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Crucially, there wasn’t a grouping in the Cabinet that was interested in protecting Britain’s self interest.
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As I am in the process of rereading
Politicians at War by Cameron Hazlehurst I can only subscibe to the above.
In the deliberations of the british cabinet - as far as they are recorded, reported, remembered and reconstructed - the 'british interest' in
- a possible renewed naval race (that the race was 'won' by Britain was clear to and accepted by even Tirpitz in 1912)
- keeping a 'balance of power(s)' on the continent or
- global colonial 'Great Game' extended to every region of the world
did not play any role at all.
The said source shows astonishingly how important actually inner-party relations and affair were for each of the cabinet members in finding their way towards participation in the war.
Of which 'excusing' from the Irish Affair was not the least reason for some members including most prominently the PM Asquith but also not the most important.
What in the end actually brought the majority of the cabinet the often so-called "waveres" or anti-interventionalists to turn to intervention WAS the thread of some continental power being in allover-control of not only the belgian channelcoast.
Unfortunatly (???) 'Real-Politics' didn't play much if any role in the decisions of the british politicians in late July/August 1914.
And I am still convinced, that with another man at the helm of british foreign affairs instead of Gray some kind of redux of the 'Gladstone Treaties' (
to be found here in 'Appendix B and C), maybe offered at 1st or 2nd August, reinforced by the 'promise' of placing troops in Belgium, an announcement maybe backed by a somewhat laaarge group of british ... travelers reaching Ostend, could be in the cards.
This would/could keep the germans at the southern part or - givin' the german politicians including Kaiser Bills attitude at this time (trying desperatly to avoid any conflict with Britain) - even cancel any german invasion of Belgium.
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despite Moltke not having a plan for that.