As early as a month into the uprising against the Dahije that terrorized the Sanjak of Smederevo, the leaders (or vođa) of the First Serbian Uprising realized that, in order to fully guarantee that things would be returned to how they once were from 1793 to 1799/1801, they would need international support.
After failing to receive Austrian support (as they had been tired out by recent wars and were attempting to avoid any sort of war with the Sublime Porte), they considered looking for support from the Russians, a decision confirmed at the Assembly in Ostružnica in May of 1804. As establishing a direct contact with St. Petersburg seemed impossible, they instead opted to send a letter to the Russian Ambassador in Constantinople, Graf Andrej Jakovlevitch Italinski, asking for support from the Russian throne.
While the letter was being delivered, an important figure arrived in Serbia sometime in July, that is Petar Novaković Čardaklija. Having previously been a captain of the Serbian Free Corps during the last Austro-Turkish War, and after the war having established close connections within the aristocratic circles of Vienna and Buda (most importantly his wife being close with Grand Duchess Alexandra Pavlovna, sister of then-Russian Tsar Alexander I), he assured Karađorđe (who had been chosen to lead the uprising at the Assembly at Orašac) that they wouldn't achieve anything with the letter sent to Constantinople, and advised him to instead send a Serbian delegation to St. Petersburg.
Karađorđe was persuaded by Čardaklija, and, after preparations were made, a delegation consisting of diplomat prota Mateja Nenadović, merchant Jovan Protić and the aforementioned Čardaklija departed by boat in complete secrecy at night on the 13th of September. They would arrive in St. Petersburg on the 7th of November, having met up with Teodor Filipović, who was at the time a professor at the University of Kharkiv, on the way, who would act as a translator.
Then-Russian Foreign Minister, Adam Czartoryski, would end up accepting them, and after reading one of the memorandums they had, was inclined to immediately inform the Imperator on the delegation's arrival. He would give the Serbs his political and financial support, having his finance minister grant the revolutionaries 3000 ducats in gold, and the delegates 300 ducats each, though he was unable to grant them any military support at the time.
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With the given context on how the Serbs managed to obtain Russian support, what if they hadn't?
Karađorđe was not always the best at diplomacy, and it is quite possible that he could've stubbornly refused Čardaklija's advice and remained steadfast with the decision made in May. Of course, Čardaklija could try and find supporters among the other leaders, and as the Serbs traditionally saw the Russians as close friends due to their Slavic Orthodox nature, as well as how their state served as an a beacon of hope that they could achieve the same sort of success, he was likely to find those who liked the idea. Of course, if he used peer pressure on Karađorđe, that could make him fold or just even more resistant.
Assuming Čardaklija fails to persuade Karađorđe, and the letter failed to do anything (seeing as I'm unable to find any info on it past it being sent, so we could assume it was either discovered or just seen as unimportant by Italinski, considering the political climate), whom would they look to for support?
Napoleon had been given the title of Emperor by the French Senate in May of 1804 as well, later coronated in December, and the War of the Third Coalition would only begin the following year, so the French would not have interest in the Balkans at this time. Everyone else was unlikely to support them, so it is likely that, at least for the time being, they would have to fight without foreign support, which may dampen morale.
After failing to receive Austrian support (as they had been tired out by recent wars and were attempting to avoid any sort of war with the Sublime Porte), they considered looking for support from the Russians, a decision confirmed at the Assembly in Ostružnica in May of 1804. As establishing a direct contact with St. Petersburg seemed impossible, they instead opted to send a letter to the Russian Ambassador in Constantinople, Graf Andrej Jakovlevitch Italinski, asking for support from the Russian throne.
While the letter was being delivered, an important figure arrived in Serbia sometime in July, that is Petar Novaković Čardaklija. Having previously been a captain of the Serbian Free Corps during the last Austro-Turkish War, and after the war having established close connections within the aristocratic circles of Vienna and Buda (most importantly his wife being close with Grand Duchess Alexandra Pavlovna, sister of then-Russian Tsar Alexander I), he assured Karađorđe (who had been chosen to lead the uprising at the Assembly at Orašac) that they wouldn't achieve anything with the letter sent to Constantinople, and advised him to instead send a Serbian delegation to St. Petersburg.
Karađorđe was persuaded by Čardaklija, and, after preparations were made, a delegation consisting of diplomat prota Mateja Nenadović, merchant Jovan Protić and the aforementioned Čardaklija departed by boat in complete secrecy at night on the 13th of September. They would arrive in St. Petersburg on the 7th of November, having met up with Teodor Filipović, who was at the time a professor at the University of Kharkiv, on the way, who would act as a translator.
Then-Russian Foreign Minister, Adam Czartoryski, would end up accepting them, and after reading one of the memorandums they had, was inclined to immediately inform the Imperator on the delegation's arrival. He would give the Serbs his political and financial support, having his finance minister grant the revolutionaries 3000 ducats in gold, and the delegates 300 ducats each, though he was unable to grant them any military support at the time.
---
With the given context on how the Serbs managed to obtain Russian support, what if they hadn't?
Karađorđe was not always the best at diplomacy, and it is quite possible that he could've stubbornly refused Čardaklija's advice and remained steadfast with the decision made in May. Of course, Čardaklija could try and find supporters among the other leaders, and as the Serbs traditionally saw the Russians as close friends due to their Slavic Orthodox nature, as well as how their state served as an a beacon of hope that they could achieve the same sort of success, he was likely to find those who liked the idea. Of course, if he used peer pressure on Karađorđe, that could make him fold or just even more resistant.
Assuming Čardaklija fails to persuade Karađorđe, and the letter failed to do anything (seeing as I'm unable to find any info on it past it being sent, so we could assume it was either discovered or just seen as unimportant by Italinski, considering the political climate), whom would they look to for support?
Napoleon had been given the title of Emperor by the French Senate in May of 1804 as well, later coronated in December, and the War of the Third Coalition would only begin the following year, so the French would not have interest in the Balkans at this time. Everyone else was unlikely to support them, so it is likely that, at least for the time being, they would have to fight without foreign support, which may dampen morale.