I was messing around with electoral atlas. Is this what you had in mind? It's 100 EVs exactly (and throws the election to the House due to no electoral majority).
That was pretty much exactly what I had in mind, maybe even with Virginia coming into play as well, thus ~100 EVs.
Chandler was a non-starter with Wallace's base.
Former Gov. of GA Marvin Griffin was a stand-in for VP early on, could just stay.
A dark horse I tend to like (use him in a non-posted TL I'm failing to write) is Sam Yorty, Democratic Mayor of Los Angeles.
Not trying to rain on your parade, but if Chandler is a non-starter (I'm assuming because he integrated professional baseball) then Yorty is just as much a non-starter because he's 1) integrated the city government of LA, 2) already made himself unappealing to whites on the other side by taking sides against the Kennedys, and 3) hoping for a cabinet appointment in Nixon's administration. The most important of those, however, is the first one. Chandler only integrated sports. How much worse would white southerners react to a man who had actually integrated GOVERNMENT?
That's a fair point, but here's the counterargument: LeMay was named as Wallace's VP
on October 3, 1968. As I look at the -- admittedly sparse --
Gallup history of Presidential polling, and here's what I see:
- In 1968, Wallace stayed at 20-21% in the polls until late September; by October he was polling at 15%. Actual share of vote: 13.5%.
- In 1980, John B. Anderson hit polling highs of 24% in the summer; by October, he was down to 8-9%. Actual share of vote: 6.6%.
- In 1992, Ross Perot peaked at 39%; ultimately, he dropped out, re-entered the race (at 8%), and had a late surge to 20% in October, before dwindling to 14% on Election Day. Actual share of vote: 18.9%.
- In 1996, Perot peaked at 19%; by July, he was polling at 7%, which is where he finished. Actual share of vote: 8.4%.
- In 2000, Nader hovered around the margin of error all year (2-4%); his final vote total was 2.7%.
So five isn't a lot of data points, and Ross Perot actually
outperformed his final poll numbers (which surprised me) -- but I think there's some evidence there that third party candidates tend to peak and then peter out by Election Day. The obvious thesis would be that "soft" supporters of a third party candidate are more likely to abandon ship once the evidence is in that their guy is going to lose.
Right, and I see your point. Note also, though, that in each of those cases (particularly Wallace and Anderson) that each had a surge of momentum early before they not only stalled, but plummeted as well. If Wallace can either maintain momentum or just remain even without going into full-blown tailspin in October, then I think he'll maintain his poll numbers. The other part of my scenario included a Humphrey campaign that fails to gain any momentum in the fall. If HHH's campaign never gets off the ground in October, then Wallace probably retains his support among blue-collar workers who are wary of Nixon.
Again, I get your thesis, but consider the baseline: Wallace won just 11.8% of the vote in Ohio, 11.4% in Indiana, and a tick under 8% in Pennsylvania. You're talking about tripling or quadrupling his support in those states to make them competitive, and that strikes me as somewhat implausible no matter who the vice-presidential nominee is.
I didn't mean to suggest that he could win those states, just that he could gain more support there and play a larger spoiler role. I see where what I said reads like that, but that's not how it was meant. Anyhow, yeah, I don't think he's going to take those states by any means, but he'll make a stronger showing there (mid-twenties in Ohio and Indiana, high teens in Pennsylvania) which would help is overall percentage of the national vote.
One final point: I'm not sure I would want to bet on the counterfactual that Happy
"I said most of the Zimbabweans were n-----s and they are n-----s" Chandler wouldn't gaffe on the campaign trail in a similarly damaging way.
I actually never heard that story before. Talk about digging yourself deeper and deeper. It's possible that he'll say something stupid like that in 1968, but nothing but nothing will be as bad for Wallace as LeMay's advocacy for nuclear war.
Well, as Ariosto said in so many words, Wallace may have been a spoiler for Nixon in the South, but he was a spoiler for Humphrey in the North, taking the votes of white working-class urban voters. So it's likely that if Wallace is doing as well in the South as you have him doing there, the vote-splitting in the North would result in Nixon winning Maryland (assuming Agnew's still on the Republican ticket) and Pennsylvania, along with possibly New York and Michigan.
Right. Like both of you said, he's going to play a major spoiler for Humphrey if he holds more of the vote. The irony is that as Wallace did worse, Humphrey did better while Nixon remained steady in the polls. A better Wallace Performance is likely to aid Nixon more than HHH in reaching 270 EVs.
On the issue of Wallace depriving Humphrey of states if he does better, depending on when Wallace picked his running mate (I don't know the date or the potential dates), if that is before the Democratic convention could that potentially influence who Humphrey has as VP, which then further affects the election?
Wallace
had to wait until after the Democratic convention to pick his running mate because he couldn't get anyone to sign on for the spot until the events of Chicago had gone down. An earlier pick would probably result in a weaker pick like Governor Griffin. Wallace was helped, obviously, by the convention debacle and, as such, he can't possibly pick a running mate until after the conventions have been completed.