WI: Inuit's in Northern Canada developed Pyrcrete in the 1200's?

Could the Volcanic enviroment & resources of Iceland be An asset for Inuit attempts at Smelting & other forms of Metalwork? Could They find A way to make use of the abundant Geothermal energies?

Well, Iceland is a relatively long way away and occupied by Icelanders. So even if the Thule/Inut made it out there, it would be late in the expansion period. Probably very late.

And even a hybridized Norse/Thule population would be seen by the local Icelanders as invaders and resisted, unless they came in overwhelming force, which I don't see. Odds are against such a hybridized population, and even assuming, that would emerge, I don't see them putting together sufficient resources to take Iceland, or a significant portion of it.

Thule alone, would be utterly impossible. Their agricultural package being perrenial isn't really conquest friendly. I'd have a hard time seeing them putting together the resources or sustaining the effort.

I suppose you could assume some sort of peaceful move in by Thule or hybridized Norse/Thule. But even if that happened, what do you have? A possible early iron complex in the outer fringe of Inuit reach, and at the edges of the European sphere. What would probably happen there is not indigenous Inuit Iron, but rather a trade or exchange of iron with Europe, which could arguably produce more, better and cheaper.
 
http://www.mun.ca/biology/delta/arcticf/aaintro/caaintro.htm

Here's quite an interesting link on the Arctic Archipelago of Islands in the Canadian Arctic - a region that is distinguishable from the Canadian mainland arctic.

Some useful insights into things like microclimates, growing seasons, water precipitation and permafrost and species distribution.

One thing that's coming clear is a lack of uniformity of species distribution. For instance, Claytonia Tuberosa (Eskimo Potato) seems centered around Alaska and doesn't extend much past the Yukon border. Rhodiola Rosa (Roseroot) in contrast, is based in the east and doesn't get near Alaska. Hedysarum Alpinum (Alpine Sweetvetch) seems broadly distributed. But there's evidence of localization with a lot of the potential plants.

Generally, there's very little distribution to the Arctic Archipelago. Eskimo Potato shows up on Banks Island. Alpine Sweetvetch is found on Baffin Island. Both cases in southern reaches of the Islands. Does this represent the northern limit? Or simply difficulties in propagation? Indications are that arctic propagation is a big problem for a lot of species, and there's a ample evidence of that, through means such as self pollination, long lifespans, and vegetative spreading.

While conditions do worsen, i'd suggest that the bigger problem is Island to Island propagation and accessing the right terrain. There are indications that microclimates as far north as Ellesmere Island could be hospitable. The trick for this would be finding and recognizing the right microclimates. South facing slopes, snowdrift collection points.

Or creating them. What's a farmer's field but an artificial microclimate? Indeed, you could probably do well creating microclimates, if you had access to enough labour. Now that's a bit too much for human labour, but if you were to employ caribou or musk ox as draft animals, you could probably incrementally alter a lot of the landscape in small but definite ways. Probably easier to increase caribou or musk ox fodder in creating these microclimates, but that would be good too.

A number of OTL Arctic Islands are entirely uninhabited, but one might imagine that with some careful management, accumulating incrementally, they might sustain populations.

Sorry if this isn't as exciting as whether the Inuit could get Ironworking from Vikings. But I find this fascinating.

The consensus seems to be that OTL Arctic diets were almost all meat or fish, with relatively small components of plants, the selection and use of which varied from region to region, and generally seemed underutilized.

It fascinates me to think that perhaps a small cultural tweak might produce a dramatically different north, both culturally and biologically.
 
Let's throw some ideas around.

We've been looking at Land Management in terms of Inuit culture. Basically, exploring a hypothetical untapped potential in terms of both potentially increasing arctic biomass, and more importantly shifting that biomass towards human and human supporting species.

What about the waters? The seas were an essential part of OTL inuit lifestyle, source of seals, walrus, seabirds, fish, whales and polar bears (admittedly polar bears were more often predators than prey).

I found one source which refers to some greenland inuit harvesting seaweed. But beyond that, little else. Didn't really expect it anyway.

But is there any capacity to manipulate or manage sea resources more effectively?

Would there even be a need? Looking around at northern sea harvest, one thing that comes across clearly is massive pre-European populations, and degrees of European harvest that are hard to describe as anything but wholesale looting and pillaging.

Look at whaling for instance, and you can read about 19th century whale harvests of 50,000 animals in a year.

The Walrus was literally exterminated from Canadian and Labrador waters, the Atlantic Walrus being rendered almost extinct, except for a remnant population around Greenland which has recovered a little. Best estimates now though are that the Atlantic population may be a twentieth of what it was.

The collapse of Walrus, Whale and Seal populations might have themselves in OTL had a devastating effect on Inuit populations and lifestyle. In ATL would viable inuit states have more capacity to limit European predation? Would an ATL Inuit civilization pay more attention to management of these species. Would we see semi-domestication? Would that even be meaningful?

Thoughts?
 
No need worry which part is best. The ideas & discussions flowing in this thread are very stimulating! Enjoying the evolution of this whole project very much! I am really broadening my knowledge base & learning A lot thanks to you & the other people making such informative & enriching posts. Its good to know other people share an interest in these things. :D
 
Arcticans if they control the shoreline can do A lot to preserve Seals&Walrus populations.Greater developments in Sea Faring are needed however if they want to try to police their waters & prevent encroachment or Overhunting taking place.One possible option to cultivate sea life is to create artificial reefs by dumping rocks or Whale carcasses in shallower waters,This can boost fish populations&concentrations.Another option is using linked floats to dangle ropes in the Sea to breed Mollusc.
 
Well, it'll be a terrific timeline when its done. Right now, I think its a lot of free discussion and working ideas out. At some point there'll be a 'Mice and Snow' Timeline as the home of the refined thread.

I often feel at sea, just trying to work it all out.

Take Hedysarum Alpinum, or Alpine Sweetvetch. There's a closely related species, Hedysarum Mackenzii, known as bear root, which has almost the same appearance and occupies the same habitat. The difference, however, is that Mackenzii is held to be poisonous. You might not die from eating it, but you might want to.

So a Medicine Man, or cultural tradition, that proceeds to tear up and destroy bear root, and try to plant sweetvetch in its place could significantly alter harvesting opportunities. I mean, assuming X amounts of Hedysarum, equally divided between Alpinum and Mackenzii, assuming that Hedysarum contributes 2% to the Inuit diet. Just pushing Mackenzii out would be a measurable increase.

Given the difficulties in Arctic propagation, it seems reasonable to assume that Sweetvetch doesn't grow in all the places it could potentially grow. So if Inuit systematically and incrementally spread it to maximum habitat, what would that be? Twice as much? Ten times as much? Could you without heavy systematic agriculture increase Sweetvetch harvesting to the point where you could add 10 or 20% to the Inuit OTL food supply? That would be significant, particularly given that its a storeable that would take you through the subsistence bottlenecks.

Would systematic sweetvetch agriculture push the total food supply higher?

And what's the productive capacity of Sweetvetch anyway? USDA website suggests that it has rapid regrowth after harvest, which is good. It's tolerant to fairly low temperatures.

But consider this:
"Planting density per acre, Minimum 5120"
"Planting density per acre, Maximum 20,000"

Is that good? Bad? What? How does that compare to say things like Turnips, or Onions or Carrots? I assume its inferior, but by how much. Would knowing this help us assess the capacity of sweetvetch as a staple crop. Could we reasonably make adjustments upwards for a domesticated/refined Sweetvetch. Adjustments downwards for less arable sweetvetch soil and slower growing rates? From there, we could make adjustments, and estimates, maybe estimate ball park populations.

It might be useful to know. Although I've been to the appropriate entries on the USDA website, neither Claytonia nor Rhodiola have estimates for planting density, or minimum temperatures, or regrowth rates after harvesting. Possibly, probably, this information is out there on the Web somewhere.

All these same questions apply to Claytonia and Rhodiola. Both of these root crops seem to require different conditions than Sweetvetch, so they wouldn't be competing, but kind of pile on top of each other. What's the potential there?

And then there's the guesswork associated with the berry crops, lingonberry, cranberry, crowberry and cloudberry.

And what other plants would go into the inuit package as potential domesticates, and what are their potentials?

I don't see the package coming together overnight, but sort of coming about through a tipping point, which then puts systematic cultivation efforts at work.

Set aside agriculture for a second. OTL Inuit were a hunting/gathering culture. With domesticated and managed species of caribou, musk ox, ptarmigan and hare, would we see a significant increase in available meat.

And what about synergies. Humans have a fairly picky diet. Agriculture produces, but .... Well, suppose human management increases the volume or amount of sustainable domestic animal fodder? More fodder, more critters, more meat.

I'm just smart enough to ask these questions, and spend time looking bits of data up on the internet. I can make seat of the pants guesses that are not extremely well informed but can seem plausible.

But what I really want is a creative agronomist.
 
Hmmm. Stellar's Sea Cow is still going to be extinct in this timeline.

Bad location. Commander Islands, which is near the southern half of the Kamchatka peninsula. This seems well outside the Inuit sphere, even at its maximum.

And I'm not sure that the Sea Cow could relocation to Arctic waters, much less whether the shoreline waters could provide enough forage to sustain them.

They seem way too big and slow growing to be a viable domesticate.

And the window of opportunity is really really short. I'd estimate 1400 - 1500 to be the window of Thule expansion where they might start to move east to the Siberian arctic. It's only till 1740 that Europeans discover them, and they're extinct by 1768.

Long shot. Long, long, long shot.
 
Beachcombers in other cultures developed practices of creating artificial rockpools to emulate natural rockpools.This provided an increase of sea life being left behind as the tide receded which could then be gathered.I doubt this can be replicated by the Inuit exactly due to the nature of the Arctic temperatures&Coast,But it did make me think of What Pykrete construction can offer.Perhaps some indoor pools for live sea life?Maybe Breeding&Farming Fish,Crustaceans,Molluscs etc?It could be of help.
 
Here's a couple of questions for the group mind.

(1) I'm tending to see the emergence of Agriculture in the Thule as a 'tipping point' kind of thing. Pseudo-agricultural practices, increasing population and a more rigorous approach to territoriality combine to tip over into an actual agricultural complex around 1100-1200 which spreads through the Thule culture as a rolling wave.

So, here's the question. How do the loose organizations of agricultural communities transform to larger polities? Chiefdoms, federations, states? Are they implicit in the underlying society? Are they simply a development of increasing population? Do they arise from internal tensions, or cultural tensions between adjacent populations?

Assuming that the Thule agricultural complex emerges around 1200 with population expanding, what's the next steps in social development? At what point, do we get self appointed kings or kingdoms and empires ruling over territory? What's the mechanism?
First of all, someone who knows a lot more than I ever did about actual Inuit culture would be far better equipped to answer these sorts of questions!

My impression is that the Inuit of OTL would be categorized as Gatherer-Hunters, albeit very sophisticated ones with very specialized skills and tools. In turn I have a sort of schematic in my mind of what a GH society is like and how it differs from agricultural or pastoral societies.

1) the definition I'm using for a GH society is one whose primary economic activity is harvesting existing, wild plants and animals. Even in environments far more lush than the Arctic, this implies very low population densities, an upper limit on the size of even the biggest bands of around 300 or so and an ideal band size more like a third that; these bands then migrate within a territory they and their neighbors tacitly recognize as being "theirs"--but at any one time they are physically occupying only a small portion of the whole of the range they assume they have access to. So their communities are best described as "camps" rather than towns; during the course of a year they will move to other campsites many times, depleting the most easily gathered food resources, then moving on to another site.

The basic economics of their situation implies certain ethics. One, very little in the way of material goods, whether food stocks or tools or other items, can be taken with them in their cyclic migrations around their range. They can't rely much on stored items or big investments in fixed pieces of equipment. Another aspect of this limit is that pretty much everyone in the band can make just about any item of their technological kit themselves. Being used to being limited to rather few and small items of equipment, being able to make this limited kit work because there are few of them in an environment they know how to find food to live off of in, no one is in a position to dominate anyone else by virtue of specialized knowledge or control of access to critical resources. Thus, what social stratification there is is by gender first of all, and then by age. But there is no ruling elite class.

Indeed even in much kinder environments than the Arctic, cooperation is the key to success. The anthropological materials I've read indicate that there is something of a conflict among men in values between the concept of individual worth and prowess, exemplified by success in hunting, versus cooperation with schemes to improve the productivity of all the men more than even the best could achieve on his own by cooperative hunting strategies. There's talk in Colin Turnbull's work for instance of the community applying escalating sanctions against individuals whose egotism is deemed to be disruptive, from disapproving talk to some shunning to in principle, exiling the troublemaker from the band--a sentence usually rescinded when the point has been made since permanent exile would amount to a death sentence. However one has to wonder why exactly a man would risk these sanctions and suppose that countervailing, and interacting dynamically with the overt value of cooperation, there is some recognition that competitiveness in moderation is a valuable thing.

Interestingly Turnbull describes among the Ituri rainforest Mbuti "pygmies" a social mechanism whereby the youth of the band will go and find some sacred instruments secreted by them in the forest, and act out an attack on the camp something like an elephant coming in and raging around. They are said to do this when the band is wracked with controversy beyond a certain point; the punishment falls on the whole camp indiscriminately and tends to mark an end to an era of particular gripes and bickering. The picture I got reading Turnbull on the Mbuti (which seemed to be borne out by reports on other gatherer-hunters, the !Kung "Bushmen" of the Kalahari of Botswana and Namibia, living in a much harsher environment) was of a society that achieves remarkable balance of power and status between all members, even the various age groups having complimentary countervailing powers available to them that tends to underscore mutual respect. Children are cared for; the youth apparently empowered to enforce overall political/social climate, the surviving elders respected for their knowledge acquired over many generations, and the adult-age people are of course the primary producers whom a more straightforward sort of society might simply put in charge of everything.

Because there is no leverage to be gained by attempting to monopolize anything, and because few material goods can be kept, the basic economic mode of a GH band seems to be sharing. Someone makes an extra tool, they will simply let someone else use it; the only "bankable" commodity is goodwill!

Now someone who knows more than I do about the Inuit of our timeline will have to tell me whether these characteristics encompass or contrast with their particular ways. But this is the sort of society I imagine they have had. There would be among them no war chiefs, no paramount rulers; little in the way of religious bigotry, no keeping of slaves.

I believe GH societies go generally support shamans, but the way one becomes a shaman, according to a class in Native American Spirituality I once audited, is "A spirt power makes you an offer you can't refuse!" That is, one is stricken down with some sort of malady or episode, in the course of which, in the shamanic mindset anyway, one is touched by this or that guiding power; one emerges from the coma or trance with special new knowledge and occupies a rather uncomfortable role thereafter, since people fear that a shaman might use their power against them and would rather avoid being involved with one and risking their displeasure.

So the point here is, a shaman is not much like a typical chief or lord or even a priest-caste like the Hindu Brahamins. Who becomes one is apparently random rather than the result of anyone's social strategy. The economic and cultural role they play is significant since esoteric knowledge is passed on through them.

---now if the Arctic is "greened," I believe this would indeed change Inuit society. Again someone who actually knows the Inuit would be a better help in envisioning just how!

We have a disagreement going on about the timescale of divergence from OTL. I believe it would be best if certain divergences that take a long time to develop "in the background," "on the back burner" as it were. Meaning among other things that various items of their technical and eventually, agricultural, kit are being slowly honed and in a minor, auxiliary role are also pretty widespread in the Arctic already.

The dramatic POD then would be for the northern Canadian Inuits to cross a threshold that for the first time tips an Inuit society decisively away from being able to fall back on pure gathering/hunting in a pinch. Then they'd cross the line to some kind of post-GH-sort of society and economy.

I haven't said much about relations between bands. My impression is that a set of bands that have been neighbors for some time will have worked out relations with each other; they respect each other's ranges, and there is contact in the form of occasional meetings which can involve intermarriages thus exchanges of people. But the tendency is for each group to pretty much ignore each other, provided these tacit agreements are being respected.

My impression is that a stranger appearing to a band is not immediately attacked, but there is wary negotiation of contact; if the stranger or strangers appear to be reasonably civil and have something to offer they can be guested. I believe there is evidence of remarkably extensive trade in material items over remarkably long distances, which analysis implies would not have been a simple matter of exchanges from band to band but suggests that there were people who traveled long distances, crossing many band ranges, to carry items directly from sources to peoples rather far away from these.

However relations are not always good; the anthropology I've been taught says that when a band's experience with particular strangers is that they are dangerous intruders, their response is to treat them as dangerous animals and hunt them. There is not the pattern of behavior that we associate with "warfare," the systematic cultivation of intergroup violence with a glorified place in social norms for the mighty warrior; what we might call "war" among gatherer-hunters is a disruption of the social norm akin to a natural catastrophe. But it surely did happen.

The basic economics of gatherer-hunting helps us understand why there was no glorification of warfare; there is no surplus other bands possess to be taken as booty; there is no way to take and hold booty if they find peoples who have surplus (Turnbull reported the Mbuti would pilfer metal items from their Bantu neighbors and describe this as "hunting" or "finding" the items, but of course there were sharp limits to how much they could take!) The only stake in the fight is, who winds up in possession of a range of land.

I gather from all the talk about the Inuit displacing the Dorset culture that these people were not assimilated into the Inuit but somehow killed off--one wants to say "driven" off but recognizes they were "driven" into oblivion! I guess each people "hunted" the other and it was the Inuit who came out the survivors.

We'll have to describe and agree upon a particular scenario of the Inuit transformation. The point is, whatever the Inuit were like OTL, they will be different in this timeline if they cease being gatherer-hunters primarily. Unlike OTL Inuit, they may well find it profitable to dominate rather than eradicate other peoples, if they can somehow manipulate these others into producing and yielding up surplus to them. This kind of thing is probably the origin of clans, and states, and history as we know it.

I do cling to a belief I picked up in the 1980s, that there was generally an intermediate stage between gatherer-hunter societies and the sorts of warlike pastoralists and agriculturalists we find so thick on the ground in anthropology and history; that generally with the rise of agriculture there would have been a transitional society that attempted to incorporate the new modes of production into the old gatherer-hunter ethical framework and worldview. I believe that progress in this mode, tricky as it might have been from time to time in resolving crises not known to their purely GH ancestors, did allow great expansions of population and the development of institutions. But that it was only metastable; eventually the paradigms of war for domination and plunder did evolve and when they did, they tended to propagate themselves. But I doubt such societies could arise without there first being some development of a surplus-producing economy to plunder and rule!

What is being discussed here doesn't really allow much time for that sort of evolution; we are jumping directly from GH to some kind of aristocratic conquering people.

...
(3) The third, and probably the sexiest topic, iron. ...What are the chances that smelting and working Bog Iron could be a cultural transfer item?

I suspect that if you want this, you may also have a solution to the conundrum I posed above.

The only way they are going to get even the rudiments of making even bog iron is if they have some extensive contact with the Greenland colony. And lo, the earlier date you propose for the major divergence from OTL is already 900 CE. The Vikings are coming, very soon, possibly already there for later transitions.

The jump from a primarily hunting society to a meta-hunter of other peoples may well be catalyzed by the Viking example.

Even if it is just to say that overall, the relations between Inuit and Vikings will be hostile, I find it hard to believe that no one on either side will ever try to get along for mutual benefit. Nordic society was wracked with feuds and rivalries; someone who is on the outs and otherwise lacking sufficient resources for a comeback might well explore the options of some kind of alliance with Inuit leadership. Curiousity on both sides; a friendlier mood in relaxed times, and I imagine that friendships as well as longer-lasting alliances might arise between particular Inuit and particular Nordics. This might lead to an understanding on the part of some of these Nordics that however good European agriculture and other practices might be elsewhere, in the lands the Inuit live in they are no option, whereas the Inuit and their subject peoples can and do survive there somehow. They might cease to see the Inuit simply as savage "Skraelings" and come to appreciate them more. They might actually go very far north, as guests of particular Inuit, and these contacts might lead to quite extensive exchanges of information.

Furthermore, when the Little Ice Age closes in--well, the Inuit will have their problems too. But the Greenlanders are screwed.

I gather that OTL there is little to no evidence that they either sailed away to Iceland or points east, nor that they were assimilated into the Inuit. But ITTL, the latter is a much better option.

The Imperial High Inuit phase might actually be an amalgam of Inuit and Viking-European. Among other things, that might facilitate your desired transfer of ironworking lore.
 
I'm not actually a big fan of Iron. It would be nice, but it's a bit too showy, has all the earmarks of wanking, and I don't think that it actually offers a comparable advantage to the Thule/Inuit compared to the effort that goes into it.

If I had to pick a possibly revolutionary technology to borrow from the Norse... well, take the horse collar for instance. Potentially, a modifed version of that could increase the work capacity of Caribou immensely.

Hmmm. Did the Norse of this era practice beekeeping?
 
Just had an interesting thought.If the Inuit/Arcticans manage to retain their GH culture of Cooperation,Collective efforts,Social Equality&Sharing Resources.We could see the eventual contact&possible trade with the Russian Tsardom's people,Leading to future Revolutionaries using the Successful&Thriving Inuit Culture in their Manifesto/Propaganda as an example of what can be achieved with A better system of Governance.Who knows...In this Alt TL they may even end up practicing what they preach. :D
 
Just had an interesting thought.If the Inuit/Arcticans manage to retain their GH culture of Cooperation,Collective efforts,Social Equality&Sharing Resources.We could see the eventual contact&possible trade with the Russian Tsardom's people,Leading to future Revolutionaries using the Successful&Thriving Inuit Culture in their Manifesto/Propaganda as an example of what can be achieved with A better system of Governance.Who knows...In this Alt TL they may even end up practicing what they preach. :D

I certainly have from time to time made a big ideological point of our ancestors' "socialist/egalitarian" ways and the significance this has for our future potentials. Here though I have tried to avoid laying that on too think, and I was hoping to stress the pragmatic rationality of such norms.

However, I would hardly be the only person to make that connection!

I believe the anarchist philosopher Kropotkin, who was a Russian noble, cited the ways of far Eastern Siberian tribes in just this fashion; Tolstoy too drew the connection.
 
Domesticated Animals of the Inuit Civilization

Dogs - Canines were the original Thule domesticate and were used for hunting, guard duties, draft and occasionally food, and precede the agricultural era. Since the domestication of Caribou and Musk Ox, the use of dogs as a draft animal has declined in many areas, but has not entirely disappeared. Dogsleds and dogsled travel remain relatively common, and are still a dominant mode of travel on coasts and many islands, where fish fodder or hunting leavings feed them well. With the domestication of new animals, dogs found a new role as shepherds, and are used extensively in herding musk ox and sheep, and guarding ptarmigan from foxes. Dogs are also used to deter herbivores from crop zones. Since the agricultural period, a second breed of dogs, small and quick has emerged as vermin eradicators.

Caribou - A principal draft and meat animal, Caribou were the first major domesticate of the Agricultural era and remain the principal domesticate. Caribou were complementary to human activity, feeding on surface stems and leaves of Sweetvetch and Tuberosa, as well as Saxifrage, and secondary non-edible plant species. Prized for meat, fur, leather and antlers, migratory Caribou were actively hunted during the pre-agricultural era. The shift towards Agriculture resulted in the domestication of Caribou and the maintaining of small year round herds or individuals in many areas. On the example of Dogs, Caribou were used to draw sleds for transportation. This was generalized to dragging small plows and rakes for agriculture. Their milk was also harvested for infants and children. Following contact with the Greenland Norse there were two further innovations. One was a modified version of the horse collar, which expanded the draft capacity of the Caribou by up to 50%. The other, later version was the adaptation of horse riding to caribou riding. Riding marked the end of the wild migratory caribou herds and the subdivision of these herds to groups managed by riders, and the emergence of a migratory subculture of traders. Equestrian Caribou riders also formed a caste of elite messengers and cavalry for many of the Inuit states. Caribou range in size from 170 to 260 lbs for females, and 200 to 450 pounds for males, although specimens as large s 700 lbs are found. Reindeer reach sexual maturity between 1 and 3 years of age. Mating occurs between September and November, and gestation takes about 210 days with a single calf being born in June. Within a day, the calf is able to follow its mother and run. Between 30 and 45 days, it becomes capable of foraging on its own, and is being weaned, but is only fully independent by autumn. Male caribou during mating season will lock antlers and engage in sustained shoving matches, a behavioural trait that has translated well into pulling plows or sleds. Life span is 10 to 20 years.

Musk Ox - A secondary meat and draft animal, Musk Ox domestication took place in areas where the Caribou were scarce. They were for the first centuries of domestication regarded as an inferior animal, although they proved to be adequate draft animals for purposes of pulling a plow. They were somewhat poorer at pulling sleds long distances however, and generally unsuited to riding. They did provide milk, furs and leather. Following contact with the Greenland Norse they became highly valued for their wool, and the species were selectively bred for wool production. Musk Ox wool is harvested in smaller quantities but generally judged to be far superior to sheep wool. Dogs are used to shepherd musk ox. Musk Ox range in size between 400 and 900 pounds, although capable of pulling more weight they are regarded as inferior draft animals because of their behaviour. Musk Ox do not engage in shoving contests during mating season, and seem somewhat less willing to pull a load and tire more easily. Males reach sexual maturity at five years of age, while females reach sexual maturity at two. Mating season is August or September, during mating season bulls are very aggressive. Gestation period is 34 weeks with a single calf (occasionally twins), born in April or May. Juveniles will nurse for a year. Life span is 20 to 24 years.

Ptarmigan - The Arctic hen. This was a far eastern domestic from the archipelago. Source of original domestication is believed to have been Baffin Island. Once domesticated, the breed spread widely through inuit culture. With diet similar to Musk Ox or Caribou, Ptarmigan represent a pocket breed of meat animal whose size makes for convenience. A trait of eating insects, originally found in only young Ptarmigan has been bred into adults, and they are often used in crop management. In addition to their flesh, ptarmigan are praised for their eggs which are laid in clutches of six to nine three or four times a year for domesticated forms, and for their moult-feathers. Eggs are incubated 24 to 26 days. Offspring are independent within 90 days. Sexual maturity in less than a year. Weight ranges from one to two and a half pounds, with the birds gaining weight for winter. As much as a third of the winter weight is fat. In the wild, up to 80% of ptarmigan die in the first year, with mortality rates exceeding 50% in each subsequent year, accounting for the high reproductive rate. Domesticated Ptarmigan live three to four years. Domesticated ptarmigan have their wings clipped to manage more easily.

Sheep - A European domesticate, sheep were essentially inherited from the failed Greenland Norse colonies. Other imported domesticates, goats, horses and cattle did not survive the rigors of the little ice age, but sheep proved durable. Sheep were also considered valuable, not just for meat and leather, but particularly for their wool. Although inferior to Musk Ox, sheep wool is produced in greater quantity and traded extensively. Unfortunately, sheep carry a virus lethal to Caribou and Musk Ox and require greater care in winter. As a result, sheep did not move past Greenland and Parts of Baffin Island and Labrador. Domesticated sheep range in size between 100 and 350 pounds. Ewes reach sexual maturity at six to eight months, with Rams reaching maturity a four to six months. They have a gestational period of about five months, and are usually seasonal breeders.

Arctic Hare - One of the last domesticates, Arctic Hare is arguably still as much a vermin animal as a semi-domesticate. Arctic hare is drawn heavily to human agriculture and congregates around human spaces, where it is frequently harvested for meat, fur and leather. The border between vermin and food animal was somewhat blurred. Thule/Inuit farmers recognized the affinity of Hares for the garden meadows or fields, and would erect barriers and traps to harvest the Hare as they came. A certain amount of Hare attrition of the crops was accepted in return for the gift of Hare meat taken from traps. During spring and summer ‘injury traps’ were used, so that the cries of distressed and injured animals would deter others. In fall, live traps came to be used and the Hare so captured were kept alive as winter food animals. The result was slow domestication of live specimens. However, a considerable wild population exists, and the domesticated Hares go feral readily. Arctic Hare weigh nine to twelve pounds. Mating season is April or May, with a gestation period of fifty days. Hare give birth to litters of two to eight, with six being average. Sexual maturity is achieved within ten months. Arctic hare are notable for their speed, being able to sprint up to 40 miles an hour, and for congregating in groups of up to 100 although they have no formal hierarchies. Their life span is about five years.

Vole - An odd commensalist domesticate, and one with little precedent. Vole are kept and maintained in marginal areas of poor fodder and low subsistence. Vole-keepers harvest the animals themselves, and also consume the winter caches in their nests. Vole’s reproductive rate is incredible. These mouse sized animals reach sexual maturity in a month, gestation takes three weeks, and a female can have five to ten litters per year, with litter sizes of five to ten. Average life span is less than a year, although some might live two years. Because Vole’s are voracious plant eaters and attack root systems, they are considered a major pest in agricultural areas, since they devour crops reserved for humans. Their habit of establishing dens and building winter caches, and their remarkable fecundity has made them a viable domesticate in isolated areas, but they are not popular.

Bees - Thought to be another import from the Greenland Norse. Studies indicate, however, that beekeeping was an indigenous practice, although the Norse may have changed practices. Almost all of the Inuit domesticates were flowering plant species, and thus pollination was vital. It quickly became clear that bees were essential to plant production. Areas where beehives had been eradicated would, over a couple of years, fail to thrive. The Inuit first tolerated and then encouraged bee hives, creating artificial habitat for hives near specific croplands to encourage good magic for crops. During early winter, hives would be harvested for honey, although care was taken to ensure adequate hives would be left for summer pollination.

Sea-Cows - A transplanted population of Sirenians originally found only off the Kamchatka peninsula, these animals are considered semi-domesticated, and have made their way along the Alaskan and Siberian shores. Extinct in their original location, the domesticated sea cow is considerably smaller and appears to reach breeding maturity faster. (this one is a bit of a lark and likely ASB, but what the hell)
 
Something for you consideration.....

THE SHAMANIC TRADITION IN INUIT AGRICULTURE

For the Inuit, Agriculture was always associated with magical and spiritual practices. The early Inuit custom of Ceremonial Reciprocalism was an essentially spiritual practice. As Inuit moved into new territory, the Shamans became essential for spreading roots and seeds as part of their ‘blessings’ of new land and negotiations with spirits. At ceremonial gatherings, Shamans would meet and exchange information as to the qualities of various plants, including medicinal, food gathering and ecological information.

Over time, the Shamans as a group had collectively accumulated and exchanged a great deal of plant lore, particularly in regard to medicinal and edible species, toxic species, timings of harvest, soil and habitat preferences, and reproduction and proliferation.

Shamans were essential in spreading and proliferating many edible and medicinal species, using their magic and spiritual intersession to improve long term prospects while at the same time speaking to the spirits about short term or immediate needs and concerns. They also actively discouraged or eliminated toxic forms of Hedysarum and Seneccia, replacing them with edible forms.

The Shamans were at the forefront of the agricultural revolution, spreading information regarding agricultural techniques, advising on and blessing croplands, directing methods of planting. They identified and spread knowledge of and discouraged destructive techniques and assisted in developing and encouraging sustainable practices. Shaman’s were instrumental in the spread and retention of agricultural knowledge.

Because Shamans often moved between communities, and had contacts with Shamans from other regions, Shamans were often carriers of knowledge and information about doings and conditions in other areas. Their familiarity with local needs and desires, and the needs and desires of other communities allowed them to facilitate exchanges between groups and to set relative values.

As such, Shaman’s presided first over the networks of ceremonial exchange. But as population expanded, territorial boundaries became rigid, and resource inequalities grew, the Shamans were left in the position of managing economic trade.

As such, they were also involved in settling disputes between groups or clans, and in many cases, settling disputes within a clan.
By the early phases of the Agricultural period, the Shamans were not only spiritual and mystical advisors, they were acting as everything from agronomists, to doctors, vetinarians, traders, negotiators, merchants, judges and rulers.

The simple volume of agricultural lore and techniques grew to the point that Shamanic training was formalized. Initially, a simple apprenticeship for a period of time, Shamanic training eventually extended to a set number of years, apprenticing under a series of Shamans, before a practitioner could be recognized as fully fledged. Shamans retained contact, consulting individually, or ceremonially congregating from time to time. Recruiting of Shamanic apprentices also shifted somewhat, with particularly intelligent or adept children being singled out by Shamans for apprenticeship from a very young age.

From this networking sprang the elements of Inuit states and societies. A formal network of Shamanic leaders arose. This was rather less hierarchical and rigid than the Catholic or Christian Church’s and rather more similar to the Shiite Islamic system of clerics, mullahs and ayatollahs. A particularly powerful and respected Shaman could command the loyalty of many lesser Shamans, and therefore the loyalty of those within a Shaman’s sphere.
As Inuit society grew in complexity and needs, the Shamanic network evolved with it, creating bureaucracies, aids and advisors, and eventually directing warriors. Shamans themselves began to specialize, with hierarchies created, and particular roles emerging.

In this phase there was no distinction between spiritual and temporal authority, and during the Little Ice Ages, Shamans recruited and directed armies. Shamanic authority usually transcended the authority of clan or village headmen, and as Inuit states emerged, the leadership of those states were either Shamans or chosen by and exercised authority in part with Shamanic blessing. Shamanic culture dominated the early and middle phases of Inuit civilization, and remained prominant in the later phases.
 
Here's a techno question, if there are any 'ingeneers' out there.

The Thule Inuit culture developed a remarkable technology of lightweight boats composed of hide covering a wooden framework.

How far could they extend that technology? How big could they make a ship using those techniques... assuming that they had the raw materials available - ie, sufficient supplies and thicknesses of wood for the frame, sufficient hide for the skin?

There'd have to be adaptations to the design obviously, but could they get to something as large or larger than a viking longboat?
 
Here's a techno question, if there are any 'ingeneers' out there.

The Thule Inuit culture developed a remarkable technology of lightweight boats composed of hide covering a wooden framework.

How far could they extend that technology? How big could they make a ship using those techniques... assuming that they had the raw materials available - ie, sufficient supplies and thicknesses of wood for the frame, sufficient hide for the skin?

There'd have to be adaptations to the design obviously, but could they get to something as large or larger than a viking longboat?

Interesting thread you've got here....

I don't pretend to have any expertise in this area...but perhaps one could use whale skin/bones to construct such a vessel? Perhaps this is a stretch.

One problem I see is that, the bigger your *kayak becomes, the more extensive the superstructure needs to be to support all of that stressed hide. Another major deterrent factor that pops into my mind is the cost-benefit breakdown of such a course of action. What would be the purpose of these boats? Why build them rather than a number of smaller kayaks?
 
Interesting thread you've got here....

I don't pretend to have any expertise in this area...but perhaps one could use whale skin/bones to construct such a vessel? Perhaps this is a stretch.

Reminds me of a joke I once heard. Basically, three explorers were captured by savages. The savages take the first explorer, offer him women, feed him a banquet, cater to his desires. But in the morning, they kill him, skin him and use his hide to make a boat.

The remaining explorers know their fate. The savages come to the next explorer, and tell him it is his time, and ask him what he wishes. This explorer spends his night with young boys and all the drugs they can find. In the morning, they kill him, skin him and use his hide to make a boat.

There's one left. He waits. Finally, they come to him, and tell him its time. They tell him he can have anything he wants.

He asks for a fork.

Wine, drugs, bountiful feasts, women, boys, sheep, they say, he can have it all. Enjoy his last night on earth.

He just wants a fork.

Puzzled, they give it to him.

The minute he gets his hand on the fork, he starts stabbing himself with it rapidly all over his body, saying "You're not making a boat out of me, motherfuckers!"

I'm not sure about the possibilities of whale hide. But I suspect that they'd need to patch or sew up all those little harpoon holes. Is there any literature out there on whale leather? Whale bone seems likely to be incorporated into such super-boats if its available.

One problem I see is that, the bigger your *kayak becomes, the more extensive the superstructure needs to be to support all of that stressed hide.

Yeah, I figure that there are practical limitations at work. That's what I'm wondering about. Of course, its a catch 22, the heavier the superstructure, the more stress on the hide. I think that the superstructure would have to be extremely lightweight. Also, the more extensive the hides, the greater danger of leakage or more critically, tearing.

Another major deterrent factor that pops into my mind is the cost-benefit breakdown of such a course of action. What would be the purpose of these boats? Why build them rather than a number of smaller kayaks?

Four reasons: (1) War; (2) Economic levels of trade; (3) Expanded or deeper water whaling; (4) Colonization expeditions. The last one would probably be an add on for an existing technology, rather than driving the technology. The other three would be drivers, inspiring the need or desire for larger boats with larger carrying capacity.
 
for skin boats, the boats the inuit of out time made to hunt whales, etc, were fairly large already. I could see them making boats slightly larger - and once contact with the norse comes around - adding small sails to them boats. it would certainly help trade and migration.
 
for skin boats, the boats the inuit of out time made to hunt whales, etc, were fairly large already. I could see them making boats slightly larger - and once contact with the norse comes around - adding small sails to them boats. it would certainly help trade and migration.

Hmmm. You're right. Looking at Wikipedia, we have Umiak, boats of 30 to 40 feet in length (with apocryphal reports of 60 footers). A thirty foot boat might weigh no more than 200 lbs and could carry up to thirty people. And apparently some of them did have sails. I wonder if that was indigenous, or a cultural transference from Europeans.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Umiak
 
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