the inferiority of his own vessels do him ill, as even in the melee he had helped bring on, his shot was not enough to truly discomfort purpose built warships. Though his own command would compel the gunboat Cherub to withdraw with serious damage, that did not prevent the loss of General Greene, nor the hard knocks he took against the far more numerous British vessels.

When the order to disengage came, he kept his ships well in hand and moved off to join the ironclads…

…Plattsburgh would come to a burning stop on the far side of the lake, her crew scuttling her to prevent her capture by Canadian patrols. She would be the only ironclad lost that day, but it would set an example for the necessity of more robust designs…” The Naval War of 1862, Theodore Roosevelt Jr., New York University Press, 1890

Winslow's gallantry would not go unrewarded​

“Even the victory on Lake Champlain could do little to prevent the recriminations that would follow.

Williams had almost immediately begun penning a detailed report explaining why he had chosen (rather than been forced) to withdraw in the face of the enemy. He would explain that the enemies superior numbers, and their strength on the defence had compelled him to remove himself to his own entrenchments or face annihilation. The enemy was simply too strong in his own country, and why should a British army discomfort itself when their objectives were met on their own soil? He would spend more time writing this than properly clamping down on his officers in the immediate aftermath, and would find himself with few friends within the ranks as winter set in.” Blood and Daring: The War of 1862 and how Canada forged a Nation, Raymond Green, University of Toronto Press, 2002

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 33: The Test of Command
​

“The interval between the decay of the old and the formation and establishment of the new constitutes a period of transition which must always necessarily be one of uncertainty, confusion, error, and wild and fierce fanaticism.” – John C. Calhoun, A Disquisition on Government, 1851

“The Second Battle of Centreville was, in many respects, an anticlimax. Though Johnston had been uncharacteristically swift to follow up his pursuit of McClellan following his victory on the Rappahannock, his execution of his battle plan was lackluster.

Despite his desire to launch a coordinated attack, over the three days of fighting he would commit Longstreet and Jackson’s divisions piecemeal, feeding Jackson in slowly at Manassas Junction on the 9th, and then adding Longstreet to the dawn attacks on the 10th, keeping Magruder’s Wing in reserve. So when the two corps broke through the defenses of Mansfield’s corps’ and took the Junction, they were in no shape to mount an effective flanking maneuver as Johnston said he intended would take place.

McClellan’s counter attack on the 11th simply rolled over Smith’s troops holding in front of Centreville, and it would be up to Magruder to stem the tide. Only Whiting’s division would again perform flawlessly in stymying Porter’s men and singlehandedly holding out against three to one odds as the battle raged.

Johnston chose to retire in the face of a numerically superior enemy which no doubt prevented many needless casualties, though he would again disobey directives from President Davis and retreat to the Rappahannock. This incensed Davis, who ranted against his “precipitous general” as a “puffed up fowl caught preening one too many times by the weasel.” This would necessitate his removal from command of the Arny of Northern Virginia. In his place he would appoint Robert E. Lee, who had been serving as his military adviser since March.

Lee’s choice was not universally popular at first. Many still remembered the inauspicious events of his Western Virginia Campaign in late 1861, where despite superior numbers he had been beaten by McClellan. He had earned the nickname “Evacuating Lee” in the press, and during his time in South Carolina he had been nicknamed “The King of Spades” for his role in merely digging trenches. Indeed many in Richmond saw it as Davis appointing the first available man simply out of pique with Johnston, whom all knew had been on progressively worsening terms with the President. It did not help that Johnston was then appointed to Lee’s old posting in the Department of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, which many saw as a backwater posting.

However, other officers would have this time to shine…

Robert E. Lee, new commander of the Army of Northern Virginia​

Whiting would receive his promotion to Major General in late September…

Hooker perhaps received the greatest gift. Though dismayed at the serious wounds suffered by Heintzelman, here was an opportunity to climb the ranks. Hooker would be appointed to the command if III Corps in the aftermath of the battle, and would shake up the overall command of his new corps. Through the fighting his corps had suffered, not only with its commander severely wounded, but with one its division commanders wounded as well. Now Hooker had to promote two men to prime slots.

One was the notorious Daniel Sickles, whose Excelsior Brigade had earned just fame on the Rappahannock and at Manassas, and the one armed general Phillip Kearny. Each man was a supporter and confidant of Hooker, and with each division now under men whom Hooker personally trusted and supported, Hooker felt comfortable making certain changes in the overall organization of his Corps.

He instituted an overall Corps insignia, to make sure his men recognized where they were in battle, and handed out insignia at the brigade level to ensure men knew which unit they were attached to. Though his Corps headquarters would be described as “something akin to a saloon and a brothel” it would be recognized as one of the most well drilled Corps in the whole army, with Rosecrans saying “say what one will of Hooker’s particular vices, but the men following him are neat in their organization, and fierce in their pride, truly an army of vice.”

Rosecrans himself was growing tired under McClellan’s command. Despite earning honors for himself and V Corps at the Rappahannock, he had again been held in reserve at Centreville. His corps was now the strongest in the army, and he would write McClellan reminding of this fact, to which McClellan would brusquely inform him “It does not go without saying sir, that a reserve is meant to be strong.” The simmering tension between the two officers would continue to increase…” To Arms!: The Great American War, Sheldon Foote, University of Boston 1999.

The first iteration of the III Corps insignia ​

“Lincoln found himself buoyed for the first time in many months with news of disasters for the British and Confederates. True the news from Nashville and Augusta was disheartening, but with the main armies of the enemy stopped on all fronts besides, he seemed to regain much of his old confidence. News of Johnson’s failed attempts to cross the Salt River under the guns of Thomas merely added to his present euphoria.

His continued discussion of the issue of slavery in private, finally came to a head with the victories of 1862. Lincoln had decided that now the nation would need to gamble…” Snakes and Ladders: The Lincoln Administration and America’s Darkest Hour, Hillary Saunders, Scattershot Publishing, 2003

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 34: A Nation’s Struggles​

The White House, Washington, the District of Columbia, October 1862

The library of the Executive Mansion usually catered to the tastes of each incoming president. Presently almost every surface was overflowing with books on war and politics, and many had hasty bookmarks or were haphazardly strewn about the room, but that seemed to be mostly for the purposes of the present meeting. In as was usual the Cabinet was meeting on a Friday, but as was usual with the acrimonious nature of debates regarding the conduct of the war and the issue of slavery, many were ill tempered. The arguments had raged back and forth since July, firstly regarding Lincoln’s insistence reigning in the radical members of his own party, and then regarding how to counter the perceived rise of the Democratic partisans who were daily decrying Lincoln’s handling of the war.

However, Lincoln’s most recent announcement had made men thoughtful.

“I must say sir, I am in concert with your ideas here.” Stanton said. He seemed thoughtful from his seat and pondered the issue. “Reports come now daily from the lines where we can see the material advantage the Southern slaves give them. Every slave behind the lines means one more man who can hold a rifle to kill our boys.”

“That of course does not answer the question of whether they will fight.” The new Secretary of the Interior, John Usher said. Stanton snorted.

“Oh come John, we can’t have this argument again? We’ve all read the reports from Mount Pelion. If British negroes are willing to don a red coat and kill our boys for the Queen why then would a Southern negro not put on a blue jacket and kill his former masters for his freedom?”

“I believe that is the question many will be asking themselves.” Bates said. “Unless I miss my guess, the South, and not a few of the border states, will be up in arms over our encouraging slaves to their freedom. They may even fight harder for it.”

“If slaves kill their masters so much the better, it saves us the trouble.” Stanton said fiercely.

“I think,” Welles interrupted “that what John is trying to say, is that foreign nation’s may look upon our decision with some reservations as well.” The Secretary of the Navy looked over to the Attorney General who nodded.

“And what should we care that foreign nation’s protest our own internal affairs?” Montgomery Blair said scowling.

“Because my dear Monty,” Seward replied “whether we like it or not, all the eyes of the world are now settled on us. Britain has seen fit to ensure that. What we do shall be watched and judged by all civilized nations, and reflect upon our own republic forever more.”

“Waxing poetic tonight are we William?” Welle’s said with a grin. Seward chuckled and puffed from his cigar.

“It seems appropriate that I should, considering the potential import of our decision here.”

“You are right, about the import of this decision.” Lincoln said from his place by the window, looking out over the lengthening shadows near Washington as the sun set. “Slavery has existed since our republic took shape nearly a century ago, what shall become of it is now a question that cannot be laid aside lightly in this war.”

“The Lords of Europe will certainly be considering our position.” Seward said.

“I have been thinking about that.” Lincoln crossed the room to stand with the others. “I cannot imagine any European power would dare recognize the Southern Confederacy if it becomes clear that the Confederacy stands for slavery, and the Union for freedom. It is a message that must be sent.”

“But we too must consider how the people will see it.” Bates replied.

“I know you’ve assured me that any such measure I enacted with the powers given to me by this war would be legal.” Lincoln said “But we all know the border states will never go for a scheme of compensated emancipation, they said so themselves three months ago. The entire South is in arms over the issue, and so we require extraordinary measures to bring this goal to pass. Gentlemen we must act in some manner or another.”

“What concerns me, is what shall we do with them?” Bates looked thoughtful as he said it “My own people in Missouri would never consent to living next to some free negro fighting them for employment. Even now we have these camps of contrabands mucking around Washington and Maryland, and other than doing some light work for our armies we can have little use for them. I cannot imagine the nation as a whole accepting three million contrabands living here.”

“As I have said, those who might wish to depart for their homelands would be free to do so.” Lincoln said.

“Yes, but perhaps that should be a condition of freedom? What would the nation do with these down trodden millions, surely they would be happy in their own homelands?” Bates asked.

Only someone from the border states could think that way. Seward thought with a frown. Alas, but he has a point. God only knows how Kentucky will react if we go through with this proposal.

“Perhaps such a conversation can be had once we have well and truly won this war?” Lincoln said smiling.

“Of course, sir, I merely point out a problem we will have down the line.” Bates replied.

“We all know there will be some problems, if the people of the border states seek redress we can look for some form of compensation once the war is done.” Chase said. “The good Lord knows that we could pay the for the freedom of every man, woman, and child with less than a month’s expense than how much the war costs us.” Stanton rumbled an agreement, and Welles winced at the thought as well.

“Speaking for a moment, of the war gentlemen, I trust there is still no objection to our new direction?” Lincoln asked.

“By God no!” Stanton grumbled “Buell has to go no matter what some might think, Bardstown was a debacle through and through, thank God for Thomas.”

“Amen.” Seward murmured, thinking of the disaster which could have unfolded.

“Sending him off to crush those Dakota barbarians will soothe the people out west, and put him somewhere we he should be compelled to move swiftly for once. Bringing Smith back to command has merely left us with something of a problem in Canada. Halleck controls the Department of the Lakes, but with Smith gone to head the department in Tennessee we’ve put Prentiss in command of the X Corps.”

“I fail to see that problem, unless you believe Prentiss to be a poor general?” Lincoln replied.

“No, but he asks for more supplies to make another go at that Lord Melville on Mount Pelion. We simply can’t allow that, and he says he will have to withdraw without another attack.”

“Is he so eager to get whipped like Smith was?” Seward grumbled.

“Perhaps, but so far he simply doesn’t have the supplies to do so.” Stanton grumbled. “Our new directives are clear, we cannot force the issue in Canada for now.”

“Yes, I think that we should settle into winter quarters, and not expend our efforts meaningfully in Canada unless we must. In a few months the rivers will begin to freeze and the British shall be stuck in place and wanting for supplies as bad as we do now. In any event, winter will either see them come to the table, or we shall hopefully be in a position to drive them off once again.” Lincoln replied.

“In that vein though, General Grant has sent a proposal to us.” Stanton changed the debate now to a more contentious subject. Lincoln looked pained at the prospect. Seward could only sympathize. Sumner demanded more resources to chase the British away from the border, McClellan wanted one hundred thousand more men to crush Johnston, and Kentucky was on fire as the two armies faced each other across Salt River, meaning more troops had to be found to form garrisons across the increasingly confused lines. The Indians were restless from California to Colorado, and the navy needed more men and more ships at sea. Thousands had volunteered, but clothing them and arming them were straining every resource the Republic had at that moment.

“I trust he is not asking for more supplies?” Lincoln said cautiously.

“Somewhat yes,” Stanton said sheepishly “but only for the purposes of moving his men to help Pope.”

“Go on.” Lincoln replied, intrigued.

“Grant has said that if he moves, and strikes where the secesh are sensitive, Johnson will have no choice but to evacuate Kentucky, and I’m inclined to agree. Van Dorn may have forced our withdrawal from Nashville, but that leaves only Price’s men defending Memphis and the garrisons along the Mississippi. If we were to take those forts, we could again threaten Nashville from two directions, and Memphis besides. Richmond’s hold on Kentucky would be untenable, making all their gains this summer for naught.”

“It has merit.” Welles said. “If the fleet can crush the rebels on the river, we will be unobstructed in our ability to menace rebel installations along the shores, and we could even continue our successes in Arkansas, which have been paralysed due to our lack of supplies.”

“Does it seem feasible? With our current supply situation, such that it is?” Lincoln asked.

“Presently we might sustain one campaign before exhausting our stocks from this year, and Dahlgren assures me he cannot guarantee any product from his nitre beds until next year. Unless we come up with a windfall of foreign powder in the next six months we shall be resolutely on the defensive, this could be our last chance to make a difference before the year is out.” Stanton replied looking through his folio.

“We can consult with Smith once he takes command of the department.” Lincoln said, looking uncertain. “It would not be amiss to add to our victories with a show of force to bring Kentucky back in to the fold, especially if they doubt our cause in light of these current discussions.” A clock chimed and he smiled.

“For now gentlemen, we have all had a rough week, and all I ask is that you meet with me here again next Tuesday, and we can have our minds made up for a certainty.”

Norfolk, Virginia, HMS Nile, October 1862

Rear Admiral Sir Alexander Milne, commander of the North American and West Indie’s squadron peered out his stern windows and watched the ironclads go by. Churning up water in their wake on the cool October morning they gushed clouds of black smoke as they maneuvered in the waters off Norfolk. His own vessels gave them a wide berth, not trusting them completely for all their officers’ braggadocio that they could be handled as well as a gunboat. They were, in Milne’s opinion, two of the most exceedingly ugly vessels he had ever laid eyes on.

The first vessel was quite apparent in her slapdash construction, sloppy joints, and one could still see the railroad track that had been used to armor her, and she looked so much like a peaked roof afloat on the waters. Her sister was of similar construction, but with far more polish and uniform design with iron plating imported from England, making her appear less rough than her consort. Still, the tars had taken to calling the CSS Virginia and the South Carolina the “comely sisters” and soon his officers had jokingly used the name as well. Milne found it was not wrong, but perhaps impolitic to use in front of their co-belligerents in this conflict.

The two vessels were principally engaged in defending the Confederate base at Norfolk and their fortifications at Fort Monroe, largely as the basis for the Confederacies first real naval squadron under their Admiral Franklin Buchanan. She had been joined by two fast cruisers built in Britain, the Alabama and the Texas, and a slew of smaller gunboats that assisted his own squadron in controlling the waters of the Chesapeake. Not that they knew very much of their trade in Milne’s estimation, since they bombarded himself and his officers with questions. He didn’t mind helping them learn, the more they could do to vex the Yankees the better.

He quirked a smile, only six months with them and he was already thinking of the two sides as separate peoples. What would London say? Indeed that was becoming a topic of conversation just as earnest as naval matters. For every one question regarding the handling of their ships, the officers of the Confederate navy asked two regarding London’s stance on the Confederacy and the war. Visitors from Richmond, including their own naval secretary, had come calling inquiring the same thing. Milne could only commit to the position of his government, which so far was nothing. He wondered how long that might last.

His reverie was interrupted as his aide, Lieutenant Hall entered with dispatches from his various squadrons.

“The dispatches from Halifax and Cochrane’s squadron sir.” Hall said handing him the papers.

“Thank you lieutenant.” Milne replied taking them and scanning the papers. Some was what he expected. Johnstone’s squadron was largely being broken up and sent to reinforce the others squadrons or relieve vessels on station for refit and repairs, while a small force was kept to aid the garrison and discomfort the Federal army still lurking around Portland, while supporting the garrisons along the coasts who kept Maine under occupation. The Bay of Fundy was now, barring the occasional American raider, a British lake.

His remaining squadrons were still engaged in stopping up American commerce, and maintaining the blockade of the coasts. The officers were basking in the aftermath of Massachusetts Bay, seeing it as having recovered their honor after the events at Little Gull Island, but Milne felt it was a small salve for the cost of their operations.

“And London expects me to do the service required of corvettes and sloops with liners.” Milne snorted as he read the dismaying reports of the poor state of most of those battleships on station. Those in the north could retire to Halifax, or now Portland, while those here had to retire to Bermuda to undergo repairs suffered from storms or gales. He feared for the fleet now that winter was approaching.

“At least sir,” Hall ventured “the weather might make us rid of them. Perhaps we will only keep on those serving as flags for the various squadrons.”

“I do sincerely hope Hall.” Milne said looking out his stern windows again as the profile HMS Diadem glided over the waters to take up her station. “This war has not been inexpensive in vessels or men, but we have accomplished much these last six months, and I hope Cochrane can accomplish more at Portsmouth once his squadron gets there. I do look forward to reading that report.”

“Ah yes, I should add sir, will we be entertaining Colonel Freemantle aboard or ashore this afternoon?”

“No, aboard Nile I think. Better that our friends here at Norfolk not gossip too much about our observer from Virginia, I don’t want tongues wagging in a manner that may disquiet minds in London.” Milne said, and Hall nodded. He would see to the preparations.

Freemantle had come from Gibraltar in May to observe the armies in Virginia, and report on the performance of their co-belligerents in this war. He had written glowingly of the successes at the Rappahannock, and praised many of the commanders, even writing that the reverse at Manassas Junction was only temporary. He seemed to be coming around to Milne’s view that the army in Virginia could suit British plans, and he hoped to add the man’s voice to his reports to the Admiralty.

Yes he and Freemantle had much to discuss, but no need to get his hosts hopes up just yet. Not just yet.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 35: Nations at War
​

Cambridge House, London, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, October 1862

Night was falling in London. The illumination of thousands of lamps and windows across the city creating a sea of lights nearly enough to block out the stars. And it seemed to try, a fitting example of a great city of three million people at the heart of, to its inhabitants, the most powerful empire on Earth. And in one home, with its own fire crackling to keep out the autumn chill, the political head of that empire sat and pondered.

The Lord Palmerston, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and soon to turn 77, sat with a warm cup of tea in his hands conversing not all together pleasantly with his guests. It was only two guests tonight, he knew Emily would insist on a great show for his birthday so he hoped to limit unnecessary social interaction until then. Lord Russell, now the Earl Russell, his Foreign Minister, sat with him, alongside his Minister of War Sir George Cornwall Lewis. He hoped that Russell, or perhaps Lewis, would succeed him to the helm of the Liberal Party should be pass away before the end of this war. He had to suppress a shiver at the thought of Gladstone taking his place.

That however, was not the point of tonight’s conversation.

“Six months, six months and we were to have peace.” Palmerston said bitterly. “I ask you, does this look like peace? Six thousand men lost at Rouse Point, and the Americans chattering away in the papers about Saratoga and crowing about a great victory in all the capitals of Europe.”

“Saratoga is more a symbolic allusion I think.” Lewis said sipping his tea. “Burgoyne and his whole army were captured there, here Williams has simply turned tail and run. The army is, for now, intact.”

“And how long shall it remain intact if this miraculously huge army suddenly crosses the border? A month? Two? Will they be marching on Montreal as they did in their little revolution?”

“I imagine some hope they might. As I recall it did go poorly for the last American army which made it to Quebec.” Lewis replied.

“I would rather it not come to that.” Palmerston scowled and drummed his fingers on his seat.

“Then perhaps,” Lewis began slowly “we could consider making overtures of peace? An armistice would certainly put an end to our present worries over Canada. Our successes in Maine and on the seas are undeniable, and we can be sure the blockade is taking its toll if the reports we have had are correct.”

“And despite the Americans bellowing in the papers, other than the tsar in St. Petersburg, no other great power is interested in getting involved. Napoleon is digging himself deeper in Mexico, and the Spanish seem more interested in gallivanting about the Caribbean what with their occupation of Hispaniola.” Russell said.

“I think that soon, we may hear from the Americans themselves.” Lewis replied.

“That, so far has not been enough.” Palmerston snapped “With the debacle at Little Gull Island a few months back Somerset has much to answer for, and now Williams has made us look proper fools after our victories across the summer! We shall not go meekly crawling to the table to negotiate now!”

“Then what is to be done?” Lewis asked.

“When we went to war with Russia to curb their ambitions in ’53 we did not go far enough to tame the bear. We certainly did better in China, teaching them a lesson by burning the emperor’s palace. It is harsh terms we need gentlemen, harsh terms. I won’t have the Americans thinking they can spite us with impunity. No nation can tread on the flag of Britain without consequence. That is what the world must learn!”

“Then I suppose we must consider our options. Should we perhaps, organize a force for another descent along the coasts? Take some coastal city to tighten the blockade?” Russell asked. Palmerston shook his head.

“No, we need every man in Canada to hold the line. I’m sure we can get the navy to muster some suitable demonstration to remind them what happened to Portland can happen anywhere. Somerset will see to it. We must send the army out, not get a repeat of this Rouse Point incident.”

“Which means Williams will have to go.” Lewis said flatly. Palmerston grimaced.

“Replacing him will ruffle a few feathers I’m sure, but it must be done.”

“And who is to succeed him?” Russell inquired.

“It can be mooted at the next Cabinet meeting.” He was referring to the War Cabinet of course, the rest of the Ministry was taking almost a secondary concern with the events of the war. “In the meantime, perhaps we should move a division from Maine to Canada and strengthen the army there. We need little but to hold our gains there. Perhaps rummage something up in the Pacific, but we must keep the Americans in fear.”

“A strong word perhaps.” Lewis said.

“Bah, they must be taught a stiff lesson, and I mean to teach it to them. With an army marching down the Hudson perhaps they will see reason.”

“Or perhaps on Washington?” Lewis said speculatively. “The sharp lesson delivered there did put them in their place in 1814 after all.” Palmerston looked off in thought for a few moments and nodded.

“Yes perhaps there is something in that. We will need every man available for such an expedition.” Palmerston said.

“That will be difficult.” Lewis replied. Palmerston gave him a flat look and Lewis spread his hands. “Just getting some four divisions to Canada, and three to Maine has stripped almost every available battalion in the British Isles and the Mediterranean, we have only six battalions of infantry remaining, plus the Guards brigade here in London, alongside the cavalry establishments. Nearly every battery of artillery has been shipped to North America, and many of our coastal fortresses are now manned by militia and Volunteers.”

“I fail to see the problems, we are surely secure on our own shores?” Palmerston said scowling. It galled him to think the expensive fortifications he had built along the Channel might be dismissed.

“Perhaps, but the Royal Commission disagrees as they presented in their findings. They are all respected men in their fields, and we cannot, nor should not discount them. This is aside the issue of raising the men to replace our losses in the field. Our reports indicate many battalions are down to half strength and will need men to fill the ranks for any spring campaign. We can rely on volunteers, and the men from the depots, but soon we will have to raise more men.”

“Gladstone will see fit to howl. He’s made a point of reminding us of the cost of this war.” Russell said irritably.

“The cost of our sacred honor shall never be too high.” Palmerston said resolutely. Russell nodded.

“Of course sir.” Lewis replied. “We must though, consider how to sustain ourselves. If there is to be further struggle, we must find them men, and the Admiralty is already pushing for increased spending, not to mention our subsidies to the Province of Canada already.”

“It is true. Something must be done. We can hardly go about recalling men from the colonies, we would leave our frontiers dangerously exposed, what would the Russians think?” Russell said. Palmerston looked at each man in turn and gave a heavy sigh.

“We must then gentlemen, be prepared to commit further resources to this war. What nature that will take we can debate at the next cabinet meeting. However, let me be clear, the might of Britain shall not be underestimated, and we shall ensure that the Disunited States shall be taught a red lesson. I really should speak to that insufferable little envoy from Richmond again then. It may prove useful. Useful indeed.”


Headquarters, Army of Canada, St. Jean, Canada East, October 1862

St. Jean was a hive of activity. Officers and riders galloping along the now corduroyed roads, wagons vying for space with infantrymen marching here and there, shouted orders, and curses, from officers and men the whole way. It was military chaos at its finest.

In the distance the whistle of steamships on the Richelieu could be heard, and the cry of a train setting back for Montreal was even audible over the noise. John A. Macdonald, Premier of Canada, was almost sad to hear it go. He took a nip of gin from his flask and wiped his mouth in a manner the British officers and gentlemen would have found most uncouth, he was not overly concerned. Accompanying him was his own little tail of officers and men. His assistant and secretary, Bernard Hewitt, his military attaché, Col. Lysons, and his ever present partner in crime Cartier accompanied him this day. It was not a particularly good day, Macdonald reflected.

The mood amongst the soldiers he passed was angry, some looked scared. He was less concerned with the men in Imperial red, than he was with the Volunteers he had come to visit. He remembered well how setbacks and rumours could upset a nation, he had seen it himself in 1837. He and his companions rode north through the town, heading for the sprawling encampment which had grown up just beyond the town itself.

“And here I thought Ottawa smelled.” Cartier said jocularly looking at the sea of tents and cabins that had grown up before them. The main encampment of the Army of Canada was almost like a city to itself, with neat roads and even signs directing men where to go. Williams was clearly preparing his winter quarters.

“That sir,” Lysons said “is the army for you.” Macdonald chuckled.

“A damn prettier site than what is to be the erstwhile capital of our little colony, I must say. If you ever miss the army life here Lysons, go to Ottawa, you’ll find the reek, the drinking, the brawling, just perhaps not the order you’re used to.” The colonel smiled at that and Hewitt chuckled too.

The notables made their way down the wooden thoroughfares and arrived exactly where they desired to be. The 3rd Brigade, 2nd Division, Army of Canada was under the command of Col. Fox-Pitt-Rivers, and it was comprised of, other than the good colonel himself, all Canadians. These were men, French and English from the Province of Canada who had turned out to fight wholeheartedly when the crisis began. They stood now formed up nicely for inspection when Macdonald arrived. Colonel Fox saluted and stepped forward smartly.

“Mr. Premier, I am pleased to present to you, the 3rd Brigade.”

“Thank you Colonel Fox.” Macdonald said nodding and taking in the Volunteers and their officers. They were crisp, looking splendid in their red tunics, their weapons held smartly at attention. He paced up and down the ranks, looking as though he knew what he was looking for. Here Colonel Abbot and his men of the 11th looked smart, Abbot being a considerable number of pounds lighter if the sag in his uniform was any measure, and grinned as he praised their soldierly bearing. He made the same for the 9th Volunteers under de Salaberry, and asked Cartier to translate his remarks for him. Finally he looked at the 1st under Colonel Devlin.

“Well Colonel Devlin, I must say, it’s a proud legacy you and yours bear as the first lads to take up arms for the Queen way back when. From all I hear you’ve performed quite well in the field, from Lacolle to giving good honors at Rouse Point.” Macdonald remarked.

“Rouse Point was only a temporary set back sir!” Devlin barked in a very military fashion. “Should we go at them again we’ll chase them all the way to Albany!”

“Then by God sir, I think I can proudly say if the Yankees come back you’ll give them a licking they won’t soon forget!” Macdonald proclaimed, clapping the colonel on the shoulder. He received a hearty cheer from the men, but something of a frown from Fox and Lysons. No accounting for the sensibilities of British officers.

Offering nips from his flask to men noted for bravery, and a few more encouraging words, he was given the honor of dismissing the men before he turned back towards St. Jean. It wasn’t until he was safely on the train heading back towards Montreal that he began to discuss the truly unpleasant business ahead.

“Most of the militia companies are down to half strength.” He said quietly. “I think we all know what that means.”

“Unfortunately yes.” Cartier frowned. “A new call for volunteers to fill out the ranks.”

“I can only hope that with the ardor shown last year, we can get a similar showing this year.” Macdonald said taking a deep nip of gin and sighing happily.

“If we do not though,” Lysons said levelly “it will be the ballot.”

“By God I’m afraid of that.” Macdonald replied. “We’d be drawing largely on the population of Canada East, and they’re not like to be enthusiastic at the prospect. Volunteering is one thing, but being made to join against their will…”

“It simply will not do.” Cartier said nodding.

“You can’t seriously expect trouble from them?” Lysons said frowning. “The rebels were crushed decades ago, and this is a war with national survival at stake, for their church and traditions. Surely they wouldn’t contemplate spurning the Crown?”

“The French character is never easy to predict. Men who were loyal yesterday might take up arms against the Crown tomorrow if they find suitable reason to. I should know, I did once. And that misguided minority that caused so much misery in ’37 still draws breath at the Institut in Montreal.” Cartier said looking thoughtful. Lysons frowned at him.

“For now my dear colonel,” Macdonald said taking another swig of gin and feeling the pleasant tingling as it began to take effect “we must hope it doesn’t come to that. War has the problem of changing things faster than men can react, and I for one have no desire to see how fast things change if the war becomes intolerable here in Canada.”

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 36: Fraught with Consequences​

“If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.... I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free.” – Lincoln’s letter to Horace Greeley, August 22nd, 1862

“Politically, the situation in 1862 had gotten off to a poor start for the Republican Party. The gubernatorial elections in New York and New Jersey had seen the Republican governors cast out and replaced with Milliard Fillmore and Joel Parker respectively. Both men supported the war, but represented a vocal portion of the population who saw the Republicans as mismanaging the war effort, especially after the Black Month in August. In the House the Republicans took a beating losing 26 seats, while the Democrats picked up 31, largely due to anger over new taxes, inflation, and the handling of the war. In the Senate a similar story was told with the Party barely holding on and winning a single seat, placing it just above a precipitous deadlock at 30 Republicans to 29 Democrats.

The pro-war Democrats, and even those in favor of peace with the South, were inflamed by the intervention of England in what was seen as an American quarrel. However, some pro-peace men remained, but were in the minority for wishing for a general peace in 1862. The subsequent handling of the war, and the intervention of a foreign power, was seen as a failing on the part of the Lincoln government. Coupled with higher taxes, the loss of trade, and the economic struggles that came with the expanded war, the Democrats had a firm leg to stand on in the midterm elections and used their grievances like “a dagger in the back” wrote an angry Seward and Lincoln would, only half joking, refer to the “fire in the rear” at the heart of the nation…” Snakes and Ladders: The Lincoln Administration and America’s Darkest Hour, Hillary Saunders, Scattershot Publishing, 2003

Governors Joel Parker and Milliard Fillmore would both unseat Republican opponents in the governors races of 1862​

“Though Lincoln’s choice to decide on a great course of action was in the eyes of many, the least politically advantageous, it must be said that it was the most moral choice. Indeed in a conflict that had cost so many lives it was one that took great moral courage, and Lincoln, was indeed a man of moral courage.

This decision, it must be stressed, was only possible with the string of victories Union arms had carried in September. Even with these victories it was perhaps difficult to imagine such a firm move towards the right. Only a man of such great calibre as Lincoln himself could have seen so firmly to make it. Through deep thought and contemplation, and communion with God, did he bring himself to this decision, and thus set the standard for the measure against which all future interactions with the African peoples could be measured…” The First Emancipation, Abraham Carver, Booker University, Alabama, 1930

“On Tuesday, October 21st, Lincoln called the members of the Cabinet to the Executive Mansion. There, he unveiled the fourth draft of his Emancipation Proclamation. In it, he outlined his order for the freedom of all slaves in the rebelling states through their forfeiture as property by their disloyal masters. He would stress, in time honored legalistic language, that this was an order carried out with his wartime powers, and had military implications. This of course, was well within the evidence of the Southern use of slaves for military purposes.

The acrimonious debates across the summer, slowly muted since September, were only marginally in evidence when this revelation burst amongst the cabinet. It was not a total shock, as Lincoln had been slowly sounding out each member in their views on slavery and the contraband issue since June. Stanton, Welles, Blair, Usher, and Seward (who had, unlike the others, seen every draft of the Proclamation) gave their unreserved support. There were however, two notable reservations.

Attorney General Bates, a border state man through and through, had significant reservations about the legality of the act. Though he supported the act in spirit, he realized that his fellow border state men fought “for the Union as it was” and had little interest in the freedom of slaves. Indeed he echoed the sentiment that “fifty thousand bayonets that stood for us may now be turned against us.” His greatest objection though, was that this might be challenged in the courts post war without a firm legal precedent.

Chase’s opposition was an entirely different beast. Though firmly in the radical camp, he understood immediately that this could curtail any chance he had of unseating the president and claiming his place on the ticket in 1864. Could they not, he argued, put off such a proclamation until another time? Preferably when political and military realities seemed less bleak? He encouraged Lincoln to wait, and per Welles’s notes was “the loudest and most argumentative man among us that day. Seeking every dodge, and every objection to the proclamation.” However, as the arguments wore on, he became the only voice in opposition and finally assented to Lincoln’s desires that it should be issued.

Lincoln would answer these pessimistic objections adroitly, “I wish it were a better time. I wish we were in a better condition. The action of the armies in Canada and Virginia could have been better than what they were. However, now is the time, and now is when I shall issue it.”

He declared then he would give the South over one hundred days to acquiesce and submit to arbitration, and perhaps join in the struggle against their former enemies. If not, come February 22nd 1863, all those in bondage to the Southern aristocrats would be “now and forever free” from their toils. On the 22nd of October he announced it to the nation…” Snakes and Ladders: The Lincoln Administration and America’s Darkest Hour, Hillary Saunders, Scattershot Publishing, 2003

The First Reading​

“It is perhaps difficult for the modern reader to understand the true import of those events in 1862. Truly Bates worries that the Democratic Party would use the Proclamation “as a club” were well founded, but almost all of the Cabinet, save Seward, underestimated the powerful moral effect this would have, both at home and abroad. While when the Proclamation was issued on the 22nd it did not meet with universal approval, the dissention of Democrats to a man was not unexpected, it at least had the effect of smoothing over many of the fractious debates that had existed in the Republican Party. For the Radicals it did not go far enough, but their leading men, Charles Sumner, Benjamin Wade, Thaddeus Stevens, and Henry Wilson, were unanimous in their support, but scathing in their criticism at the “tepid” (Stevens) nature of that Proclamation. While recognizing the importance of supporting such a move, many remained quietly scheming in the background.

Democrats for their part, turned their ire on the administration with a vengeance. Lieutenant Governor of New York Horatio Seymour would write “If it be true that slavery must be abolished to save this Union, then the people of the South should be allowed to withdraw themselves from the government which cannot guarantee them the protection by its terms. In doing so, we shall be allowed to continue this struggle with England unhindered.” Many would go further than that, declaring the whole war unpalatable if it were in service to “the religious fanaticism of abolitionists” The Democratic Party of Ohio would go one step further in November, amending their publications with the party slogan to read “The Constitution as it is, the Union as it was, and the niggers where they are.”

In this the Democrats firmly made it a racial as well as national struggle, which would play a key part in the draft resistance in 1863…

For all the rancor regarding the Proclamation, it was clear that Lincoln had now “rethought the nature of the war” with his decision going forward. Far from the now infamous waffler he seemed in August with his open letter to Horace Greely, he now set himself on a course for a war just as revolutionary as the later struggle of 1915. Its nature would of course, exceed the confines of the current conflict. Welles would be uncannily prophetic when he wrote that the decision was “fraught with consequences, immediate and remote, such as human foresight could not penetrate.” To Arms!: The Great American War, Sheldon Foote, University of Boston 1999.

Ride for Liberty - The Fugitive Slaves, 1862​

“The struggle that then took place, was truly the first of the revolutionary struggles that would ignite the South. Not since the enlightened guidance of Nat Turner had those held in bondage seen such light shining forth. While it would be a long struggle until the true liberation we enjoy today was found, it is without a doubt that any historian can trace it to this divinely inspired passage that it began…

This news spread like wildfire across the North and South, and then to the Palaces of Europe across the Atlantic. Predictably, the aristocrats of the South would deride it as inhuman and unfair and step up their oppression. The Lords of Europe of course, fearing as they do now the true and proper light of God given liberty, sneered at its contents and looked down their noses upon us. But we of bonded blood knew better.

First steps are always the most important, and who could deny that this true chance at freedom did not make more than one man simply dash for freedom as so many of our ancestors can attest?” The First Emancipation, Abraham Carver, Booker University, Alabama, 1930

 

[EnglishCanuck]

This is, my humble attempt to suss out the reasoning and the display the first reactions to Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation as it is being presented here in TTL in October 1862. For reference you should regard all the narrative chapters preceding this chapter as taking place before October 22nd. The decision to have the proclamation signed into law on the 22nd of February is not even remotely a coincidence in case you're wondering.

I hope I have managed to make the reasons why Lincoln decides to issue it clear, and why he issues it now in October rather than September as historically. Then issues some might take with it and reactions from future historians on how it is looked at.

We shall return to the foreign (British, Confederate, and general European) reactions at a later date as they will be mixed in with reactions to military events which will be taking place in November and December...

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 37: Fair Shakes Pt. 1​

God save the South, God save the South,
Her altars and firesides, God save the South!
Now that the war is nigh, now that we arm to die,
Chanting our battle cry, "Freedom or death!"
Chanting our battle cry, "Freedom or death!"

God be our shield, at home or afield,
Stretch Thine arm over us, strengthen and save.
What tho' they're three to one, forward each sire and son,
Strike till the war is won, strike to the grave!
Strike till the war is won, strike to the grave! – God Save the South, George Henry Miles, 1861

“Lee’s first command of the Army of Northern Virginia, would not prove exceptional. Having taken command from an unfortunate Johnston, he would move to quickly try and strike a blow against the Federals. His first choice of target would be the seemingly exposed I Corps under Mansfield at Fredericksburg…

Mansfield, at 58, was a career soldier. Entering the army in 1822 he had served with distinction in Mexico, being wounded and twice breveted for his actions in that war. His I Corps seen action at Centreville in June, and then again in September where it had been thrown from its defenses at Manassas Junction, but Mansfield, despite his continuing skepticism towards the volunteers, had reorganized them and been ordered to the relatively quiet posting at Fredericksburg, covering the extreme left of McClellan’s positions. He had entrenched his men on Stafford Heights, with guns covering the approach from the city of Fredericksburg and Falmouth…

General Mansfield​

…Lee determined that this task could be carried out by Smith’s Wing, and moved to personally oversee what he envisioned as a flanking assault to clear the way for his remaining wings to cross the Rappahannock and once again assault Manassas Junction. To further ensure his chances of success, he would dispatch Jackson to the Valley to drive the Federals out and weaken McClellan before hopefully pushing him north and into the entrenchments of Washington, leaving Lee superior in the field during the winter.

Given Smith’s performance at First and Second Centreville, Lee decided he would need to act personally in order to see that the movement was carried out as he desired. Smith at this point was exhausted, worn, and thoroughly shaken by his experience at Second Centreville. Despite having gained a good reputation in Mexico, he was perhaps less than suited to leading what amounted to a corps level formation in the field. His health was failing, and he would spend much of the battle wracked with coughs from a cold he had caught in late October. He also resented the presence of Lee, who was his junior, and would prove less than accommodating. Lee found he would come to rely on Smith’s senior divisional commander, William Whiting.

The two remaining division commanders, Theophilus Holmes and Robert Ransom, would prove less than satisfactory for Lee’s taste as well. Lee would direct Holmes to use pontoons to demonstrate against Falmouth in conjunction with an artillery bombardment directed from Marye’s Heights. Meanwhile, Whiting and Ransom would cross directly at Fredericksburg and storm the heights.

The assaults would be led by Evander Law’s brigade from Whiting’s Division and Lewis Armisted’s brigade from Ransom’s division respectively. The two divisions would be engaged in emplacing pontoons before the beginning of the assault, and as such were tired, but reportedly ready, the next morning.

The order to begin the assault passed down the line on the Morning of November 4th, and with a sudden cannonade, the Confederates rushed to the river, intending to carry the heights in a shock assault. However, Mansfield had not been blind to the goings on across the river, and as such his men were ready when the noise began to warm of an impending assault. The steady Confederate barrage provided some, if infrequent, illumination for Mansfield’s gunners to aim by, and they returned fire with gusto.

Mansfield’s 1st Division under MG Isaac L. Stevens held the line directly facing Lee’s attack. Stevens had seen the hard fighting at first Centreville, and his brigades under Colonels Benjamin Christ, Daniel Leasure, and David Morrison, stood directly in the way of Law’s Division. Law’s men came roaring over the river and right into the guns, and were driven back. A second attack was driven back as well, until Whiting fed John Bell Hood’s Texas Brigade into the fray.

Hood’s men were fierce, and despite the cannonade they too charged across the river. To the surprise of all present, they managed not only to scale the heights, but to engage Christ’s brigade directly, scattering the 50th Pennsylvania “like so many geese” according to one observer. They then proceeded to capture a battery of artillery, and drive off not one, but three counterattacks before being driven back across the Rappahannock, having suffered some 25% casualties. An astonished Whiting would ask:

“Colonel Hood, what would you do if I ordered your men to go in again?” Hood thought for a moment before replying “Well sir I suppose this time we would swim the river and drive the Yankees off the whole ridge rather than one little piece.”

John Bell Hood​

Despite the Hood’s determined assault, no other attack could manage the same feat, and not a single foothold was gained despite fighting all morning. A disgusted Lee would call off the attack at noon and pull his men back to Marye’s Heights to regroup. He had suffered 6,000 casualties, and only inflicted some 2,000 on the Federal position. That evening, he demanded Smith’s resignation, which Smith gladly gave, returning to Richmond the next day. That evening a fuming Lee would promote Whiting to command the wing for his performance. However, it was in no position to launch another attack and Lee would have to reconsider his plans.

With reports of stronger entrenchments at Centreville, and seeing the bloody repulse at Fredericksburg, he began to consider a new course of action. Clearly he could not simply dash himself on the Union trenches, and winter was coming. The army needed a victory, and to do so Lee needed to entice McClellan out of his defenses at Centreville and in to the open field where Lee stood a chance of defeating him. He called a council with his generals at Culpeper on the 9th of November, and it would be Magruder who provided him with the nucleus of an idea.

If Washington were threatened, McClellan would have no choice but to move to intercept Lee before he could make an attack on the city. Both Longstreet and Lee pointed out they had no siege train at present which could hope to assault Washington and its much greater fortifications. Whiting contended an assault could be contemplated, but not with McClellan in the rear. Magruder realized as much, but, he added, Washington does not know that. Lee would see the merit in that plan.

He would begin preparations for the crossing of the Rappahannock again on November 11th…” To Arms!: The Great American War, Sheldon Foote, University of Boston 1999.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 38: Fair Shakes Pt. 2​

“If your enemy is secure at all points, be prepared for him. If he is in superior strength, evade him. If your opponent is temperamental, seek to irritate him. Pretend to be weak, that he may grow arrogant. If he is taking his ease, give him no rest. If his forces are united, separate them. Attack him where he is unprepared, appear where you are not expected.” – Sun Tzu

“To prepare for the campaign which Lee intended to end the year, he transferred Hood’s new division from Whiting’s wing and placed it at the disposal of Magruder, while taking Huger’s division from Norfolk and adding it to Longstreet’s wing in order to keep each wing strong. He believed that at best Whiting could keep Mansfield in place at Fredericksburg and Jackson’s diversions in the Valley could draw off perhaps two corps, leaving McClellan with a numeric advantage. Lee did not intend to allow McClellan to use a numeric advantage, and would place himself on ground of his choosing where McClellan would have to attack him.

Leaving only a brigade of cavalry behind, Lee dispatched Stuart on the 14th of November to make a reconnaissance in force of the Federal dispositions between the Rappahannock and Centreville. Once again Stuart would be excellent, riding rings around Stoneman’s cavalry and carrying out a three day reconnaissance in force before returning to Confederate lines. In doing so he drove Federal pickets from the north fork of the Rappahannock and across the Occoquan River, leaving a great hole in McClellan’s eyes south of Mannassas Junction. It was into this hole that Lee’s army would move…

…Jackson’s movement up the Valley had driven Schenck’s division back towards Harper’s Ferry after the battle at Limestone Ridge[1], forcing throwing Schenck back on Charlestown and out of Virginia.

McClellan dispatched the XII Corps and King’s 3rd Division from McDowell’s corps to stymy Jackson. Though they would first be stymied at the actions at Snicker’s Gap, Sigel soon led his troops north around Harper’s Ferry to mass at Charlestown and Leetown to counter any thrust Jackson might make…” The Fairfax Campaign, Jonas Walker, West Virginia Press, 1988

“McClellan was, in those first weeks of November, totally blind to Lee’s movements. His cavalry screens had been hopelessly outmatched by Stuart, and his infantry pickets had been driven off in short sharp actions. When Lee crossed the Rappahannock McClellan expected Lee to attempt to maneuver around his right flank by aiming for Broadrun and upending his flank. Scattered reports that Lee had crossed at Weaversville seems to confirm this and he moved McDowell’s Corps to intercept while keeping Hooker and Porter’s Corps ready to act as the hammer to fall on Lee’s flank.

To his surprise, Lee then arrived at Manassas Junction…”- I Can Do It All: The Trials of George B. McClellan, Alfred White, 1992, Aurora Publishing

“The Federal works at Manassas Junction had been strengthened since the first battle in September. The earthworks that would become Fort Hamilton and Fort Heintzelman had been built up and strengthened by field guns serving in the embrasures, and earthworks had been dug all along the line from Woodworth farm to Tudor Hall and thence to Hope Farm…

Magruder’s wing arrived in full force at the fortifications at Manassas. Drawing up for battle on the morning of November 21st Magruder had McClaw’s and Jones’s divisions arrayed with their artillery and opened a heavy bombardment all along the front. The bombardment was heavy, with skirmishing parties testing the flanks as far north as Pucket Farm. The resulting action was heavy, and costly, especially for Jones’s division as it marched into the teeth of Federal fire at Fort Heintzelman…

Magruder’s theatrics served their purpose however, and in spreading his feints all along the line Longstreet’s wing was able to cross Bull Run at Yates Ford almost completely unnoticed. The state of Federal cavalry ensured that the Confederate screens were not pierced, even as Longstreet’s troops moved towards Fairfax Station…” The Fairfax Campaign, Jonas Walker, West Virginia Press, 1988

The Prince of military theater, John B. Magruder​

“News and alarms from Fairfax Station and his rear soon alerted McClellan to the danger. Magruder’s forces though, seemed to be standing on the offensive, continuing to demonstrate against Manassas Junction until the evening of the 22nd. McClellan soon understood, or assumed he did, Lee’s plan.

His reaction was swift, and he sent scouting parties out in all directions, looking for Confederate forces as far north as Ashby’s Gap. Scouts reported little activity to his north, but the news from his south and east confirmed thick Confederate screens, which no matter how hotly pressed, could not be penetrated. In a moment of decision McClellan determined he must abandon his entrenchments and march out to confront Lee before he could place himself in the way of Washington. However, he could not leave his rear completely defenseless.

He chose to take Hooker’s III Corps, Rosecrans V Corps, and Porter’s XIV Corps to the field, leaving McDowell’s weakened IV Corps to protect his rear at Centreville and observe his flanks, trusting Sigel to keep Jackson bottled up in the Valley. From there he marched his men due east, hoping to find Lee, before Lee found him…”- I Can Do It All: The Trials of George B. McClellan, Alfred White, 1992, Aurora Publishing

“Longstreet’s wing, which had yet to see combat in the campaign, managed the march to across to Fairfax Court House without incident. Pickett’s division, preceded by Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry brigade, turned up the Little River Turnpike in the direction of Chantilly, his rear elements remaining at Germantown, but with Anderson’s division strung out along the road leading to Fairfax Courthouse. Magruder’s wing, exhausted from their fighting and a night march was even further behind, only Hood’s troops, eager to make their way to the fighting, managing to keep pace with Longstreet.

Lee himself was established at Germantown, seeking a good position to give battle. He would unexpectedly find it at Chantilly on the 23rd…

Pickett’s division would unexpectedly collide with Hooker’s III Corps. The opening skirmish would take place at Chantilly Church, where the leading elements of Sickle’s 3rd Division would clash with cavalry squadrons of Fitzhugh Lee’s brigade and those of James Archer’s brigade. Sickle’s, eager for a fight, pitched in to the Confederate advance guard at 3pm.

McClellan had sent each corps scouting in a different direction. Hooker had taken the northward path up Saunders Road, while Porter had been sent up the middle, directing his troops up Chantilly Road, Rosecrans was marching up the Fairfax Road in the direction of Germantown…

McClellan seeks out Lee ​

Hooker received word that Sickles was engaged at the front and immediately scribbled a note to McClellan who was travelling with Porter: Sickles has met the enemy at Chantilly. Fighting. I am directing Third Corps to engage – Joe Hooker.

This message reached McClellan’s command group at approximately 4:34pm, as Porter was reaching the unfinished rail bed. Reports of skirmishing along his front led McClellan to believe that he had found a Confederate line and he ordered Porter to bring his corps to formation to launch an assault, forming at a gap in the unfinished rail line. He sent word to Rosecrans to do the same.

Longstreet meanwhile, was not yet prepared to engage an enemy force, with his men stretched along the Little River Turnpike and only now Hood’s division coming up into Germantown, with McClaw’s and Griffith’s not far behind. Jone’s division still seemed to be straggling in the rear, and Magruder expected them to be just behind Griffith’s. In reality, Jones had become lost in the night and was marching his troops further east than he thought, and come the morning of the 24th would have followed Braddock Road to Annandale, and as such would play no part in the coming battle.

With the battle already beginning at Chantilly Church, Longstreet directed Pickett’s division to fall back on Ox Hill, and they had no trouble doing so, harried by Sickles all the way in a fighting retreat to Chantilly. He sent Huger’s men to fill the gap and form up along the Turnpike facing an expected Federal maneuver on the flank. Anderson’s men were placed in line next, also forming along the road, and Early’s troops were stretched almost to Germantown as they waited for Magruder to form up.

Magruder, concerned for the lack of response from Jones’s division, brought Hood up to the heights above Germantown, and set McClaw’s to touch Early’s flank, while Griffith’s troops held the line at Germantown itself. Both sides set to digging batteries and seeking the approach of the enemy. Magruder would get a rude shock in the sudden appearance of Rosecran’s V Corps directly on his front.

Rosecrans, receiving word from Ord’s 1st Division that there was an enemy force of unknown strength on his front, moved to deploy for battle. He had Ord’s men take the center, while Reno’s troops moved to link with Porter’s troops on the right. Whipple’s division was held in reserve…

Sickle’s surprise encounter with Pickett’s wing had seen the brutal fighting at Chantilly Church drive Pickett’s men into Ox Hill. In an ill advised maneuver he attempted to bring his old “Excelsior Brigade” straight up to capture Ox Hill. In a confused twilight assault the men of the 70th through 74th New York went streaming up the slope, only to be pushed back down again in a confused melee as the Confederates opened fire at point blank range. By 5:00pm the fighting was over for the day as both sides, tired from marching and fighting maneuvered into line for the inevitable battle that would come on the morrow.

As night fell, Hooker’s men occupied the left of the Federal line facing Ox Hill, and running up the rail grade, meeting Porter’s XIV Corps in the center. Sickle’s division was the extreme left of the line, with his headquarters at Chantilly Church, Kearney’s men were the troops holding the line reaching over to where Cox’s division began on Porter’s section of the line. Butterfield’s troops were held in reserve.

Cox and Morrell’s divisions presented their front to Longstreet’s men, facing Huger, Anderson, and Early’s divisions, with Syke’s regulars as the reserve. Rosecrans, had Reno on Morrell’s flank, with Ord directly facing Griffith’s division. Tomorrow, both sides would engage.” The Fairfax Campaign, Jonas Walker, West Virginia Press, 1988

-----

1] The one in Virginia. Yes, it is confusing having another battle of Limestone Ridge so I decided to only allude to it!

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 39: Fair Shakes Pt. 3​

“In peace, there’s nothing so becomes a man,
As modest stillness and humility:
But when the blast of war blows in our ears,
Then imitate the action of the tiger;
Stiffen the sinews, summon up the blood.” – Henry V, Act III, Scene I

“Lee did not spend the night idle. He set Pendleton, his artillery chief, to emplacing batteries on Ox Hill, and the high ridge above Germantown. The men were ordered to make breastworks across the stretch of road, with rudimentary fighting positions constructed before they bedded down for the night. Men grumbled that the “King of Spades” was fretful, and angry assertions were that “Granny Lee” would not let them fight.

On the contrary, Lee observed the rail grade offering the Federal forces protection from his musket and cannon fire, and determined his own men should have at least rudimentary protection of their own. It was hard going in the November weather, but all the men had bunked down by midnight with at least a chest high breastwork covering them.

McClellan, seeing his initial advantage, ordered his men rested. He firmly believed that Lee had him outnumbered. In fact, absent Jones division and the casualties incurred at Manassas Junction, Lee had only some 54,000 men in his whole army. McClellan on the other hand had 70,000 men in the field facing Lee on the night of the 23rd. McClellan’s men were better rested, but still exhausted from the march and fighting of the previous day. However, it was ordered the men would stand to at dawn for an expected Confederate assault.

None came.

McClellan was at first perplexed, then worried by this seeming lack of activity and ordered probing attacks on Lee’s flanks at 7am.

Hooker, who had his headquarters at Tuberville House, behind the rail grade, sent Sickle’s division once more forward. From 7:15 until 8am the rattle and roar of musketry and cannon could be heard as Sickles hurled his men into the teeth of the Confederate lines. He chose to bypass the town of Chantilly itself directing the press of his men again up the slopes, and again they were thrown back with heavy casualties so that by 9am Sickles was unable to continue his attacks, and Hooker was forced to rotate his division to the rear, and push Butterfield’s men into the line…

On the right flank Ord advanced, but met with similar bloody results at the edges of Germantown, as the men of Griffith’s division fired from behind their breastworks. Rosecrans saw similar results with Sickle’s troopers on the extreme flank, even though his men would valiantly rally up the slope, not once or twice, but four times before the rebel fire grew too hot for them to stand and they would withdraw in surprisingly good order. Rosecrans himself came up to direct the second attack prepared for noon.

McClellan, having seen the costly flanking probes, determined to open up with his artillery all along the line, before commencing one great push to try and dislodge the rebels with his reserves. After the battle he would write to his wife “against such great numbers, I had only one desperate hope that my superiority in guns could break the rebel line, and I might throw them back on their heels before Lee could bring his strength against me.”

Lee though, had no significant reserve to commit. His line was long, but well defended with the desperate breastworks thrown up on the flank, and with Ox Hill and the high ground at Germantown straddling his flanks, he knew he could not have his flanks turned, but the center was another matter. Here the attacks had not been so fierce during the day, and with no terrain advantage, his men had only their basic breastworks to shield them, and a limited line of retreat up Wood Road past swampy ground which could only lead in a protracted chase to the north, and hopefully back through the Shenandoah Valley. Lee was aware, and made his commanders aware, that there could be no retreat from this position.

The lull in the fighting allowed him to ride along the lines and inspect his troops, and with his flanks secure, he set Hood’s division down near the center. Hood’s men were his only reserve in case of a breakthrough, and Lee saw that there was no more likely place than a breakthrough in the center which might spell disaster…

The Federal guns opened up at 12pm sharp, and the bombardment, with nearly one hundred guns, was long and protracted. “The ground shook with thunder, and the whole battlefield was soon shrouded as though in a fog” one Pennsylvania private wrote. Through the whole hour not a single Confederate gun responded, and many Union soldiers saw this as a sign that the bombardment was having its desired effect. McClellan too appears to have thought this, shared by reports form Hooker that great gouts of smoke were rising from Ox Hill, perhaps signaling that the Confederate guns were being put out of action.

While it was true that on Ox Hill a cart of munitions did detonate form a Federal shell, in reality Pendleton had been ordered by Lee not to engage in a protracted artillery duel as they did not have the ammunition to outshoot the Federals.

At 1pm the guns went silent, the bugles sounded, and the Federal troops formed up to attack. The attack would begin slightly earlier on the left with Hookers men (Butterfield and Kearny’s divisions), with the center then advancing under Porter’s XIV Corps (Cox and Morrell), and finally Rosecrans would lead Whipple and Reno’s divisions forward to try and force the slope.

As expected, Hooker’s III Corps advanced relentlessly and persistently. Butterfield’s assault stalled on the sloped of Ox Hill, but Kearny led his men on. The one armed general waved his sword shouting “Follow me! I’m a one armed Jersey son of a bitch!” And with a cheer his men sprang forward, and slowly, surprisingly, braved the fire. Kearny, whose horse was soon shot out from under him, led the troops directly through little Chantilly and to the base of Ox Hill, where the Confederate guns could not be brought to bear. Under cover, his troops slowly crept forward, harried both by Pickett’s men and by the men in Huger’s division.

Contrary to this 1863 print there was no lightning that day.​

While Kearny discomforted the rebel line, Porter’s troops went forward. Cox’s division made slow progress against Huger, while Morrell faced off against Anderson’s troops. The advance in the center was slow, methodical, and grinding. Though Cox would briefly manage to reach the rebel earthworks, Huger’s counter attack threw him back with great casualties and soon Porter had to push the regulars into the line.

On the right, Rosecrans divisions had less space to cross before meeting the rebel works and so dashed forward ahead of schedule as the barrage stopped rather than follow McClellan’s plan of attack. This bought them invaluable seconds as Griffith’s men were still hunkered down behind their breastworks when Whipple’s division came crashing over them like a blue tidal wave. Rosecran’s was there personally whipping the men on with desperate energy. They carried the hill before them, and soon were approaching the batteries that had yet to fire.

It was there that the Confederates made their stand, just on the outskirts of Germantown. Griffith’s troops were retreating desperately when Lee, seeing his flank unexpectedly close to crumbling, threw Hood’s division into the fray. Hood did not disappoint as his Texans came screaming up the hill with a wild keening rebel yell that caught their adversaries completely off guard.

It became a swirling melee over the guns of Cabell’s battery, and the two sides fought desperately. Hood himself would take a bullet in the arm, and Rosecrans would fight with desperate manic energy, as he rallied a unit of New Yorkers their colonels head would be taken off by a bullet and Rosecrans would spend the day splattered in blood. However, soon Hood’s counter attack told, and Rosecrans had no reserve, and was slowly forced back.

In the center it was the same story, even with the steel of Sykes regulars, the rebels held their works, and as the guns on the heights were able to bring themselves to bear on the Federal infantry, they were forced to fall back towards the safety of the rail grade This slow withdrawal left behind a sea of dead and wounded men, unable to be withdrawn, and many trampled by their comrades as they retreated back the way they had come. Many would spend a cold night on the ground, and Confederate soldiers would find some in the process of freezing to death the next morning. Looking out over a field of blue corpses and writhing wounded, Lee would quip to Longstreet “It is well that war is so terrible, lest we become too fond of it.”

The only notable exception was Kearny’s assault up the hill, where he remained until the order for a general withdrawal sounded. A furious Kearny would have to be physically dragged down the hill by his subordinates as he mouthed very insubordinate messages that were thankfully never relayed to McClellan.

McClellan himself saw the attack failing and by 4pm he was pulling his men back to again receive a counter attack that would never come. With the light beginning fade, he would arrange for his troops to begin withdrawing back towards Centreville. He had disturbing reports of Confederates moving in his rear (exaggerated news of Jones’s division finally making its way back to Virginia in confusion) and at last believed he could not hold the field…” The Fairfax Campaign, Jonas Walker, West Virginia Press, 1988

“McClellan’s night withdrawal left the Confederates in possession of the field and thus the Battle of Chantilly was technically a Confederate victory. Lee however, could not stay where he was. Winter was approaching and he had not the supplies to continue on, nor the numbers. Though he had inflicted some 15,000 casualties on McClellan, he had suffered 9,000 of his own, not counting those killed or wounded at the demonstrations against Manassas Junction. Though he believed he had given McClellan “a good whipping” he did not believe he had won a great victory and retreated back to Virginia in disappointment…” To Arms!: The Great American War, Sheldon Foote, University of Boston 1999.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 40: Nine Pins at Island No. 10​

“I had rather have a plain, russet-coated Captain that knows what he fights for, and loves what he knows, than that which you call a Gentleman, and nothing else.” – Oliver Cromwell

“Grant’s desire for a campaign against Island No. 10 went back to the marching orders of the spring. When he had originally planned to march against the Confederate defenses on the Mississippi, he had intended for a thrust with six divisions against the rebel fortress. Pope’s blunders in June, then the Confederate invasion of Kentucky, had delayed this. With Johnson now stalled at the Salt River, Grant believed it was time that they take the fight to the rebels. He declared to Thomas “I am thoroughly tired of dancing to Johnson's tune. You have men declaring he shall soon be in Louisville and rumours he shall be at Bowling Green next week. I firmly believe it is time he dance to our own music and I mean to play him a jig.” The arrival of Smith from Canada saw a firm agreement with his plan.

The resources needed for such a campaign would be funneled across the nation to him. He would pick up new regiments to reconstitute McClernand’s (now Hamilton’s after his transfer from the East in November) shattered division, and put Sherman in line with him, leaving Wood to police the lines of communication in Kentucky with the local militia. The VIII Corps would move along the Ohio River to Cairo, before marching south to join Pope’s XI Corps. So too would Frederick Steele’s division operating in Arkansas to help control both sides of the river. All told, Grant would be moving some 52,000 men against Island No. 10.

Opposing this, were only the 17,000 men remaining in General Stirling Price’s “Corps” of the Army of the Mississippi.

Beauregard, while earning acclaim and securing Nashville and the Tennessee River with the movement of Van Dorn’s troops in September, had left himself dangerously exposed. He only expected that Pope’s now weakened Corps, and the inactive Federal navy would be opposing him over the winter. Spies had assured him that there was no force moving through Kentucky, and Johnson's reports all said he had the Federals on the ropes. With his confidence buoyed after the events in June, he felt little need to reinforce his position. Though there was a new division forming in Jackson Mississippi under the recently exchanged Tighlman, there was no sense of urgency to move those men forwards…

…Grant’s movements began on the 3rd of November, and while he shuttled his men west, Smith began a running argument with his new, unruly subordinate, John Pope. Since his failure in June, Pope had been chafing under his inability to act. He sought to address his (as he perceived it) set back and gain the spotlight in the press. Under firm orders all the way from Washington not to move until Grant arrived, he began arguing over who should lead the expedition. He believed that his experience trumped Grant’s, and while Washington had given Grant overall command of the expedition Pope desired to be placed in charge of the forces on the West side of the Mississippi. However, Smith did not respond positively to this as he recalled the disorganized command structure of the year past. Pope would smoulder with resentment, but would obey, and only after firm orders from Dix and Lincoln.

On the 19th all of Grant’s troops had arrived from Kentucky and he began his operations against Island No. 10…” - On the Shores of the Mississippi: The Western Theater of the Great American War, Francis MacDougal, University of Boston, 1996

“The two river flotillas, had seen little action since the previous February. The skirmishes at Fort Pillow in June of 1862 had seen little but a sporadic exchange in gunfire by both sides. Foote had not trusted Pope to support the gunboats with the army, and in remembering the damage he had received from Confederate guns was hesitant to move without proper army support.

The Confederate flotilla by contrast, was in high spirits with the Yankees having seemingly been driven off with ease. Every confidence was placed in its commander, George N. Hollins, who had in October of the last year, delivered an embarrassing reversal to the Federal fleet off the Head of the Passes in Louisiana. At 63 he remained an active and aggressive commander, but had grown overconfident after both his victory at Passes and the driving off of Foote’s flotilla.

His squadron was now stronger than it had been before with twenty vessels and 89 guns. However, only seven of these were true warships, the remaining thirteen were hastily impressed smaller gunboats which only mounted two guns each. Hollins true strength lay in his three ironclad vessels, the CSS Mississippi where he had his flag, the Arkansas, and the Tennessee. Both Arkansas and Tennessee, mounted ten guns, while the mighty Mississippi mounted 20. This made these vessels, in theory, a match for the ironclads of the Federal Flotilla.

The rams Little Rebel, Warrior, Defiance, General Jackson, Colonel Lovell, General Breckinridge, General Bragg, General Price, Sumter, General Van Dorn, General M. Jeff Thompson, General Beauregard and Commander Hollins made up the more problematic portion of the squadron.

The Confederate Mississippi Squadron, was in effect two squadrons. The naval squadron under Hollins, and the River Defense Fleet, under “Captain” James E. Montgomery who commanded the rams. The two men were constantly at odds over strategy, tactics, supply, and crews, leading to an immense feud for resources. The ‘states rights’ attitude of Montgomery clashed with that of the navy tradition of Hollins, who insisted on a unified command scheme.

Foote’s flotilla, while smaller in number, had an advantage in ironclads. The five “City Class” ironclads laid down in early 1862, Benton(16), Louisville(15), Carondelet(12), Cairo(14), St. Louis(16) and the new ironclads Cincinnati(14), Mound City(14) and Pittsburgh(14) were his most valuable ships. He also had the smaller ironclad Essex(6) and Alongside that were the lightly armed rams under the command of the slightly eccentric Charles Ellet Jr. The Queen of the West, Monarch, Lancaster and Switzerland. There were also three smaller gunboats Lexington(4), Monarch(6) and Black Hawk(8). Mounting his flag on Cairo Foote had 139 guns, not counting those on the rams. Although, like the Confederate flotilla, the rams were technically a separate force.

Though he outnumbered his opponents in weight of metal, he feared the consequences of attempting to run the steep bluffs and batteries at Island No. 10. He would support Pope’s forces north of the defences, but staunchly refused to move south of them…” – The Western Flotillas of the Great American War, Ambrose Benson, University of Louisville, 1979

“Grant’s arrival on the 20th spurred great debate amongst the officers present. Pope, for the moment, was in accordance with Grant regarding the need to run the guns at the fortress. Foote blanched at the prospect, citing the damage to his fleet this could incur. However, three days later orders were coming down from Washington for him to, in no uncertain terms, run the guns or be replaced.

Reluctantly, Foote agreed. The running of the guns would commence on the night of November 25th. All his ironclads, save the smaller Essex, would begin crossing under barely a quarter moon for light. Amazingly, they managed to thread the needle through the guns until only one ironclad was left in the party. The unfortunate Mound City was spotted just as she was making the turn, and so was opened up on by all the Confederate batteries. Owing to her armor, and the alarm and the disorganization of the Confederate garrison at night, she sailed on with only moderate damage, but would be put ashore on the west bank under the protection of Paine’s division for repairs at New Madrid.

With the powerful ironclads now south of the fortifications, Grant could begin moving his troops to invest the fort itself. Grant’s troops established themselves along the banks of the Mississippi, Wallace’s division encamping at Tiptonville. Hurlbut and Sherman’s divisions were held as the reserve, while Pope’s troops occupied New Madrid and Riddle’s Point. By the 30th the Island was wholly invested.

When this news reached Beauregard, he assumed that he had only to march north and confront the sheepish Federals again. With the news that the Federal boats had run the guns he ordered Hollins north to aide his flank in the attack on the Federals. Price’s Corps marched from Memphis, and soon ran straight into the Federals.

…A fierce skirmish ensued, but Price’s two brigades were no match for two whole divisions, and as Sherman moved onto his flank, Beauregard was compelled to retreat…” - On the Shores of the Mississippi: The Western Theater of the Great American War, Francis MacDougal, University of Boston, 1996

The CSS Arkansas​

“While Beauregard was compelled to retreat on land, Hollins soon found himself in trouble on the waters. Advancing up the river to discomfort the Federals, his three ironclad warships led, with the smaller rams in the rear. Soon however, they were confronted by Foote’s flotilla.

The two sides would meet just south of Riddle’s Point. Foote brought six of his ironclads (Benton, Louisville, Carondelet, Cairo, St. Louis, Cincinnati) while Hollins had only his three (Mississippi, Arkansas, Tennessee) with his unarmoured rams.

Hollins soon came under fire from Federal shore batteries, and the ironclads in the water. Seeing there were only six vessels he advanced, hoping to at least deal a serious blow to the flotilla before he was compelled to withdraw. The constricted waterways meant maneuver was next to impossible, so Hollins opened his barrage by swinging his ironclads dangerously close to the shore, to allow passage for his rams.

The ram fleet, thirteen ships strong, struggled ahead, led by James E. Montgomery in the General Price, with his rams bringing up the rear. Each hoped to hit an individual Union vessel by bringing their rams to bear, and batter the ironclads into submission. With Hollins having maneuvered his ironclads to provide fire support, it seemed this may succeed.

However, the Union ships proceeded in a tight, mutually supporting squadron. Coming around the bend in the river in a staggered formation, their maneuver put them initially closer to Hollins ironclads than the Confederate rams, which lead to an early exchange in gunfire between the ironclads. In turning though, the Union ships momentum carried them straight into the arms of the Confederate rams.

The lead Federal ship¸ Louisville, suffered greatly from this predicament, as she came guns blazing into the arms of no fewer than three rams. General Price collided with her head on, and the ships combined momentum carried them into Little Rebel, while the crew of General Jackson made the astounding decision to ride into Louisville’s flank. The ensuing damage wound up not simply crippling the Louisville, but crippling and sinking both General Price and Little Rebel. The General Jackson alone would retreat from that melee with a sense of accomplishment.

It also had the unintended effect of solving the command problem in the Mississippi Flotilla, as Montgomery was killed in the collision with Louisville.

However, while Louisville would be lost, her sisters followed with vengeance on their mind. Benton led the counter charge, blasting away at the lighter Confederate vessels, her opening salvo crippling the General Bragg and she managed to shrug off an attempted ramming by General Earl Van Dorn, with the guns of the remaining four ironclads making short work of the latter.

The press of vessels now worked against the Confederate flotilla. Hollins could not fire now without fear of striking his own squadron while the Union were in what could be termed ‘a target rich environment’ of their own. Foote’s ironclads fired as fast as their guns could load.

In their haste to get clear, numerous accidents occurred. General Beauregard collided with Commander Hollins and the two would drift down river. Warrior would be beached and burned by her crew. Finally, the Sumter was sunk by Federal shell fire.

Hollins, seeing the debacle unfolding, gave the order for withdrawal. His three ironclads would blast their way back to Memphis, scooping up as many of the smaller rams as they could. Here would come the first action between the CSS Arkansas and the USS Cincinnati.

As Hollins moved south, Arkansas became slightly separated from his vessels, lagging behind the others due to an inferior engine. The commander of the Cincinnati, Lt. George M. Bache, noted the lag of the Confederate vessel, and moved to interpose himself between the Arkansas and her line of escape. Commander of the Arkansas, Captain Isaac Brown, chose to order full speed to use the ram on the prow of his vessel to simply shove the Union ship out of the way. The two ships collided with a resounding crunch, Arkansas momentum simply shoving the Cincinnati forward. Bache began to try and turn his vessel in an effort to break free of the ram, and in doing so began to swing the two vessels in what one observer would describe as “a drunken waltz spin” swinging the two vessels madly around.

Astoundingly, this managed to break Cincinnati free of the deadly embrace of the Arkansas but the damage to her hull meant she had to move wildly to beach herself on the Federal side of the river. Brown though, was not unchivalrous, and used his ship to nudge the enemy vessel in the right direction, with a well timed toot of his whistle to send her on her way.

Despite the victory, Foote could not give chase to the Confederate flotilla. He had lost one vessel, and another was badly damaged, and he could not exceed his orders. Instead he turned his vessels around to aid in the siege of the fortifications…”– The Western Flotillas of the Great American War, Ambrose Benson, University of Louisville, 1979

“With the Confederate squadron driven off, Grant settled in for a siege of the works. He anticipated the Confederate defences under McCown might last a month of bombardment before being starved out. However, with his forces controlling the river, and no immediate hope of relief, McCown surrendered on December 4th 1862.

Grant took 6,000 prisoners, and the door lay open to Memphis. Only the Confederate fortifications of Fort Pillow stood in his way, and they were far less formidable than those of Island No. 10…

…Johnson received word of McCown’s surrender on December 7th, just as Beauregard was pleading for reinforcement. Johnson was suddenly faced with the prospect of having been caught completely off guard by Grant’s offensive. Grant had achieved local superiority and despite Johnson controlling a swathe of territory from Lexington to Memphis, it was simply far too large for him to defend.

Vacillating on what should be done, he called a council of war with his commanders on December 10th. Kirby Smith and Breckinridge pleaded for an attack on Thomas’s army to drive the Union from Kentucky. They argued that surely the victor of Bull Run would be able to halt the Union advance. Bragg and Hardee were adamant that Grant must be stopped.

Hardee made the obvious point that by threatening Memphis, Grant could also threaten the ‘crossroads of the Confederacy’ at Corinth, trapping Johnson’s army in Kentucky and leaving him almost unopposed to marching up the Mississippi.

Finally, a ‘suggestion’ from Richmond came where Davis advised his old friend that “…should the enemy take possession of those positions in your rear, our successes of the summer and winter would be for naught. Memphis must be defended at all hazards.”

The decision made for him, Johnson left Kirby Smith to distract Thomas, and hopefully hold the gains in Kentucky, while he and 30,000 men marched to Corinth to confront Grant…” - On the Shores of the Mississippi: The Western Theater of the Great American War, Francis MacDougal, University of Boston, 1996

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 41: Across the Continent Pt. 1 When the Saints Go Marching In​

“Yea, in the strength of the Lord did we go forth to battle against the Lamanites; for I and my people did cry mightily to the Lord that he would deliver us out of the hands of our enemies, for we were awakened to a remembrance of the deliverance of our fathers.” – Mosiah 9:17

“The whisperings of the Spirit to us have invariably been of the same import, to depart, to go hence, to flee into the mountains, to retire to our strongholds that we may be secure in the visitations of the Judgments that must pass upon this land, that is crimsoned with the blood of Martyrs; and that we may be hid, as it were, in the clefts of the rocks, and in the hollows of the land of the Great Jehovah, while the guilty land of our fathers is purifying by the overwhelming scourge.” – Brigham Young to the Saints at Mount Pisgah and Garden Grove, Iowa Territory, January 27, 1847

“After the surprising Confederate victory in February, Sibley had proceeded north with his 2,200 remaining men. Skirmishing at Glorietta Pass had failed to slow him, and he had marched north to lay ‘siege’ to the Federal forces at Fort Union. Though he did not outnumber these forces, and could not realistically cut them off, a series of sharp skirmishes and raids would define the action from March to July before the August heat settle both sides into a sense of complacency.

Washington was alarmed by this sudden Confederate advance on the periphery. Canby, who was exchanged in late June, was called to Washington to answer for the defeats suffered there. Meanwhile, Lincoln had little choice but to assign an older officer to the command on the frontier.

Brigadier General William Selby Harney was appointed commander of the South West region, and given authority for all Union forces from Nevada to Colorado.

The choice of Harney was contentious. Stanton and Lincoln had both had reservations, not the least because of Harney’s age at 62, but because of his Southern heritage. In truth this proved to be more of a concern for Stanton, as Lincoln felt that heritage was not necessarily an impediment to service. Otherwise, the general was surrounded by numerous controversies.

In 1834 he had been accused of beating his sister in law’s slave Hannah to death. Though acquitted there was little doubt of his guilt. During the Mexican War he had organized the mass execution of the members of the captured members of the Saint Patrick Battalion, executing thirty men at once in a mass hanging. During the First Sioux War in retaliation for the Grattan Massacre, Harney carried out the Harney Massacre, slaughtering 86 men, women, and children[1]. Then he briefly commanded the expedition which would mount the First Utah War, before being replaced by Albert Sidney Johnson. His final great controversy would be while commanding the Department of Oregon where he escalated the so-called Pig War by dispatching troops to San Juan Island nearly leading to an all out conflict.

However, in spite of these controversies Harney was a fighter. He had shown aggression and daring while fighting the Indians in the numerous little wars across the Plains, leading them to dub him “Mad Bear” for his ruthless campaigns against them. He had shown ruthlessness and determination in Mexico commanding the 2nd Dragoons, and had shown aggressive action in Oregon in challenging the British. Despite what Stanton felt had been his ‘milquetoast’ response to early secessionist actions in Missouri in 1861, Lincoln determined he would be well acquitted to deal with the crisis developing in the South West…” - War in the Southwest: The New Mexico Campaign, Col. Edward Terry (Ret.), USMA, 1966

William S. Harney​

“…come 1862, the Church of Jesus Christ and the Latter Day Saints had sat out the Civil War passively. The feelings from the predominately Mormon settlers of Utah thus far had been one of ‘a pox on both your houses’ as they felt warm feelings towards neither the government in Washington nor the government in Richmond. Men from both sides had attempted to assert their will with violence upon the Church.

In that territory, memories of the recent conflict in 1857 were still fresh. The Mormon Church felt that they owed little to the Federal government which had effectively made war on them, the nation which had exiled them, and the people who had denied their appeal for statehood again and again. Most Mormons would resolutely follow the idea set forward by John Taylor: “We know no North, no South, no East, no West.”…

…The war itself saw the Utah Territory stripped of Federal Troops early on, and the Mormons allowed a sort of unilateral independence of action. They, despite rumours and alarms, made no movement towards secession from the Union. They simply enjoyed their own peace while preaching judgement upon the Union. Many felt it was justice for the depravations they had suffered, while others simply saw it as a fulfillment of a prophecy that Joseph Smith had proclaimed twenty-nine years before[2].

Bringham Young himself said “God has come out of his hiding place, and has commenced to vex the nation that has rejected us, and he will vex it with a sore vexation. It will not be patched up—it never can come together again—but it will be sifted with a sieve of vanity, and in a short time it will be like water spilled on the ground.” However, when the war erupted he stated his loyalty by declaring “Utah has not seceded, but is firm for the Constitution and laws of our once happy country.”

At the beginning of the war he had maintained a stiff neutrality, seeing the whole affair as retributive justice. Though by April of 1862, he had seen that the Federal Government might not be able to reassert itself in the territory. This was both a boon, and a problem.

The local Indian tribes varied from friendly Ute tribesman, the vacillating Paiutes, to hostile Bannock and Shoshone. Though relations had been quiet at first, the absence of the army had seen the hostile tribes carry out the usual cattle raids and skirmishes with local settlers. The absence of any Federal force to deter them merely caused more opportunistic raiding. Though Young adopted a relatively benign welfare approach which attempted to trade and cultivate relations with the local tribes, the more hostile tribes approached this as weakness.

Inevitably, some sort of armed response was needed. If not to chastise the Indians, then at least to protect the settlers and government property.

This put Washington in the ironic situation of needing to ask the Mormons for help. Despite the fact they could have called on the territorial governor Stephen Harding for assistance, Lincoln was enough of a realist to realize that true power in the territory lay with Brigham Young as the leader of the Mormon church. Realizing the need for armed protection, and relishing the power he now had, Young responded enthusiastically, and appointed his first counsellor and commander of the Nauvoo Legion, Daniel H. Wells, as the adjutant-general of the territorial militia.

Though initially Washington desired only one company of cavalry, the news from the Southwest caused them to grudgingly request for one battalion of cavalry and one battalion of infantry to be formed. Though they would permit only four companies of cavalry, eight of infantry, and no artillery. The Mormons would also have to furnish their own weapons. This would provide no problems and Young was swiftly able to furnish the 1st Utah Cavalry under Col. Robert T. Burton, and the 1st “Nauvoo” Utah Infantry under Col. Hosea Stout.

This gave the state of Utah some 900 men to call on in emergency, defend Federal property, and guard the overland routes. However, the Mormons retained the territorial militia unofficially, and the Nauvoo Legion could potentially supply 8,000 men at Young’s call…

…For years Thomas Kane had served as a self-styled advocate for the Mormons in the United States. And his friendship with them, due to his personal connection to Brigham Young, never diminished. He had been one of those who said the Mormons would remain loyal. When the Civil War erupted he had enlisted with the 13th Regiment of the Pennsylvania Reserves and been badly wounded at the Battle of Dranesville. As such, he was in the capital when news of Harney’s appointment to command was related.

Kane knew that the bad blood between the Mormons and Harney ran deep, and he feared for relations if Harney were allowed to serve unchecked. He wrote to Lincoln expressing such concerns saying “No appointment could be so injurious and detrimental towards our relations with the Saints as this. Harney is a monster, filled with bloodlust. He hangs perceived traitors on a whim, and can only be counted on to deliver great misery.”

With this personal appeal to the president, he was soon brought forward to testify regarding the Mormon’s willingness to serve. He presented his case well, and the sight of this wounded warrior lobbying on behalf of their loyalty doubtless had great effect on President Lincoln. He was soon dispatched West to serve as aide-de-camp to Governor Harding, as much as to carry out the pretense of Federal control as anything else, and unofficially as Lincoln’s envoy to the Church…” The Great American War: The Mormon Experience, Kenneth Stuart, Brigham Young University, Deseret Press, 1983

Brigham Young and Thomas L. Kane​

“Arriving at Fort Union, and the outlying encampments, Harney realized that he had his work cut out for him. Colonel Slough found himself in a series of running battles between Sibley’s forces and his own, with raids, annoyance bombardments, and skirmishing being the norm. Each side seemed less than desirous to declare a formal siege in desert conditions.

Making his headquarters in Albuquerque, Sibley had detached his forces so that they effectively cut the Santa Fe Trail, while ensuring that the Union could not depend on the Sangre de Crisco Mountains as a defensive position at the edge of the High Plains.

However, Sibley had grown lax come May. Though the exact reasons why may be argued about forever, it appears his supply situation was not adequately looked to, and so the short, sharp raiding actions and blocking a Union counteroffensive, seemed the best he could do. While others would blame the inaction on a drinking problem (something Sibley would deny until his death) the supply problem is feasible. Keeping his 2,000 men in the field proved a difficult task, and in the harsh desert conditions horses would be winded and broken, skirmishes with opportunistic Indians was a constant, and finally water was always at a premium, the threat of simple death from the elements was very real. With these problems, it is hardly any wonder neither side had gone looking for a general engagement.

Harney’s arrival changed all that.

His first task was to gather his forces and supplies for a campaign. The war had become an Indian war he observed, and he meant to fight one. He knew that the Confederates were scattered ‘like Indians in their camps’ and so meant to deliver a blow to them not unlike the one he had delivered to the Sioux so long ago. He gathered with him a provisional cavalry battalion with the six companies of US Cavalry, one of Colorado Cavalry, and another of Utah cavalry under Maj. Roberts as the Provisional Cavalry Battalion. As well as the 2nd Provisional Artillery Battery under Captain Claffin. To strengthen his infantry he attached the 5th Battalion US Infantry and the 1st Colorado Volunteer Infantry Regiment under Maj. John Chivington who were led in an ad hoc brigade under Slough.

Left behind to defend Fort Union would be the 1st Provisional Artillery Battery, the 4th and 1st New Mexico Volunteer infantry. He had heard the reports of their comrades conduct at Valverde and so refused to let them participate, much to the annoyance of Carson.

The plan of attack was simple. The Confederates were concentrated at three key positions, Glorietta Pass, Pecos on the Pecos River, and on the Glorietta Mesa where they issued forward to raid the supply lines for Fort Union. The most important of these positions were at Glorietta Pass and on the Mesa, as Pecos was little more than a fortified picket post. Harney determined that first the raids must cease, and dispatched the Cavalry (and a battery of horse guns) under Roberts to raid the camp.

On the morning of May 28th, having crept up the sides of the hill with the majority of the US regulars dismounted, Roberts opened his attack on the camp. At the camp were the men of the 4th Texas Mounted Rifles under Col. James Riley, as well as a battery of captured Yankee guns. The dismounted troopers caught the sleeping Confederates unawares, and the camp was soon in an uproar as the camp guards exchanged shots with the Union raiders.

Though in such a tight skirmish the fight could have swung either way, Roberts had an ace in the hole. The Utah Cavalry company under Captain Lot Smith had been directed to take their mounts up the mesa and surprise the Confederates from behind. Smith’s hardy frontiersmen and their mounts performed admirably, charging down the slope and routing the shocked Texans who made a beeline for Glorietta Pass. All told Roberts suffered some 7 men dead or wounded while killing or capturing over 80 Texans…

…by the time it came to move down to Glorietta Pass, Col. Green had been alerted to the flanking maneuver being attempted. He commanded the 5th Mounted Rifles, as well as two companies from the 2nd, and a Company from the 1st as well as Wood’s Battery of artillery. He called back the remaining companies picketing Pecos and their guns, and returned them to his positions in the Valley. He would not withdraw without a fight.

He had his troops drawn up along Glorietta Creek, with a strongpoint at Pigeon Ranch, where the guns were drawn up. His 5th was placed in the center, smattered with some refugees from the 4th Texas. The men of the 2nd and 1st were placed along the flanks, covering the high places and most prominently at Sharpshooter Ridge. Green expected the Federals would attempt to flank him, and so meant to ensure the high places were defended.

Slough advanced into the Pass with Roberts cavalry in the lead, the 5th US Infantry in the center, and the men of the Colorado Volunteers on the flanks, looking for suitable places on the high ground.

The battle opened with shots exchanged between sharpshooters, and Green’s guns soon opened up on the blue clad infantry. Slough had his own guns positioned and they began a bombardment of Pigeon Ranch. This ineffectual skirmishing continued for roughly two hours by most combatants accounts, while Slough was waiting for the men of Chivington’s regiment to gain the high ground.

Chivington did not disappoint. His troops on the right were soon trading fire with the men of the 2nd Texas, and in half an hour a vicious melee was soon erupting for control of these high places. However, Chivington’s men had the numbers and soon the Confederates were driven out, and falling back up the creek.

Green, seeing his flank about to be turned, did what he had done at Valverde, attacked. The men of the 4th Texas mounted and charged towards the 5th United States Infantry. Though as before, this briefly caught the Union off guard, Green was soon taking fire from two sides, and his troops could not force the regulars out of position. Charging three times, Green finally bowed to the inevitable, and ordered a retreat…

…after the rearguard action at Johnson’s Ranch, Sibley was properly notified of the actions at Glorietta. Reluctantly he gathered his supplies and ordered a retreat from Albuquerque, with the bulk of his remaining men retreating to Fort Craig, but a rearguard taking up a strong position at La Jolla.

By July the two sides had settled down into a position which would last for some time as Harney soon had other problems…” - War in the Southwest: The New Mexico Campaign, Col. Edward Terry (Ret.), USMA, 1966

The fighting at Glorietta Pass would decide the campaign in the Southwest in 1862​

“The passage of the Morrill Anti-Bigamy Act on July 9th 1862 was seen as a deliberate snub to the Mormon Church. As such it was looked at with outright revulsion and another attempt at persecuting the Saints…

…Lincoln of course had to offer this to his party as it ran on the program of eliminating "those twin relics of barbarism - Polygamy, and Slavery" which were seen as issues in the West. Wisely, Lincoln allocated no funds to it, and ordered Governor Harding that no measure should be taken to enforce it. However, the damage had been done, and Young would demand the return of all Utah Volunteers to the territory.

This instantly began a row with Harney, who threatened to imprison any Volunteers following the ‘illegal orders’ of Young. Lot Smith’s unfortunate cavalry company would end up trapped in the middle. Smith wrote to Kane, requesting he be placed under his command, while Kane realized he could not issue such an order. In the end, Lincoln would be required to intervene and ordered Smith’s company back to Utah Territory. Harney would have one last revenge though, ordering the Utah men to be escorted back by the First Colorado Infantry under Col. John Chivington who would ‘work to help police that territory in accordance with the laws of the Federal government.’…

…though no blood was spilled and Chivington’s men would reoccupy Fort Floyd (then renamed Fort McRae) the tension in the territory rose perceptibly…” The Great American War: The Mormon Experience, Kenneth Stuart, Brigham Young University, Deseret Press, 1983

-x-x-x-x-​

“By September of 1862, the fighting between the Dakota and the settlers on the frontier in the Dakota Territory. The violent uprising begun desperate and starved Dakota under Little Crow, attacking settlers and soldiers alike, had ended in failure. Over 500 were interned. By the time Buell arrived to take charge of the territory, he had been obliged to enforce military rule on the territory to prevent simple reprisal killings. A rough mixed brigade of Territorial militia and Minnesota and Wisconsin Volunteers, and men of the 4th United States Cavalry had finally defeated his troops at Wood Lake.

With the end of the fighting however, not all the hostiles were defeated, and many would take the opportunity to flee over the ‘Medicine Line’ across the border into British governed Rupert’s Land. Little Crow himself, and a few of his followers, had fled north. It was variously estimated between 100-200 ‘hostiles’ had fled across the nominal border, and might seek refuge with the British at Fort Garry.

Buell considered this unacceptable. Throughout the winter he would write to Washington declaring that “In the interest of continued peace and security along the frontier therefore, it is my proposal to use the force available at my command to move northwards and, owing to the present state of war between this Government and the Government of England, occupy points north of Pembina. We should then take possession of Upper and Lower Fort Garry, ending not only the Sioux threat, but the threat of any interference from the British authorities there.”

Though the area was largely making due with its own resources, Lincoln and Stanton could see the sense of de-facto controlling all British territory between Lake Superior and the Rocky Mountains and so would authorize what would become known as the Red River Expedition…” – War in the Northwest, Alan Cook, Friedrichsburg State College, 1971

---

1] The Battle of Ash Hollow

2] This is actually true. See Doctrines and Covenants Section 87: 1

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 42: Across the Continent Pt. 2 On the Shores of the Pacific​

"Fifty-four Forty or Fight!" – Political slogan from 1846

"Starkly contrasting the truly titanic battles raging on the eastern face of the North American continent, those which took place on the Pacific Coast were relatively minor. Comparisons are often drawn to the British actions in the Russian War in the Pacific or the Baltic, and in terms of men, materials, and strategies involved, these are rather apt analogies.

The British presence in the Pacific was small, stretched between China, Australia, and various bases from the Horn of Africa to North America. The greatest commitment being three regiments in New Zealand for the purpose of keeping the peace between the Maori and the British settlers on the islands. Otherwise three battalions were also engaged in China against the threat of the Taiping rebels who menaced the important trade port of Shanghai. The British presence on the West Coast of the North American continent was even less than that, with the forces there numbering only some 130 Royal Engineers in the colonies proper and some 150 Royal Marines on station with the Pacific Squadron.

The two British colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia had between them roughly 51,000 inhabitants, nearly half of whom were migratory workers and claims stakers searching for gold in the foothills and river valleys of British Columbia. The settled populations were concentrated in the coastal regions and fertile valleys, with the colonial capital of Vancouver, Victoria, having the largest population at almost 5,000 souls. By contrast, the settled population which made up the American Department of the Pacific (the modern states of California, Oregon, Nevada, and Franklin) was over 450,000, with 380,000 in California alone. The great American port of San Francisco boasted a population of 57,000 citizens.

The Americans had a much larger force to draw upon than their British adversaries with some 4,600 men stretch across the Department of the Pacific, but these were largely tied down in various postings and keeping law and order across the lawless regions or skirmishing with Amerindian bands in the interior. To be fully effective these forces would have to be concentrated at a focal point, while further volunteers would need to be called upon to fill the gaps left by a withdrawal of the regulars.

While the Americans boasted a greater concentration on land at sea the story could not have been more different. The American Pacific Squadron operating from Mare Island had at its disposal only seven warships, and only three modern steam sloops, two paddle sloops, and two sail sloops. In contrast the British had three steam frigates, three screw corvettes, two screw sloops, two paddle sloops, two gunboats, as well as one sail sloop, for a total of 13 warships. Clearly the early edge rested with the Royal Navy.

Commanding these various elements were a series of capable officers and civilian administrators.

On the British side the colonial government rested in the hands of Sir James Douglas, the son of a Glasgow merchant and planter and of mixed race (though he appeared majority white) was a career fur trader who had worked his way up from the bottom rungs of the Hudson`s Bay Company as a trapper and clerk to become the governor of the colony, having practically chased his predecessor from his position. Despite the presence of an elected Legislative Assembly all practical power rested in the hands of Douglas, who was an appointee. He was very protective of his position as the colonies senior administrator and ran the colony with a tight fist while governing British Columbia mainly from Victoria, earning derision from his detractors as though he was running the colony like a ‘family compact’, especially on the mainland.

Commanding the landward forces available to the British was Colonel Richard Clement Moody as the head of the British Columbia Detachment of the Royal Engineers. Moody, a career officer, educated at Woolwich had been posted on various duties throughout Britain`s colonial possessions, mainly in the West Indies and the Falklands and a tenure as professor of fortifications at Woolwich. He had been appointed to lead the British Columbia Detachment of 150 Royal Engineers[1] as well as chief commissioner of lands and lieutenant governor of British Columbia in 1858. Commanding the Royal Navy’s Pacific Squadron was Rear-Admiral Thomas Maitland. He had entered the navy in 1816 serving in postings throughout the empire, and had served in the First Anglo-Chinese War as Captain of the flagship Wellesley in 1837. He then moved on to command the RN gunnery school aboard HMS Excellent from 1854-1857 before coming to command the Pacific Squadron aboard the steam frigate Bacchante.

Sir James Douglas​

Commanding the Department of the Pacific south of the 49th parallel was the sixty year old Brigadier General George Wright. A West Point graduate Wright had served in combat against the Seminole and in the Mexican War earning distinction at Molino del Rey afterwards where he was promoted to colonel. He had served on the West Coast since 1855 and was promoted to Brigadier of Volunteers on the recommendation of his predecessor Edwin Vose Sumner upon Sumner’s return to the East. Now commanding the unified Department of the Pacific his main duties were protecting the frontier, keeping watch on secessionists, moving troops eastwards, and safeguarding the coasts. In this last duty he was aided by Flag Officer John B. Montgomery commanding the Pacific Squadron. He had served in the previous conflict between the British from the early days of the conflict and during the Mexican-American War had captured the town of Yerba Buena without a shot being fired. He had commanded the sloop of war Portsmouth and the steam frigate Roanoke before being promoted to command of the Pacific Squadron in 1859. Beneath him was Charles H. Bell another 1812 conflict veteran who had served on Lake Ontario, who would command the defensive squadron in the Bay when Montgomery moved ashore.

When war erupted in February, the telegraph hummed and the commanders on the Pacific slope were soon alerted to the dire news. Montgomery first sought to concentrate his available ships in defence of the city of San Francisco. He, Wright, and Bell, all realized it was the only real strategic objective on the western coast and were quick to call on their available resources to defend the city.

In the Department of the Pacific there were only some the majority of the available troops were pulled back to San Francisco, while Governor Leland Stanford sought Federal assistance to raise further regiments of Volunteers for service…

Wright, Montgomery, and Bell​

…Wright correctly assumed that any attack on the Pacific slope would be, by necessity, aimed at San Francisco. With the Mare Island Navy Yard, the Benicia Arsenal, and the gold reserves, it was a natural target. To defend the city four companies of the 9th Infantry Regiment was moved from the North West overland to San Francisco, with some companies of local volunteers replacing them. In San Francisco the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 5th regiments of California Volunteers were concentrated, while the 4th Regiment was posted along the frontier at Fort Yuma. Two further regiments (the 6th and 7th) were being trained and organized through the spring…

…The British meanwhile could call on only the company of Royal Marines at San Juan Island (which was bloodlessly annexed in April) and the detachment of Royal Engineers in British Columbia under Moody, whose numbers were 134 present for duty. However, even with the Marine companies from the fleet, this meant there were only some 300 regular troops available for immediate service without calling further on the resources of the Royal Navy.

To augment these forces Douglas called upon the volunteer companies of both Victoria and British Columbia. In Victoria, three companies of militia existed, the Victoria Pioneer Rifle Corps under Captain Miffin Gibbs, the Volunteer Rifle Corps under the elected Lt. Col George L. Foster, and a ‘battery’ of volunteers without guns under Captain Edgar Dewdney. On the mainland a smaller corps of Volunteers had been organized as the New Westminster Volunteer Rifles under Major Charles Drew. Douglas also placed some 50 ‘Victoria Voltiguers’ on duty, these were local ‘half-breed’ volunteers armed with company rifles and put under Douglas’s personal command.

These forces had been armed with 500 Brunswick Rifles shipped in June of 1861 in response to the worries of war in 1860. However, Douglas soon lobbied for a shipment of 1,000 modern Enfield Rifles, which was despatched by August. While these troops would be capable of securing Victoria and points on the border at New Westminster, they were, in the estimation of the men on the ground, incapable of offering a defence against a determined assault by Union forces along the whole of the frontier.

Douglas however, had a plan. Writing to the War Department he would suggest: “The Naval Force at present here, consists of Her Majesty's steam Frigate "Topaze", Captain The Honble J.W.S. Spencer; the "Hecate" Surveying Ship with the "Forward" and "Grappler" Gun Boats. With the exception of the Forward, whose boilers are worn out and unserviceable, these Ships are all in a thoroughly efficient state.

Our Military Force consists of the Detachment of Royal Engineers stationed in British Columbia, and the Royal Marine Infantry occupying the disputed Island of San Juan; forming in all about 200 rank and file.

The United States have absolutely no Naval Force in these waters, beyond one or two small Revenue Vessels; and with the exception of one Company of Artillery, I am informed that all their regular Troops have been withdrawn from Oregon and Washington Territory; but it must nevertheless be evident that the small Military Force we possess, if acting solely on the defensive, could not protect our Extensive frontier even against the Militia or Volunteer Corps that may be let loose upon the British Possessions.

In such circumstances I conceive that our only chance of success will be found in assuming the offensive and taking possession of Puget Sound with Her Majesty's Ships, re-inforced by such bodies of local auxilliaries as can, in the Emergency, be raised, whenever hostilities are actually declared, and by that means effectually preventing the departure of any hostile armament against the British Colonies, and at one blow cutting off the Enemy's supplies by sea, destroying his foreign trade, and entirely crippling his resources, before any organization of the inhabitants into military bodies can have effect.”

British ships at Esquimalt ​

Since the abortive “Pig War” of 1859, there had been disputes over how to handle the Pacific slope of North America. The Admiralty insisted that any diversion of troops from China or India was pointless as the Fleet could more than adequately protect Britain’s holdings there in light of their advantage over the American Navy. While Palmerston would view it as necessary to move some force across the Pacific to properly combat the Americans on that far front. The debate would rage well into January, but finally it was decided in March that a battalion should be detached from China as, at the very least, a holding measure. If further operations were to be required other troops could be moved.

The 99th Regiment of Foot was moved across the Pacific in late March, arriving in Victoria on May 21st 1862. An extra 800 men gave the British a decisive advantage in manpower in the region, as south of the border the Americans were in desperate straights.

Though the state government of California had been able to call upon further volunteers, the state of Oregon and the Washington territory were lacking the resources necessary to create a viable defence, much less call out whole new regiments of volunteers. While in June of 1861 there were 145 weapons issued to regional militia companies in the territory, only some 288 remained in the hands of the territorial government in Olympia. Wright determined that some form of organization should be appointed in that territory, and the commander, Col. Justus Steinberger, worked to enroll and arm the six existing companies which had expressed interest in service.

However, even with the enrolled Volunteers, and the few remaining companies of regulars under Col. Albermarle Cady and the overall Brigadier General Benjamin Alvord, they were hard pressed to concentrate their forces in any decisive manner.

Brigadier Alvord had been personally selected by Wright to command the District of Oregon (which encompassed the state of Oregon and Washington Territory) because Wright desired that the large district be commanded by an experienced officer. Alvord had served with the 4th Infantry Regiment since 1833, and had fought in the Seminole Wars and the Mexican Wars. He expected that there would be trouble with the British or the Indians, and so was prepared to do all he could to defend the territory.

He and Wright both recognized that the Puget Sound and the Columbia River were natural entry points for an invading force. Both sites were essentially defenceless against the descent of a single steamer, and the important fortifications at Fort Steilacoom and Fort Vancouver were deemed ‘not prepared for defence against heavy guns’ making them all to vulnerable to the British ships at sea.

While Alvord would do his best to defend against the British, he could expect no help from the navy. Montgomery’s first act upon the outbreak of war had been to recall his scattered squadron home from its posts across the Pacific. Bell himself had been with Lancaster off Panama when the order for American ships to concentrate had come in early February. He had returned north to San Francisco, and sent orders for his wayward vessels, Narragansett and Saranac to return home. Saranac was able to return without issue, while the unfortunate Narragansett was caught off Panama by the concentrating British squadron, and captured. That left only the sailing ships Cyane and St. Mary’s which Bell deemed unfit for service against the British squadron. Though he hoped they might cause some damage as commerce raiders, he swiftly raided their armament to outfit other vessels and manhandle a number of guns into shore positions.

Though both ships would sail as commerce raiders, it would be the three vessels taken from the Pacific Mail company that would earn the most acclaim in the Pacific…

…Outfitting other vessels for service proved difficult. The Navy was in search of ships, but many were being sold for outrageously high prices or would require exorbitant costs to fit out for warlike purposes. For instance, the vessel which would become the USS Hermann would cost 105,000$ to purchase and outfit for use by the Navy. Even as prices were soaring across California both from the devastating winter floods, and with the rise in the cost of greebacks, this would see over 500,000$ spend on naval defence alone.

The squadron under Maitland faced similar hurdles. On the outbreak of war Maitland had only the vessels Topaze(51), and the gunboats Hectate(4), Grappler(4) and Forward(4) based at Esquimalt, though they would be joined by the steam transport Vulcan(6) and the corvette Pearl(21). His flagship Bacchante(51) was at Panama, where she would be watching ships coming and going.

The remaining ships of the squadron, the corvette Termagant(21) at Callao, the sloops Cameleon(17) and Mutinie(17), the paddle gunboats Devastation(6) and Geyser(6) which had been dispatched from Britain in late January along with what would become Maitland’s new flag the liner Waterloo(89) and the frigate Undaunted(51).

Maitland would transfer his flag to Waterloo in early May, while in mid-March the vessels Termagant (replaced by Mutinie at Callao), Cameleon, Topaze, and the gunboat Devastation were initially dispatched to blockade San Francisco. With the arrival of further ships, Maitland brought Waterloo and Geyser to the blockade while Undaunted and Termagant were sent hunting the American raiders which had evaded the blockade across the Pacific…

…an assault on San Francisco would require further resources than those to hand, but Douglas’s letter to London in December. An action to seize the Washington territory was seen as a viable way to draw off Union troops for further efforts at raiding or occupying portions of the American coasts.

The 99th Foot was seen as the obvious choice to lead an assault, aided by a smattering of Royal Engineers, Marines, and sailors turned gunners. The plan was to have Pearl escort the transport Vulcan alongside a number of smaller steamers pressed into service with the gunboats Forward and Grappler alongside. They would land the 99th who would then proceed to occupy Olympia, in preparation, potentially, for a march overland to Portland and the line of the Columbia River.

Alvord, for his part, had only a token force to protect Olympia. At Fort Steilacoom there were some 150 regulars of the 4th Regiment and attached artillery, while at Olympia two companies of the 4th and the putative force of the “1st Washington Volunteer Infantry Regiment” undergoing training, alongside a green battery of artillery with two howitzers, totalling only 250 men. Alvord had two more companies of regulars at Fort Vancouver, but the remaining militia (four ad hoc companies) were scattered across the interior guarding settlers and chasing Native bands. No reinforcement from California or Oregon had been forthcoming, and by June this was all that was available to defend the territory.

The force defending Olympia overall was under the command of Col. Cady alongside militia Major Charles Rumrill. Both men had done what they could to defend these points, but overall they were outmatched. Earthworks were roughly thrown up and the few guns positioned. So when on June 22nd reports of British steamers steaming up the Puget Sound came in, both men did what they could.

The force led by Pearl under the command of Captain John Borlase steamed towards Fort Steilacoom, which was discovered abandoned, Cady having marched to Olympia rather than holding an untenable position at the fort. Detaching a company of the 99th to hold it, the British force continued south down the Sound. Anchoring at Butler Cove, the British vessels bombarded the earthworks. Despite some sharp shore fire, the guns were soon dismounted, and smoke rose from the town.

The gunboats led the landing of the shore parties of the 99th under Lt. Col. George M. Reeves, pounding up the surf and into the town. Despite an hour of intense fighting, the outcome was never in doubt. Though Cady’s 400 men fought bravely, the 900 men put into the field by the British was overwhelming. Cady’s men would fall back overland to Cathlamette, while the Union Jack would be raised over Olympia. The British had won their first strike on the Pacific Slope…” - The World on Fire: The Third Anlgo-American War, Ashley Grimes, 2009, Random House Publishing

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 43: 1862 A Year in Review​

North America:

President Lincoln signs into law the Pacific Railroad Acts, the Homestead Act, and the Morrill Land Grant Act.

May 5th – French forces are defeated at the Battle of Puebla

“Napoleon had dispatched 6,500 soldiers to Mexico commanded by the Count de Lorencez, Charles Latrille. Lorencez was the scion of a minor noble family born in 1814 he had studied Saint-Cyr and graduated in 1832, earning the rank of colonel after service in Algeria. He fought in the Crimea, fighting in the successful French assault on the Malakoff Redout earning his rank as a major general. He held the Mexican forces in ill-regard writing that his men were “…so superior to the Mexican in terms of race, organization and moral discipline that now at the head of 6,000 soldiers I am the master of Mexico.”

Using the excuse of yellow fever amongst the low lying hot lands around Veracruz he opted to move his men inland to the higher plateaus at Orizaba early in January. In reality he was positioning his forces for a march on the important city of Puebla, which controlled the road to Mexico City. In early May he marched his men inland along the winding roadway where he was joined by the Conservative general Leonardo Márquez and some 2,500 Conservative troops. He then marched on Puebla.

Puebla was defended by only some 4,500 Mexicans under the command Ignacio Zaragoza, long-time supporter of the Liberal cause with experience from the internecine conflict of the 1850s. His command was comprised of regular troops, local irregulars, and local villagers armed with a wide variety of weapons. It seemed as though the outcome could only go one way. However, Lorencez was supremely overconfident deciding to ignore advice from Márquez and attack the Mexican position head on, without the support of his Mexican auxiliaries.

The Mexican position was strong, circled by a series of entrenchments and forts. Lorencez had decided to attack a position from the north where two forts, Loreto and Guadalupe, sat on two hills above the main ground. These formed a natural ‘saddle’ of land which funneled the French troops directly into the sites of the Mexican gunners. Lorencez opened the assault with a two hour artillery bombardment, wasting almost all his ammunition as his guns were unable to depress enough to hit the hilltop Mexican positions, and consequently the French infantry would advance without support. The first assault was driven back with heavy casualties. Two further waves were also driven back. At this time though, further Mexican reinforcements arrived from the interior, tripling the Mexican numbers. Lorencez was compelled to ingloriously retreat pursued by Mexican cavalry under Porifio Diaz. The French had suffered some 700 casualties, while the Mexicans had lost only 200 men.

It was a great victory which caused a day of celebration in Mexico becoming a day celebrated the liberales radicales…

…Napoleon was greatly disturbed by the news, as well as the dawning realization that the war in North America would not be short or easy. The French public was incensed, and demands for revanche in North America were printed in the presses all around France.

Napoleon then found himself in a difficult position. To not respond would be a slight on French national honor, while losing prestige abroad. In order to properly respond though would require a significant investment of resources in North America beyond what France had already deployed. Admiral Jurien de La Gravière, in charge of the squadron in the Gulf of Mexico, was recalled to explain the lack of French preparedness in the region Gravière requested reinforcement which he was granted, receiving further six ships including the ironclad Normandie.

However, Napoleon also needed to consider his relations with the North. The Confederate minister in Paris, John Slidell, had been officially received by the Emperor, but despite repeated prodding he had not yet offered official diplomatic recognition, which was resisted by his foreign minister Edouard Thouvenel. Increasing strains between Napoleon and his foreign minister resulted in Thouvenel’s dismissal in July and his subsequent replacement by the more Southern friendly Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys. Lhuys personally entertained Slidell on a number of occasions and began making tentative gestures towards diplomatic recognition.

In the short term he offered considerable work towards French material aide, facilitating meetings with French bankers and the shipwright Lucien Armand…” – The Mexican Adventure, Marc Braudel, 1986

The Battle of Puebla​

South America:

September 10 – Francisco Solano López is appointed 2nd President of Paraguay.

Europe:

March – Victor Hugo publishes Les Miserables.

June 7th – The Tsarskoye Selo Letter (Selo Letter) is written.

“Though only found upon the opening of the Russian Archives in the 1970s, the Selo Letter has been a cause of considerable debate amongst Russian historians ever since its discovery. Tsar Alexander writing privately to the Swedish King Charles XV made a serious of, to many, frankly baffling assurances regarding Swedish interests in the Baltic. In light of their decidedly pro-Allied stance in the late with Britain and France the Tsar’s statement that “we would have no designs on Swedish land and no objection to Sweden’s ambitions” seems nearly suicidal.

Most modern scholars believe that Alexander was, at the time, trying to ease tensions with his Baltic neighbors and sow dissension amongst potential British allies in the region. A softening of relations with his neighbors. It seems his only reason for attempting such was British distraction in North America. Had he known all the consequences this letter might have, he may not have bothered writing it at all…” – The Late Baltic Powers, Ian Branagh, Oxford, 1991

September 22 - Otto von Bismarck becomes prime minister of Prussia, following refusal by the country's Landtag to accept the military budget. He begins working with Von Roon in efforts to force through a new reform of the Prussian military.

October 23 – Otto is deposed as King of Greece. This causes significant panic in London, fearing it will bring up the Eastern Question once again. Ships and soldiers meant for the North American warfront are instead dispatched to Malta.

November 20th – Parliament approves the earmarking of funds for the raising of 20,000 new men for the army, adding second regiments for the 26th through 36th Regiments of Foot.

The Expulsion of King Otto​

Asia:

April 13th – The French gain concessions from the Nguyen dynasty in the territories of of Biên Hòa, Gia Định and Định Tường. This will become Cochinchina in the French colonial empire. Guerilla leader Trương Định refuses to recognise the concessions and later treaty.

September 14th – The Namamugi Incident. Merchant Charles Lennox Richardson is killed by retainers of the daimyo of the Satsuma clan after wandering into a procession of the lord of the domain. He was hacked to death by the daimyo’s bodyguards shortly after supposedly uttering “I know how to deal with these people.” The British demand compensation for his death, but the Satsuma decline to pay.

September 20th - Battle of Cixi. Frederick Townsend Ward leads the 5,000 men of the Ever Victorious Army against the Taiping Stronghold threatening Shanghai at Cixi. With modern rifles and artillery (and aid from British gunboats) he drives the rebels from their stronghold in a day’s hard fought action. He will continue leading the army north into the new year.

Frederick Townsend Ward, leader of the Ever Victorious Army​

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 44: General Janvier​

Mount Pelion, Northumberland County, Canada West, January 4th, 1863

Cold winter wind whipped across the frozen expanse of Lake Ontario, coursing through the snow covered woods and the churned up ground along the British lines. The earthworks glistened with ice and shone beneath the steel gray sky of the New Year sun. The guns were pointed resolutely westwards, towards the Yankee headquarters at Brighton.

Lt. Col. Garnet Wolseley looked out across the near pristine white ground, straining his one good eye as though he might see the enemy. His wounded leg ached with the cold and he grinned internally. It simply wouldn’t do to have put himself in the line of fire so many times to be invalidated by frostbite. Leaning on his walking stick, he turned and began trudging down the steep hill back towards headquarters.

Sentries in grey greatcoats saluted as he passed. Wolseley nodded as he made his way to his horse. The ground crunched under his feet as he walked past the trees hung heavily with snow. A shivering corporal held his reins, he saluted with a shivering arm and Wolseley nodded to him.

“Get to one of the blockhouses corporal, find something warm.”

“Y-yes sir.” The man said, teeth chattering.

Crunching over the roadway, which, in the queer nature of Canada was far more passable in the winter, he made his way across the river to Port Trent. The town was small, barely able to contain the headquarters of the army, much less the fourteen thousand men that were contained in that army. In reality most of the “Upper Canada Field Force” was encamped along the river in brigades. Dundas maintained his headquarters close to the battlefield of the previous year, while staying on the railroad in constant communication with headquarters in Montreal.

Dundas himself had commandeered the local tavern as headquarters. The livery was overflowing with horses and officers, including the cavalry company assigned as escort. Wolseley passed off his horse to a harried looking aide and stumped his way inside past the Volunteer guarding the door. The ground floor was filled by staff and messengers. Fires burning from the old double box stove in the waiting area and the fires in the barroom and kitchen meant it was tolerably warm for a Canadian winter.

Much of the town had been taken over by the First Division, while open space had been filled by wooden huts camped in by companies. The town had ballooned in size since the battle in August, though really only the first brigade and the staff were directly in the town.

Wolseley shed his greatcoat, handing it to Lough, who seemed to materialize from thin air, and looked for a free seat.

“Over here old boy!” Came a delighted call. Wolseley looked for the voice and his eyes widened in shock.

“Soames??” He asked, mouth almost agape as he walked over and clasped the other mans proffered arm. “Good God man, why are you here? Shouldn’t you be with the army on the Richelieu?”

“Oh that I should be, but special delivery and all that.” He chuckled patting his pockets. “For this though, I would ask we get some privacy. Show me to your quarters?”

Wolseley looked around and saw the not quite well concealed curiosity of junior officers glancing at the assistant adjutant general and an officer of Her Majesty’s Cavalry in a place conspicuously lacking any such units. Wolseley nodded and led him to the second floor where the inns ballroom had been turned into a staff headquarters. He led him to the room just off of his own and closed the door.

“Come now, what is with all this cloak and dagger nonsense Soame?” Wolseley said. “I’m not one for it among friends.”

“The letter I have for you comes right from London. They’ve made a rather far reaching decision.” Wolseley felt his eyebrows rising.

“Go on.” Soame unfolded the letter, containing numerous documents and it seemed, many pieces of correspondence.

“I’m telling you now because you’ll be overjoyed, but I am supposed to deliver this to a superior officer for the Field Marshal.” Wolseley felt his curiosity itching at him like a rash. He wanted to yell at the other man to go on.

“Dundas is being promoted to Field Marshal to command the army in Canada East, Williams is to be transferred to Canada West to take command of the ‘Third Corps’ Army of Canada. You and the staff will be moving along east on the train to begin reorganizing the field army, you’ve been reassigned.”

Wolseley was silent for a moment as he absorbed the news. It was stupendous! He would no longer be staff to a largely militia force on a secondary front, he was moving to be with the most powerful force yet assembled by Britain in the war! It took him a moment to let that sink in, then he smiled.

“Soames this is a late Christmas gift but it’s the best one I could have asked for! This will mean a whole reorganization, the army changing completely!”

“I knew you’d want to see it first.” The cavalryman said grinning.

“Difficult time to be moving though. We can only be thankful the Americans have been so quiet.”

“I noticed the rails were largely intact. The Yankees seem to have been shirking their duties of late.” Soames shook his head. The only real way to keep the British in Canada West down was by cutting that railroad in winter. Someone had made a big oversight.

“I dare say I’m inclined to thank them for it at the moment. Once we’re ready I can be in Montreal in hours. Will you be accompanying us back?”

“My friend you can count on it.” Soames grinned.

“In that case, once you’ve delivered the news to the general, let’s gather the staff and have a toast.”

“God save the Queen and damn the Yankees?” Wolseley laughed at Soames quip.

“God save the Queen and damn the Yankees!” He repeated.

Cowan Farm and Rouge River, Canada West, January 12th, 1863

The moon was waning, casting dark shadows across the frozen woodlots and swamps on the shores of Lake Ontario. Snowdrifts glistened off of the lake giving an arctic appearance to the land. The farms on the lakeshore were islands of settled civilization against that foreboding white expanse. Some lights shone fitfully in the darkness, and plumes of smoke rose from chimneys as the evening embers burned down, but for most, the day was done.

Henry Cowan was a prosperous farmer and had thus far managed to miss the worst of the war. His sons had all stayed home when the call to arms came, and he had even managed to avoid being harassed by the advancing armies. He had lost some horses and livestock to feed the Yankee horde, but so far no more than that. It did not make him love the invaders however. His eldest son William, sat with a band of men who were even less disposed to like them in the evening chill. The barn was large enough to accommodate the men of the raiding party, most of them at least.

Captain William D. Pollard, formerly of the 31st Battalion of Volunteer Infantry, sat at the head of forty men crammed into the barn. They carried few lights, and were mostly seated around a foul smelling barrel. Roughly half the men were fugitives from the disastrous fight at Delaware Crossroads eight months previous. The other half were locals who had, for one reason or another, decided to strike back at the invaders. They all carried weapons of some sort; muskets, shotguns, Enfield rifles, and fowling guns, along with a collection of hatchets, old swords, and knives. It was a motley armament for a diverse band of raiders.

“Any word from the scouts yet?” One asked.

“No.” Pollard said in the dim light. They were all careful that the lights were well back from the barrel or the pails sitting nearby.

A creaking broke the silence and men went for swords or pistols.

“It’s me!” A voice called. “Don’t panic. We got their patrol, time to move.”

“Good.” Pollard said. “You know the plan men, hunters with me, painters with Mr. Nisbet. I’ll crack a shot to let you know when to light it.”

There was a flurry of ‘yes captain’ as half the group, largely the locals, took their buckets and brushes and set out towards the frozen marsh near the lake shore. The militiamen began trekking through the snow, snowshoes giving them traction, and they soon came by a second group of men who were hiding five bodies stripped of their uniforms and greatcoats behind a copse of trees.

“All in order Captain.” One of the men donning a captured Yankee great coat said in a thick Irish burr. “It’s the Second Canadian Volunteers as we thought. Should make this easier now.”

“Any other patrols?” Pollard asked.

“Just the one, and they were straggling. I think if we’re not knocking on the door in ten minutes they’ll get suspicious if they’re not all drunk.”

“You get a move on then.” Pollard replied, pointing towards the looming shape of two of the great blockhouses spanning the railroad bridge in the distance.

The four blockhouses had been constructed in September when someone had burnt down the bridge which spanned the marshy end of Rogue River as it entered Lake Ontario. Being so close to Toronto, and the lakeshore, it was quickly rebuilt, but if it was thoroughly wrecked it would mean that no supplies would reach the Yankee army on the Trent River for well over a week while they tried to rebuild the bridge. And as an added bonus, near eighty traitors would be dead in the process.

Pollard and most of the men under his command were survivors from the disintegration of the 3rd Brigade following the Battle of Delaware Crossroads. The 3rd Brigade had routed, its men mostly killed or captured. Pollard himself had only escaped capture by throwing away his uniform pants and hiding with a farmer in the aftermath. He, and other survivors, had drifted together throughout June and July, and following the confirmed rumours of what had happened at Brantford, had been striking back at the Yankees. At first he had commanded only a dozen men, sniping at army patrols and killing the occasional sentry. But his little band had soon grown to fifty strong, and others had joined him hoping to hit back at the enemy.

This would be his most audacious attack yet, and he hoped his most effective. It had required considerable cooperation with the locals to pull off. The foul barrel and its contents were key to their success. If his painters did things right, they would have struck a mighty blow against the Yankees.

Slowly, his men stalked towards the blockhouse.

-x-x-x-x-​

Corporal Patrick Boyle sat warming his hands by the brazier in the main room of the two story blockhouse. The sounds of snoring from the other eight men in the cramped bunks around him were a constant headache, and he wished he could fall asleep with them. Unfortunately he was on watch waiting for the return of the other ten men out on patrol, his only company was the equally ill tempered Private Donnelly who had gained watch duty as a punishment for fighting in the ranks. Probably a dreg and a criminal who had no business serving alongside true Irish patriots like Boyle, but so long as he was awake Boyle didn’t care.

“Damn but I wish I were back in Toronto.” Donnelly muttered, not for the first time and Boyle was sure not for the last.

“Oh shut up Donnelly, just sit patient and wait for the patrol.”

“You don’t see Major Murphy down here doing this work do ya?” Donnelly said, ignoring Boyle. “Nah, he sits warm and cosy in Hamilton while we suffer here strung out in the wilderness. Can’t even be in the city cuz those damn Tories” he paused to spit into the corner “would riot on account of our presence. I say we just shoot them all and be done with it.”

Most of the men of the 2nd Canadian Volunteers had enlisted when the American army had occupied Toronto in the summer. Six hundred proud Irishmen who remembered British misrule had signed up under the command of the newly minted Major Michael Murphy who had been an organizer for the Fenian Brotherhood before the war. Their presence had caused considerable friction within Toronto, and so the garrison commander had moved them to Hamilton, or guarding the lines of communication around the city.

Largely throughout the fall and winter the men had sat in garrison, gone on patrol, shot or hung a few guerrillas, or simply been bored. That had led to problems, drinking and brawling had become common. There was talk about sending them to the front in spring, and Boyle thought that would be for the best.

A harsh pounding sounded on the door and Boyle looked up.

“Get the door Donnelly.” The surly private grunted in response. He heard the bolt slam back, and the door creaking open. The was a muted grumble of something, then a sound like someone falling. Rolling his eyes Boyle turned to lambast someone for being drunk but froze.

Donnelly was struggling in the arms of a man in a greatcoat, a red patch of blood flowing down his blue uniform. More men piled in. Boyle made to scream, but one of his assailants grabbed him around the throat and held fast.

The struggled, Boyle knocking against the table at the center of the blockhouse. He punched, bit, and tried to break free but iron talons closed his windpipe. Slowly his vision began to fade. As he lost consciousness, he made a prayer to himself.

Mary full of Grace…

-x-x-x-x-​

The man in Pollard’s hands went limp. Drawing a knife and stabbing him through the heart for good measure, he looked around the room. His men had made quick work of the sleeping soldiers, not a one had stirred while their throats were slit. Quiet and professional, nothing which would alert the rest of the men nearby.

“Gather their weapons and anything else of value, then let’s be gone.” He whispered. The guerrillas quickly ransacked the building. He would have liked to do the same to all the blockhouses, but that would have been far too risky. Instead, they’d followed in the footsteps of the patrols, and his painters had used their foul concoction to paint the doors of each blockhouse. Soon they were finished, and tramping out into the snow again, kicking open the stove and scattering hot ashes to make good their escape.

Checking his watch, he saw they were precisely on schedule. Each of his other ranking subordinates had scrounged a pocket watch for this attack, and in one minute all would be ready. The sixty seconds felt like an eternity to him, and he waiting, stamping his feet from the cold. Twenty seconds passed the minute mark, and creeping dread moved up his spine and into his throat.

The warm glow across the river alerted him that all was well.

“Thank God you got your men in Collingwood got us that barrel.” One of the locals said. “Never could have burnt this so nicely without that petroleum.”

Pollard nodded. His business, the Craighleath Shale Oil Works had been pumping out the crude oil since the 1850s for use in lamps. Sticky and foul smelling, he liked to say it was safer than kerosene and coal oil in order to get sales. It was also nice and flammable, which made it perfect for the task at hand.

As the men watched, the bridge had fingers of flame creeping up along its trestles. The new wooden structures were largely green and not easy to burn, but with a liberal application of the oil, his painters set it ablaze. The blockhouses too saw gouts of flame leap along their bases, and the panicked cries of the men inside echoed through the night.

Smiling with grim satisfaction, Pollard watched a moment more, before turning and leading his men off into the night.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 45: General Février​

Memphis, Tennessee, February 11th 1863

The garrison had surrendered the previous day, Stirling Price’s command having been trapped after its attempted break out, but the scars from the artillery bombardment and naval engagement still remained. Outside the city, nearly ten thousand rebel troops were stacking arms and being herded north to prison camps. Though some had escaped, the city had been well and truly encircled for nearly a month and the incessant bombardment had kept most civilians inside and under cover. Smoke from the supplies the Confederates had attempted to burn still wafted over the city, casting a pall that mixed with the cloudy sky, making the city look as though it was locked in a perpetual twilight.

Major General Ulysses S. Grant rode alongside his escort along Third Street towards the city Post Office presently being used as his headquarters. Nearly a month of hard marching and fighting had left the combined Army of the Mississippi and Western Tennessee exhausted. Only the Army of the Mississippi was in much shape for fighting, and they were slowly pushing south while their comrades in the army of Western Tennessee were holding the line in the city. The tired faces of his troops perked up when they saw him ride by and cheers were raised. Grant looked on and nodded or waved, but he didn’t have time to accept the adulation of the troops, fully occupying the city was too much work.

He arrived at the Post Office, dismounted, and walked in past the sentries outside who saluted smartly. The building had been one of the few not damaged during the Confederate attempt at breaking out before their surrender, and it suited him to use the main offices for his own. No former workers were still in attendance, and instead a gaggle of couriers and junior officers was all that occupied the offices, making them seem disturbingly empty. His aide, Colonel Webster met him in the entry hall.

“General Sherman to see you sir.” He said, handing him the most recent dispatches. Grant sighed.

“I told him to rest. He did get that order didn’t he?”

“Says he rested a whole hour sir.” Snorting, Grant took out a cigar while Webster leant over and lit it for him. Nodding thanks he walked into the office he had appropriated as his headquarters. The fiery redheaded soldier was leaning on the old post master’s desk and scowling at the post map Grant had begun using as his own map. The desk was littered with old papers and postal reports, and Grant hoped something useful would come from it.

“I thought I told you to rest Cump.” Grant said stepping in.

“Didn’t Webster tell you? I rested a whole hour, that’s more sleep than our boys get most nights recently.” William Tecumseh Sherman said, not taking his eyes from the map. Shaking his head, Grant joined his most trusted subordinate by the map.

“You changed it.” Grant said simply. Sherman nodded.

“Looks like that ad-hoc division under old Tilghman from Jackson joined Beauregard at Grenada. He’s got maybe ten-thousand troops now. That’s all that’s blocking us from marching to Vicksburg now.” Shifting his head he looked at the other collection of red pins in the map. “Well, that and Johnson's thirty-thousand at Corinth.”

“If Johnson moves soon, and I’ll wager you a whole crate of cigars he doesn’t, it’ll be north. We gave him too much of a beating at Grand Junction.”

Two weeks earlier Grant had moved with Sherman and Hurlbut’s divisions to meet the advance of Johnson’s army. Digging in at Grand Junction they’d weathered no less than three separate attacks by the Confederates before the opposition had withdrawn with greater casualties. Grant estimated they’d inflicted better than three to one losses on Johnson. Now the other man, who had thoroughly vexed the Union cause since last year, was licking his wounds at the crucial rail terminus of the Confederacy, no doubt dug in himself.

But that left Grant with some problems.

While Pope’s Army of the Mississippi was marching south to vex Beauregard and his troops who’d escaped the fall of the city, Thomas and his army in Kentucky were also moving south to threaten Nashville. The city had been in Confederate hands since last fall, and with Memphis having fallen it was open to renewed campaign. However, Grant would have to fight his way down the Tennessee again, and from all his information the Confederates had done much to improve their position from what it had been a year ago.

They’d built a new, stronger, fortification on the high bluffs on the Tennessee River just over the border in Kentucky. Fort Johnson looked stronger than the flooded Fort Henry which Grant had taken without resistance a year ago, and Fort Donelson had been rebuilt and strengthened. Worse, two ironclads had been built and floated on the river, which meant that Grant’s existing naval strength would have to be divided in order to maneuver against it. Though the Confederate fleet was considerably weakened from the fighting in December, it was still a threat.

“I won’t take that wager.” Sherman said grinning ruefully. “Besides, way you’ve been smoking recently I’d have to fight you for them.” Looking over the map he grimaced. “Pope’s men can heckle Beauregard, but we’re going to have to hand Steele back to Curtis. He wants to advance into Arkansas, and he’s asking for some of our supplies to do it.”

“I don’t blame him. He’s been sitting idle for the better part of a year. The only thing he’s done is chase bushwhackers to ground and skirmish with the secesh over the state line. If I were him I would be wanting to march into Little Rock too.”

“Does that mean we are going to send him powder and mules?”

“Not yet.” Grant replied. Webster returned to them with a steaming coffee pot and poured two warm streams into waiting tin cups. Sherman sipped his and grimaced.

“Damn! Chicory again! You’d think with a victory like this we could be celebrating with some real coffee!”

“Didn’t capture any, that or Beauregard skedaddled with it. Besides, we had worse in Mexico.” He remembered with no particular fondness the mesquite brew some troops had taken to distilling. The lack of coffee though, was yet another reason he wasn’t eager to share supplies with Curtis, no matter how much he might need them. With the captured stores in Memphis Grant could keep campaigning for the next six months, if he shared those resources he guessed he might lose three months worth of fighting material, meaning unless he captured another large supply depot he wouldn’t be in any shape to campaign past May.

“Hell of a thing the Limeys are doing keeping a man from real coffee. I bet its just lining the wharves in Charleston and New Orleans.”

“Doesn’t do us much good griping about it.” Grant said. “However, I’m not complaining that the Limey’s sent a few thousand Enfield rifles up the river and Beauregard forgot them. That’s a true present right there.”

“I’ll be glad to return the bullets to the senders.” Sherman grinned. “Now though, what are we going to do about this victory of ours?”

“We have options now at least.” Grant replied. “Johnson is going to be under some pressure to attack at some point, but I don’t want him moving unless its moving against us. If he joined his troops with Van Dorn in Nashville, he won’t have parity with us, but he could cause problems. The only way to get him to move is most likely going to be moving on Nashville from the north and south, and we can squeeze them out unless he wants to get stuck in the city. If he chooses to stay in Nashville and make a siege of it, so much the better.”

“Think he will?”

“Johnson is too smart for that. He’ll probably retreat south and into Eastern Tennessee, maybe he’ll pull Kirby Smith from Kentucky, maybe he won’t. It will depend if Richmond lets him.”

“If they don’t that could work in our favor, less men for Johnson.”

“Let’s hope Richmond is that stupid then.” Sherman said taking another grimacing sip of the chicory coffee. “If they are, it’s on to Nashville, and then, Tennessee will once again fly the Union flag.”

Mechanics Institute (War Department), Richmond, Virginia, February 20th 1863

It was chilly in Richmond. Even the fires burning in the Mechanics Institute, serving as the administrative headquarters of the Confederate War and Navy Department’s, couldn’t keep the whole chill of late February out.

Jefferson Davis sat sipping real honest-to-God-coffee happily keeping the cold out of his bones. Since the British had broken the Yankee blockade the previous year, goods which had been running scarce were now plentiful. More importantly, cotton which had been embargoed or scarce, would be flowing out of Southern ports and into the hungry factories of Britain and France. Already there were murmurs of discontent from Southern planters as they discovered that the government intended to raise the export taxes on their cotton. Governors Pickens and Vance of South and North Carolina, were crying bloody murder. Davis was paying them no mind, they needed the money and he would get it.

The other members of the little gathering, Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin, Secretary of War James Seddon, Secretary of the Navy Stephen Mallory, Admiral Franklin Buchanan and General Lee, who sat alongside the two other cabinet members in front of Seddon’s desk. Davis himself had claimed the more comfortable chair behind the desk, and sat observing the detailed maps in front of him. They were remarkably well done, more accurate than the slapdash maps in his own office which tracked the armies and rough front lines.

Tracing the lines and known dispositions of the armies in Virginia, they ran as far west as the Shenandoah Valley and out to the positions of the British fleet in the Chesapeake. Various penciled in notes, annotations, and chips marked the most well known intelligence and the lesser known positions of the various forces. On it were clearly indicated the positions of the Army of Northern Virginia and its four Corps, as well as, more speculatively in some cases, the Army of the Potomac.

“These are all the most recent reports General Lee?” Davis asked.

“They are sir.” Lee nodded. “My cavalry reports, and our own spies have corroborated these reports as of this Tuesday. We can be largely certain of McClellan’s dispositions at Centreville, as he has not stirred since November. Beyond that, the government in Washington has been shuffling troops around for various endeavours. So far, no preparations seem to be in the offing for a campaign in the next month or so.”

“This is pleasurable news General Lee. Though I fear inaction here may allow the Yankees to continue their assault out West.” He frowned as he said that. Johnson’s inability to save Memphis was becoming a particular sore spot. Though their forces still controlled Frankfort Kentucky and all points east of the Tennessee River, it was assumed a campaign against Nashville was again in the offing, and the fall of Memphis would allow the Yankees to advance through Arkansas, potentially threatening Mississippi and Louisiana. There was angry grumbling in Congress, and he feared that he was beginning to lose support from his Western caucus. If they joined the Carolinas in grumbling, it could prove disastrous.

“It is my hope Mr. President that out efforts here will forestall any Yankee advance further up the Mississippi. If these operations prove fruitful then we could end the whole war at a stroke!”

“While I approve of this optimism General Lee, what I require is an assurance this is feasible with our means.” Davis said looking to his naval advisors.

“In terms of men, I have no qualms with the plan.” Mallory replied. “As for ships, suitable river craft and coastal vessels could be found or scooped up from the James River and Chesapeake flotillas, but I am not sure that we can be entirely comfortable with their defence.”

“The Virginia and South Carolina are powerful vessels, you may be assured sir.” Admiral Buchanan said. “But they are only two vessels, and the Yankees have their own damnable ships lurking up river. To prevent this operation they might, nay must, risk everything. This even in the face of the British fleet.”

“I will acknowledge sir, this plan is a gamble.” Lee added. “However, if it is to have any chance of success, I must have the navy.”

“And the navy is prepared to support you General.” Mallory said, looking slightly indignant. “We however, do not desire to risk our ships without some assurances of our own.” All eyes suddenly fell on the Secretary of State, who smiled.

“Gentleman, I believe you need not fear. I trust you have all spoken at length with Colonel Freemantle at one time or another since the fall?” There were nods. “Then this is well, as he has assured me that Admiral Milne is inclined to support this venture, he merely requires the blessing of London.”

“And what does London require of us?” Davis asked, sensing a trap.

“London merely requires an assurance that we will not ah, interfere with any colored persons under the British flag. They also seem leery of a coalition effort, their experiences in the Crimea in the last war with Russia seem to have them spooked regarding any direct coalition on our part.”

“They’re presumptuous in asking us not to interfere with negros.” Mallory grumbled. “There’s talk of slaves running to British ships and the British passing them off as colored sailors, and nobody can prove otherwise.”

“Why do we need them anyhow?” Seddon grumbled.

“Why because they have the largest fleet in the world Mr. Seddon.” Benjamin added pleasantly. Seddon looked as though he wanted to retort but Davis forestalled him.

“Has there been any discussion of our recognition?” He asked. Benjamin’s smile deflated slightly.

“So far, no. They seem annoyingly recalcitrant on the issue.”

“They wait for a victory.” Lee said. Davis slapped his coffee cup into its saucer.

“Have we not shed blood enough?” He growled. “Every Yankee incursion against Virginia has failed! You have personally whipped McClellan twice, and he has failed to gain an inch of soil since the summer last! Why must Britain vacillate on the issue? We have the French sniffing around our door every day, but they will not move without Britain!”

“They desire we should win a crushing victory that our independence is not in doubt.” Lee replied. “Their own campaigns took an embarrassing reversal in New York in September, and though they occupy Maine, they have not yet defeated a Yankee army in the field either, and the Yankees are well inside Canada itself. It is in London’s interest to be nervous, which is why I propose such a bold plan.”

Davis looked down at the map again. Only one hundred miles separated the two national capitals, and men had bled and died across them for the past two years. At the start of the war the Federal navy had meant they might land soldiers at will, and had done so, invading the Carolinas and harassing Virginia’s coast and blockading all before them. Now the British made the Yankees feel that fear. Over 200,000 men were gathered to do battle in Virginia, and Davis held the lives of many of them in his hands, and the independence of his infant nation.

The old ache behind his eye throbbed and he closed his eyes for a moment. It was such a momentous decision. So many lives, such risk, but the reward? It was momentarily overwhelming. Opening his eyes he looked at the men with him.

“Very well general, you have my blessing. So long as the British fleet supports us, I am amiable to this action.”

William H. Webb shipyards, New York, February 25th 1863

The frigid breeze ruffling the vests and coats of the three observers brought only some relief to the sweat soaked workers in the yards. They scurried and climbed about the great iron hulls of the two massive warships sitting in the docks, looking like great beached whales for all the work done on them. Shouts and the sound of hammers and steam powered drills carried over even the cacophony of gulls and the waves on the wharf.

Bundled against the cold, John Hay stamped his feet as he watched the scene unfold. It reminded him nothing so much as ants swarming over the carcass of a dead animal in the summer heat. Even though they were building ships rather than eating a corpse, the work seemed distressingly slow.

“I must admit Mr. Hay, I am upset that you and Mr. Fox have insisted on pulling men and material from the Dunderberg project. That ironclad could have been the bane of the British for years.” William H. Webb, the man who ran the shipyards said. The shipping magnate had given himself wholly to the war effort, and his yards had turned out blockade runners and gunboats in good numbers. However, he seemed fixated on the massive ironclad that had been planned the year previous.

“Well Mr. Webb, it was Admiral Farragut who made the suggestion. We are merely deferring to the admirals judgement.” He said, nodding to the tall man in uniform standing next to him. Admiral Farragut, commander of the Atlantic Squadron barely acknowledged the compliment, instead he gestured at the two large ships ahead of him.

“With all due respect Mr. Webb, the Dunderberg would have taken years to complete, and we do not have years. I barely have months.”

“But you have given the British the greatest defeat since Perry at Lake Erie.” Webb objected.

“It has stalled them for now, for now.” Farragut admitted. “But they still have the largest fleet in the world, and they build more warships than we do. My own vessels have suffered loss, and as you gentlemen are no doubt aware, we are losing the ironclad race.”

“We turn out an ironclad almost every three months.” Webb objected.

“The monitors, with all their power, are not vessels to challenge the British at sea Mr. Webb.” The Admiral chided. “These vessels are such, and I need vessels to take the fight to the British. So often now they simply sail out of range when I sortie, but they have large ironclads of their own now. Unless you have missed the new ships anchoring at Sandy Hook?”

The other men nodded solemnly. Even though Farragut had delivered stinging defeats to the British, the British victories in Maine had eased their difficulties considerably. Now they had thickened their lines, and seemed determined to strangle the life blood of America’s greatest city. The empty wharves and warehouses along the waterfront were a grim testament to this fact, even as commerce raiders and blockade runners made their sorties, little trade was coming to the greatest city in North America.

“I merely hope this will be worth it. The Italian minister has lodged incessant complaints regarding their seizure.” Hay said.

“The Italians are not fighting for their lives against the world’s largest empire. They will survive.” Farragut said, blithely brushing the political considerations aside. Hay almost envied his command responsibilities that kept him from dealing with the irate complaints of foreign dignitaries.

“Is the schedule proceeding apace Mr. Webb?” Farragut continued. Webb nodded.

“The men are working double shifts, and every scrap of iron is being scrounged up for them, which I must add is causing no end of complaint from the other builders, but I can say for certain we should be able to launch these vessels by August at the earliest.”

“I would far prefer May.” Farragut said.

“And the whole nation would like to be at peace, but if we all had what we liked I wouldn’t be hear on this pier.” Hay said, that brought smiles from both men. “On a less important note, there is some debate over naming the ships.”

“Well obviously one must be named New York, the people of this state could hardly have it otherwise with the sacrifices they have made.” Webb said.

“Other states will all be competing for names though. These will be some of our largest ships yet put to sea by the nation, and every loyal state wants the honor of having it named after them. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Vermont are all making strong cases. Even Maryland is chiming in.”

“Mr. Hay I am surprised at you.” Farragut said. “The name ought to be simple enough.”

“How do you mean Admiral?” Hay asked, genuinely curious. Farragut gave him a wolfish smile.

“These ships are being made to spite the British, and we want to give them a defeat they shall not soon forget. They believe they have won on the far fronts, with naval descents on our coasts from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Their soldiers have shed American blood in our main border states, and one has suffered more than others in terms of land lost and sons buried. We must remember Maine gentlemen.”

Hay nodded. Remember Maine. It had a catchy line to it, he would need to mention that to the President.

“We must remember Maine Admiral, remember Maine indeed.”

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 46: Last Stand of the Mohican​

“I wish to have no connection with any ship that does not sail fast; for I intend to go in harm's way.” – John Paul Jones, in a letter to Le Ray de Chaumont, November 1778

“By the winter of 1862-63 the British blockade had tightened. Notwithstanding Admiral Farragut’s brilliant successes at New York, the fall of Portland, the bombardment and destruction of Portsmouth Naval Yard, and continued British command of the seas meant that the pre-war Union trade networks were completely disrupted alongside the loss of trade with Britain which had in 1860 had represented 40% of US trade. Though Britain lost her trade with the Union, this only comprised 15% of her own trade in the same period.

This imposed significant strain on the Union economy. Railroads were taken over for military purposes, disrupting internal trade and communications. Wharves and docks sat empty and unused, putting tens of thousands out of work. Ships were lost at an astonishing rate and insurance premiums skyrocketed, leading to enormous losses among coastal industries. The dislocation of the North – South trade also played out with the dislocation of trade between East and West. Other than what could be shipped on the arduous overland routes, the Pacific states were on their own. Even the states of the old northwest found themselves discomforted by the shift of men and materials to Canada, which took up space otherwise occupied in internal trade…

…the commerce war had been ongoing since late February of the year previous. Though many of the early raiders had achieved great success before the Royal Navy ordered her ships to go to convoy, most had suffered from the subsequent attention of Her Majesties ships. Whether it was the Pawnee sunk in the North Sea in May, or the Mississippi run aground off Delaware, the early raiders suffered once the Royal Navy committed to hunting them.

One of these early ships which proved to be an exception in that regard, was the USS Mohican. The Mohican was first commissioned in February 1859, named for the Mohican tribe which had inhabited the Hudson Valley in pre-colonial times. Armed with two 11inch guns and four 32pnd guns, she was not the most well armed vessel in the navy, nor the fastest at only 10 knots at the best of times. With her crew of 160 men she could not be expected to take many prizes either, however, her captain was something else entirely.

In 1860, Sylvanus William Godon had just been promoted to captain in the United States Navy. He had enlisted in the navy as a ten year old midshipman n 1819, and had made the service his life. Serving on various vessels he was promoted to lieutenant in 1836 and served on the USS Ohio under Commodore Isaac Hull in the Mediterranean in 1839 to 1841. During the Mexican War he was part of the fleet which compelled the surrender of the Mexican fortress at Veracruz, commanding the bomb ship Vesuvius in her bombardment of that city, and after the war was promoted to the rank of commander in 1855.

Taking command of the Mohican in 1860 he was assigned to the navy’s Africa Squadron which was charged with policing the international slave trade. On August 8th, he captured the American slaver Erie and forced it to port where he unloaded its cargo of 897 slaves, 564 of whom were children. Then, he took the captain and crew into custody[1]. For this action he was highly commended in the Northern presses, and he would continue on his slave trade suppression mission until the outbreak of war, returning to Union waters in September 1861.

The Mohican next took part in the assault on Port Royal as a part of Commodore Du Pont’s fleet. He was noted for his courageous action, placing Mohican in position to enfilade the rebel batteries. From there Mohican took part in the blockade until she was recalled with all other war worthy steamers in February 1862, narrowly missing the fleet of Admiral Milne.

Sylvanus William Godon​

Returning to New York, she underwent a much needed refit and yard work for three months. On June 7th 1862 she sortied with orders to harass British commerce wherever it could be found. Her first catch was the schooner Seabright destined for Wilmington. Capturing the crew, Godon ordered the schooner burned and set the standard for the upcoming naval campaign. In short order he had burned three more ships, his biggest prize being the iron hulled screw steamer Lord Byron off of Portugal. This report soon reached the Royal Navy in Gibraltar, and in September, the frigate Doris was hunting for her off Cadiz.

Only pausing to take on coal and provisions, Godon cast off in the middle of the night, steaming past Doris and making a clean break for the open ocean. She brazenly sailed past the blockaders in another midnight run, and entered New York harbor to great acclaim. Taking on ammunition, provisions, and giving her crew a much needed rest, she soon set sail again in November 1862, making for the Caribbean.

Capturing and burning the bark Spectator she soon sailed off St. Thomas and burned the schooner Needham. In this first Caribbean cruise she would capture a further seven ships, burning them all and causing significant indignation in London.

In January, she fell in with the American vessel the USS Iroquois which had been doing similar damage to Confederate and British commerce in the Gulf. The two ships cruised in squadron for a month, burning the two Southern schooners and a British steam ship. They made their greatest catch in February however.

While cruising in concert off the coast of Mexico, the two vessels chanced upon the sloop HMS Desperate on February 25th. Proudly flying their colors, the two ships bore down on the lone British sloop. Combined, the two US vessels had 12 guns outgunning the 8 on Desperate. Though the British ship attempted to outpace her pursuers, she was soon caught and engaged…

The battle was fierce, and despite Desperate’s best efforts, she could not outmaneuver the two enemy vessels or break contact…

She was soon forced to strike her colors after losing 45 of her compliment, and taking on dangerous amounts of waters after being holed three times. Her commander, John Ross, surrendered his crew to the care of the American warships. With their prize damaged and sinking, Godon allowed the British vessel to be lost and in turn took the crew to the Mexican port of Matamoros where they were paroled and put to shore.

In the aftermath of this cruise he would again bring his ship back to port, running the blockade to reach New York where he would learn of the loss of the Portsmouth Navy Yard. Down for three months of refit and repair, he sortied again in June, sneaking past the blockers in the night, made much easier by Farragut’s actions at Sandy Hook.

This time he would venture further south than before, to the coasts of South America. It was off the coast of Columbia where the Mohican captured her first prize of this cruise, steamer Josephina which due to her status as a steam vessel, Godon made the rare judgement that she should be obtained as a prize and ordered her to New York with a prize crew. Continuing to the coast of Brazil, he captured and burned the bark Winnifred among other vessels. However, he was hunted relentlessly by the vessels of Rear Admiral Warren’s South-East squadron. A proper hunt was complicated as in June, the Empire of Brazil expelled the British minister and consuls following disputes over British shipping rights, and orders were given for Brazilian shore batteries to fire on British ships interfering with vessels in Brazilian coastal waters.

Upon learning this news from the crew of the Winnifred Godon decided he would use Rio de Janeiro as a base of operations. While in Rio, his crew became minor celebrities and in August were even entertained by Emperor Pedro himself. However, their luck could not last, and after sortieing for the last time in September, the Mohican was at last cornered.

Having deduced that the Mohican might use Brazilian ports as a base, Warren had ordered the 31 gun frigate Curacoa under the command of Captain Phillimore to patrol the waters near Rio. It was returning from a fruitless cruise late September that Godon’s vessel was spotted. Realizing he could not hope to outrun the larger vessel, Godon, under a flag of truce, asked that the British allow him to evacuate his sick, along with any personal correspondence, to the port in Rio. Phillimore obliged, and even offered his own boats to aid in the evacuation to a neutral bark.

Upon doing so, the two ships agreed to meet at 2pm on September 30th to do battle. Giving a rousing speech to his men, Godon praised their patriotism and their valor in carrying out the mission assigned to them. “In the proud history of our fleet, we have vexed Her Majesties vessels, whether with Paul Jones at the Firth of Forth or Admiral Perry upon waters of Lake Erie. Let it not be said that we have carried out our duty any less than those heroes or that we were afraid to match broadsides with the enemy.”

The two ships met, and the battle was joined by the exchange of ranging shots from Curocoa which failed to find traction at first. Hoping he could use his smaller ship to maneuver around the larger vessel and to the safety of neutral waters Godon angled to stay just off the bow of the British vessel. In turning, he managed to stay out of range of the British ship until 2:57pm, when at last Curocoa managed to bring her guns to bear. The battle was short, the weight of fire being enormous in its disparity. Though Godon’s men manned their guns with admirable tenacity, they were soon overwhelmed. Sinking, and with her entire port broadside dismounted, Godon, who had been wounded in the exchange, had no choice but to surrender his ship. At 3:33pm, Phillimore accepted the surrender of the Mohican, and saved as many of the crew as she could. Of the 144 men who went into battle, 119 were rescued, many of them wounded.

Throughout her three cruises the Mohican captured 19 British vessels and managed to sink a British sloop of war. Though only a small part of the commerce war, Mohican was one of the most successful cruisers, with only the USS Kearsarge outdoing her in the total of British merchantmen sunk over the whole of the war.

Godon would be exchanged in November 1863, and upon his return would be rewarded the Medal of Honor for his valor. At the close of the war he was made Rear-Admiral and honored by being given command of the South American Squadron from 1866-1868, whereupon he returned the United States and was employed as commandant of the Brooklyn Naval Yard. In the capacity he was a firm supporter of Admiral Farragut’s armored warship design, which would prove fortuitous. Though he retired from the navy in 1872, he would live to see the launch of the Guerriere Class of armored frigate, and even launching the vessel which bore his own commands’ namesake, the USS Mohican, in 1877.” – Cruise of the USS Mohican 1862-1863, Louis Palmer, The American Naval Gazette, May 1983 issue.

-----

1] The commander of the ship was Nathaniel Gordon, the only man to be executed for the slave trade in US history.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 47: A War of Conscience Pt. 1​

“The Constitution itself. Its language is "we the people"; not we the white people. Not even we the citizens, not we the privileged class, not we the high, not we the low, but we the people. Not we the horses, sheep, and swine, and wheel-barrows, but we the people, we the human inhabitants. If Negroes are people, they are included in the benefits for which the Constitution of America was ordained and established. But how dare any man who pretends to be a friend to the Negro thus gratuitously concede away what the Negro has a right to claim under the Constitution?” – Frederick Douglas, The Constitution of the United States: Is It Pro-Slavery or Anti-Slavery?, 1860

“By October of 1862, with the passage of the initial Emancipation Proclamation and the now well publicized reports of the Canadian Colored troops at Mount Pelion, the denial of service to men of color was viewed as absurd in many circles. Though many officers were critical of arming black men in what was seen by many as a white man’s fight, this was roundly lambasted in abolitionist circles and Republican newspapers.

The passage of the Emancipation Proclamation on February 22nd opened a new stream of volunteers into the Federal Armies. Though Congress had passed laws in July 1862 for the enrollment of colored troops, the War Department did not begin formally enrolling units until March 15th 1863. At that point, under pressure from the Radical wing of the party along with the president himself, they established the Bureau of Colored Troops.

Placed under the charge of Major Charles W. Foster, a Republican volunteer from Ohio, the Bureau set about recruiting colored men into the ranks. Though first, they corrected a number of emerging irregularities. Within the District of Columbia itself roughly a brigade of armed blacks existed, and they were rapidly rechristened the Columbia Guards Brigade (though later in 1863 changed to the 1st United States Colored Brigade) and consisted of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd United States Colored Troops Regiments, soon supported by the 4th raised in Philadelphia and were placed under the command of Brigadier General Rufus Saxton. These units were largely recruited from former slaves and contrabands who had fled the rebel states and had been employed on some service or another by the government since late 1861.

Though these units were relatively easy to employ, it was concerning among some that at first black enrollment seemed low, but that was soon solved by the vocal support of Frederick Douglas and that seminal figure, Major Martin Delany…” – The Colored Troops, Isaiah Devlin, University of Boston, 2003

“Born in 1812 to Pati and Samuel Delany in Charles Town Virginia, Martin’s father was a slave and his mother a free woman who had argued for her son’s freedom under Virginia’s then existing slave codes. From an early age Martin had showed a remarkable tenacity in seeking out education and higher learning…

In 1860 Martin had been in Liberia exploring the hurdles of the potential colonization of portions of Abeokuta in Libera, but the outbreak of the Southern Rebellion brought him back to North America….

Alongside Frederick Douglas, his co-founder of the North Star newspaper, he would be one of the driving proponents of organized African American regiments. In tandem with the venerable Douglas, he began speaking tours throughout the north in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Ohio, galvanizing white abolitionists and black men into creating and officering the new colored regiments. While he maintained ties with the various men financing his colonization schemes, he was partial to Douglas's belief that “once let the black man get upon his person the brass letter, U.S., let him get an eagle on his button, and a musket on his shoulder and bullets in his pocket, there is no power on earth that can deny he has earned the right to citizenship” and was soon espousing similar beliefs. The idea of black citizenship appealed to him, and his 'Romanesque' ideas of rewarding black men with land and citizenship for service, soon had him swimming in the prominent Radical circles in Washington politics.

Delany’s speaking would earn him the attention of President Lincoln who invited him to the White House in March of 1863. There the two men would discuss the nature of the crisis and the effort to arm men of African American descent. Delany was largely concerned with the fact that the highest rank held in any mustering unit of African Americans was that of Captain, while the highest ranks were reserved for white men. Both he and Douglas had made reservations about functionally capping the advancement of colored men in the ranks, but Lincoln assured him that it was for far more pragmatic reasons.

There was some truth to this. No black man had commanded a regimental sized unit in the 1860s, and many of the recently freed slaves and contrabands then enlisting had almost no experience with military life beyond the camps in 1863. Even the free blacks who had served in the navy were little familiar with the methods of infantry and cavalry.

Though accepting this practical reason, Delany argued passionately for the advancement of black men. Lincoln, was struck by the wisdom of his words saying he was “a most extraordinary and intelligent man, suited by his passion to the command of others.” This conversation would leave a lasting impression on Lincoln, and the pleasant afternoon he passed with Delany and Mrs. Keckly, is likely among the things which prompted him to request Delany be promoted to Major within the Union armed forces in the aftermath of the 1863 campaigns…” – The American Moses, Martin Delany and Black Nationalism, Henry Moise, Monrovia Press, 1965

Major Martin Delany, circa September 1863​

“The enrollment of Colored Troops represented both an old and a new problem for the Lincoln administration. Committed Democrats and general run of the mill racism meant that there was a general opinion amongst most Northerners that blacks could not, and would not, fight. Despite the fact that black men had served in the Navy since the Revolution and the reports from the Battle of Mount Pelion, the prejudice amongst white Northerners was greatly exacerbated by Democratic newspapers who decried Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and his enrollment of black troops.

The greatest opposition to this proclamation, came from Kentucky. Though many Union men had supported the North, seeing it as the protector of the slave based order. However, many saw the passage of the Emancipation Proclamation as a betrayal of the cause of the war, to keep the Union as it was. One frustrated Kentucky soldier would write “I enlisted to fight for the Union and the Constitution, but Lincoln puts a different construction on things and now has us Union Men fight for his Abolition Platform and thus making us a hord [sic] of Subjugators, house burners, Negro thieves, and devastators of private property.”

Lincoln however, was wily enough to side step many of the major hurdles thrown his way. When the Kentucky state government under Magoffin hiding in Louisville refused to move to enroll black regiments, Lincoln acquiesced with their refusal and ordered no Colored Volunteers to be raised from that state, but informed the War Department that black men from Kentucky should not be discouraged from enrolling in other regiments. When the inevitable doubters emerged to question his position, he would always casually remark about how they were having little trouble filling the units enrolling then across every state. When fed up with men he would often pointedly ask them if they would take up the arms he meant to give the black men so they then would not have to serve, making this sentiment public by writing “You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you; but, no matter. Fight you, then exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time, then, for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes.” Inevitably, the conversations ended after that…” – Snakes and Ladders: The Lincoln Administration and America’s Darkest Hour, Hillary Saunders, Scattershot Publishing, 2003

The Colored Volunteers​

“The success of raising regiments varied by state. Whether it was the 1st Kansas raised by Senator James Lane to guard the frontier, the troops recruited by Senators Benjamin Wade and John Sherman, or the famous 52nd and 53rd Massachusetts’s Infantry, the states which had larger abolitionist movements tended to do well. By contrast, Kentucky’s absolute refusal to do so and the tepid response by New York, Delaware, and Indiana, were perhaps indicative of the hostility which existed in those states.

Where allowed and encouraged, black men turned out in droves to enlist. Though often receiving the dregs of the meager weapons supplies available to the Union (famously the 9th Regiment of Colored Troops in Ohio was issued shotguns) they were no less eager to participate in the fighting.

One of the first examples of just such a battle can be seen with the aforementioned 1st Kansas. The leading six companies had been empowered to watch the border with the Indian Territory then under Confederate control. On the 19th of May 1863 a detachment of Confederate cavalry (in reality, Creek raiders crossing to harass their former tribesmen) crossed the state border and made for Fort Belmont where some 1,000 Creeks were encamped under government protection. For the men of the 1st Kansas, this was to be their baptism by fire.

The Confederate Creek were led by Major Chilly Macintosh, some 200 strong. Their goal was to raid and burn their old enemies out, and disrupt any Union troops present. The two companies of the 1st Kansas under Captain Richard Ward, were only some 140 strong. They received reports of the raiders on the morning of the 18th, and stood to, bringing their older Napoleon guns to bear to drive off the raiders, while ordering the Creek refugees to flee.

The fighting began at 1pm, and would last the better part of an hour. Ward wisely stood in his defenses and used his position to snipe and shell the raiders who fruitlessly charged and circled the fortifications before breaking off towards the Indian Territory, leaving 6 men dead and 7 wounded behind. In return the 1st Kansas suffered only 3 men wounded.

Though only a small skirmish, Lincoln was allegedly pleased to read of this report and declared that it could not be said a negro could not fight…” – The Colored Troops, Isaiah Devlin, University of Boston, 2003

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 48: A War of Conscience Pt. 2​

“Our present form of provincial government is cumbrous and so expensive as to be ill suited to the circumstances of the country; and the necessary reference it demands to a distant government, imperfectly acquainted with Canadian affairs, and somewhat indifferent to our interests, is anomalous and irksome. Yet, in the event of a rupture between two of the most powerful nations of the world, Canada would become the battlefield and the sufferer, however little her interests might be involved in the cause of quarrel or the issue of the contest.” - Montreal Annexation Manifesto, published in The Montreal Gazette, October 11, 1849

“The depletion of the Canadian militia from attrition, disease and desertion had been under way since the opening of hostilities in February 1862. While the urban militia battalions displayed a hardier constitution in the field, as evidenced by the York Brigade, the rural battalions saw a higher rate of attrition.

This may be attributed to a number of reasons. The first is that lacking the similar early espirit de corps of the urban battalions, having been merged from numerous disparate companies of otherwise independent militia associations, many broke or suffered disproportionately in their first taste of battle. Only the fire of battle and the rigours of campaign itself would mold them into efficient fighting forces. Even in camp life these units suffered. While the urban battalions had by their very nature been inoculated to various diseases common in urban areas, the rural men were not used to the uncomfortable conditions cramped together in the camps. Nor did many of them pay heed early on to the sanitary guides of their British instructors, much to their detriment. These units were decimated by sickness and disease, and over the winter of 1863 this effect accelerated once battle casualties were accounted for.

The loss of Canada West beyond the Trent River made reinforcing and replenishing the existing militia battalions from that portion of the province difficult. The populations of the rural regions along the St. Lawrence and the farming settlements of the Ottawa Valley did not have the manpower to completely replenish the losses suffered over the previous campaigning season, and in many areas men who had not volunteered were needed at home, never mind that the existing battalions were tied down guarding against sudden American raids and protecting the important lines of communication along the railroads and the Rideau Canal, the only now reliable route for supplies to proceed to Kingston and from there to the front.

In Montreal, Macdonald and the Provincial Government struggled with a way to cope with these losses. Demoralized by the occupation of much of Canada West, many MP’s from that region suggested that it should fall on Canada East to boost the number of Volunteers who would serve in the British army on the shores of Lake Ontario.

Naturally the Canada East MP’s balked at such a proposition. Did they not already have enough men serving in the Army of Canada? Was it not their men who manned the defenses of Quebec and Montreal, and kept the Americans at bay east of Cornwall?

Though critics like Brown and Mowat would sharply protest that the loss of the most populous portions of the Province meant that by default much of the cost of the war would be placed on the Eastern province, Macdonald, Cartier and Monck were all more realistic in their assessment of the ability of Canada East to reinforce the armies in the field. As substantial numbers of MP’s from Canada East were necessary to sustain the coalition, Macdonald could not be insensitive to their needs.

The needs of the war though, were pressing. With many units reduced from battle and disease, there was no choice but to issue another call for Volunteers. The call went out in January for 25,000 men to join the ranks, with the proviso that if these ranks were not filled by March 15th, the ballot would select men not serving from amongst the sedentary militia of Canada East and Canada West…” – Blood and Daring: The War of 1862 and how Canada forged a Nation, Raymond Green, University of Toronto Press, 2002

“…the economic costs in 1863, for such a young nation, were staggering. Millions in tax revenues had been lost, and a provincial legislature which was accruing significant debts could little afford the costs of maintaining a not inconsiderable field force by itself.

Though the costs were largely folded into war spending by the Imperial Government, London did expect that the provinces would adjust to the war with financial sacrifices of their own. The Maritimes and Quebec in particular were drawn heavily upon. The Maritimes did receive some relief as in 1862 – 1863 the number of immigrants ballooned by a factor of four, some 40,000 arriving directly in Halifax, St. Johns, and St. Andrews. Many were drawn by work, especially the work on the roads and the expensive proposition of expanding the railroads north to Tobique and beyond. However, an influx of workers greatly deflated wages, and there were grumblings among the populace.

Similar economic patterns were noted in Canada East, where 60,000 people landed between 1862 and 1863, with over 200,000 coming through Quebec and Montreal between 1864 and 1871. These earlier years, were more chaotic however, as work was not scarce, but wages again fell steadily. Though some of these immigrants did indeed volunteer to take the Queen’s shilling, it was apparent that neither purely patriotic rallying nor the enticement of bounties could bring all manner of people to the ranks…

…The government’s call for men was examined, and found to have fallen short by seven thousand men. Only a further 18,000 had joined the ranks, and many of these attached to existing companies. With pressure from the British forces, anxious for a summer campaign, the Macdonald government was forced into action. On the 20th of March, an announcement was circulated that if the remaining men were not found, the ballot would need to be introduced.

There was call that the announcement should wait until the 23rd, when the God fearing men and women of the province would all be at church and the news softened by the power of the Church, but military concerns overrode those of the Governor General and the Provincial Parliament…” The Road to Confederation, 1863 – 1869 the Formative Years, Queens University Press, Donald Simmonds

“The first rumblings of discontent were known only a day after the announcement, when on the 21st, crowds of men, mostly Irish and French laborers from the docks of Montreal, gathered in the St. Lawrence Market. Many had been drinking the previous evening, and the news of the announcement had spread rapidly among them. The slow winter months, coupled with increasing competition for work meant that there were “many idle hands in the city, a populace well place to cause great mischief” according to Tache. Though the day was largely only interrupted by inflammatory speeches from members of the Institut de Montreal. The night ended calmly, with few disturbances reported. However, the morning would be electrified by events 15 miles away…” – Blood and Daring: The War of 1862 and how Canada forged a Nation, Raymond Green, University of Toronto Press, 2002

Fort Chambly and environs, 1840
​

“The men of the 36th Battalion of Volunteer Rifles were, like most of those who had joined the colors in 1862, men who had volunteered to defend home and hearth. They were notable for not only being from regions where the rebels of 1837 had risen, but for being a primarily Francophone unit. Though their Colonel, Col. Louis Archambalt, was reasonably patriotic, and no evidence has surfaced over the years of any negligence on his part, he was unable to stop what came the nights between the 21st and 22nd. The news had reached his little fortification at Fort Chambly, where his battalion, 700 strong, was under shelter for the winter. In the previous year they had been relegated to guarding the lines of communication up and down the Richelieu River as far north as Sorel. Two companies were at St. Jean, and another was at Sorel, which meant only 480 men were directly with the Colonel at Fort Chambly and its surrounding environs.

The fort itself, like most of the fortifications pressed into service in the winter of 1861-62, had seen better days. The original fortifications dated back to the Ancien Regime, built to protect the river from British encroachment. They were occupied by the British, facing the ill-fated American invasion in 1775 and the War of 1812, then again guarding the river from rebels in 1837-38 and being used as a prison. Abandoned in the 1850s, they had again been hastily reoccupied.

In these fortifications the men of the 36th had drilled, but battled nothing more than boredom for over a year. They felt they were doing their duty, but when a rider came proclaiming that the ballot was instituted, many were outraged. Though there were reports of grumbling among the men, Col. Archambalt displayed no worries. He retired that night, along with his staff, and there is no sign he saw the events of the morning coming.

At dawn on the 22nd, he was roused roughly from his bed by his junior captains, and along with his staff and members of the British Military Transport Service, placed in the cells within the fort. In the night men from Montreal had appeared and spread the rumour that the ‘British’ (a vague term if there ever was one in this situation) were arresting dissidents. The rumour was obviously false, but it serves to illustrate the state of excitement which sprang up overnight. The news of the mutiny again would travel by dispatch rider, reading Montreal late the afternoon of the 22nd…” – Canada and the Draft: A History of Disservice, Martin Laberge, McGill University, 1989

“News of the Chambly mutiny electrified crowds in Montreal. The yard and factory workers were still largely without work, and were in a mutinous mood. Most gathered at the St. Lawrence Market, while some few were gathered along the roadways near Bonaventure Station, clogging the tracks.

During the night, the Montreal garrison had been put on alert. Chief of the Montreal Police and Major in the militia Guillaume Lamothe had scrambled men from his commands towards important points in the city, a detachment watching at the market and another at the station. Colonel Dyde commanding the garrison, had gathered six companies of the Montreal Light Infantry, and five of the 55th Volunteers at the Champ de Mars, alongside some mounted men in anticipation of trouble.

Trouble was had when it was announced that men had assembled on the Champ de Mars, and the crowds came to believe they were to be attacked. Angrily they marched on the courthouse, intending to burn civil records. Captain Eugenie Flynn of the police read the riot act, ordering the crowd to disperse, but after a short skirmish he and his men were bulled aside and the mob moved on. Having swollen to nearly 2,000 individuals, the gathered at the court house and began throwing stones and attempting to force entry.

It was at that moment, a semi-leading figure emerged, Denis Papineau, a member of the Institut, he, along with others, rallied the crowd to resist. However, at that moment, the police and militia, led by Dyde, arrived. They again read the riot act, and again the mob refused to disperse. This led to another tense standoff as Dyde attempted to calm the crowd, he announced a delegation would be coming from the Bishop’s Palace.

The Montreal Court House
​

In a series of events contentious to this day, either someone fired a shot, or the crowd charged of its own volition. However, the result was that Dyde ordered the militia to fire on the mob. One volley broke off the charge, and soon there were over a dozen dead and wounded. The militia pursued the mob, and while some retaliatory fire and skirmishing broke out, only two further fatalities occurred that day, one member of the militia and another of the rioters.

That night martial law was declared in the city. On the morning of the 23rd armed militia patrolled the streets, and British cavalry from the 13th Hussars were arriving. The 23rd was mostly calm, and many attended church. Bishop Bourget delivered a stern sermon, reminding the parishioners of their duty to the Crown and the Church, and that civil disobedience was not to be countenanced…

…during the night however, many had fled ahead of the announced draft proposals. Throughout the 23rd and 24th some 500 men joined the mutineers at Chambly. There were soon 1,000 armed men encamped at the fort. Though less than half were mutineers, the remainder were old die hard patriotes who sensed a chance to fight injustice, among them Denis Papineau himself and others like Arthur Buies and George Green.

They expected a showdown, and when on the morning of the 25th they noted mounted men and troops marching towards the fortifications, they expected the worst. However, after a day of digging in, no shots were exchanged. Both sides merely stared at one another quietly.

On the afternoon of the 26th, a sled could be seen approaching the fort under a flag of truce. Out of the sled walked Col. Tache. Accompanied only by a secretary, he requested to speak with the leaders at the fort. After some discussion, a collection of the mutinous officers and local dignitaries approached. Tache handed them a letter from the Archbishop, and he was invited inside to discuss matters with the mutineers and ‘rebels’ who now held the fort…

The whole meeting was, in a sense, a victory for the Canadians. Dundas, upon learning the news of riots and mutiny, had promptly ordered troops north to suppress it, intending to take the fort by storm. However, Monck and Macdonald, with input from Tache, had convinced him to stand down. Monck, diplomatic by nature, and Macdonald remembering the events of Montgomery’s Tavern and the Windmill, felt it would be better to first treat with the men and avoid bloodshed. While Dundas was scornful of the idea, he allowed the meeting to go ahead.

It was fortuitous. Tache managed to secure the surrender of the men inside under generous terms. The men who had taken up arms not in the militia, were simply allowed to return home, while the militiamen themselves would be paroled to their own homes. Their officers who had taken part in the mutiny however, were arrested awaiting trial…” – Blood and Daring: The War of 1862 and how Canada forged a Nation, Raymond Green, University of Toronto Press, 2002

Buies
​

“There has been much debate over the true causes of the Montreal Draft Riots and the Chambly Mutiny. Early scholarship often pointed to the poor economic conditions in the province, while post-war accounts held the ringleaders (the few that there were) were simply unpatriotic and acting out the last breath of the old ideals held by the men of 1837-38.

Though little has been said about the timing with Lincoln’s ‘moral imperative’ of the Emancipation Proclamation.

Though there are many popular accounts to suggest that the Canadian populace was overall receptive to the Emancipation Proclamation, there has been little comment on the moral effect it might have had. Certainly some have considered the anecdotal evidence, but little has been spoken openly on those suspicions. Perhaps it falls to the unjustly unknown Arthur Buies to speak on them.

Having deserted his allegiance to the 55th Battalion of Volunteers in the aftermath of the riots, Buies fled southwards to American lines after the surrender of the mutineers at Chambly. Though he would join the 4th Battalion of Canadian Volunteers in New York, he never saw action with the unit, it being relegated to garrison and communications duties. He remained in New York until 1870 when he returned, perhaps his trip having been made easier for not bearing the ‘stain’ of fighting against his fellow countrymen. But his Letter of an Errant Canadien (1864) is fascinating in its content, to whit:

“The imposition of the draft upon the peaceful peoples of Eastern Canada was one which any man must find intolerable, bringing to mind all the horrors and injustices of 1837. But when one considers than then our own swords were taken up in the defence of Empire and Tyranny, how could any truly patriotic son of Canada not see that Lincoln’s government meant to end all those hated aspects of English life. Aristocracy, Autocracy, and Slavery. Each evil the Lincoln government railed against, with their war on the Slaver Aristocracy of the South and the Imperial Aristocracy of Britain, how can any man not take up arms for this cause?”

Tragically, this sentiment has often been overlooked. Buies himself was one of the most radical members of the Institut’s second generation. Its gradual decline from 1858 to 1881, due to the turn to ultramonte politics by the Quebec establishment has left much of early Liberal sentiment from the era unresearched. Certainly the makings of the modern Liberal Party, born in the tumultuous early elections and the soul searching done in the 1880s, has sought to forget its more radical roots.

Unfortunate tendencies such as these produce an unwillingness to address pre-Canadian resistance to draft and military policies…” – Canada and the Draft: A History of Disservice, Martin Laberge, McGill University, 1989

“…in the end the draft went ahead. Macdonald’s government would have much to answer for after the war, but both Dundas and Macdonald got what they wanted. 5,000 men would come forward, leaving only 1,000 to be filled out by ballot.

By accepting the ballot it can be argued Macdonald bungled much of the compromise he had made when forging the Great Coalition in 1862. However, with those most decidedly opposed to the ballot amongst the rouges either in the political wilderness or disgrace following the riots and mutiny, the bleu members of his coalition sat comfortably in their seats. The powerful defection of McGee the previous year and the stalwart support of the Church would insulate them against the worst of the crisis and anger which followed. Irish and French opinion would be steered solidly towards the Church, while the war itself raged on, leaving all opposed to the rouges well known support for annexation.

The Coalition though, saw its first early strains…” Nation Maker: The Life of John A. Macdonald, Richard Chartrand, Queens University Publishing, 2005