Who Wins in 1912 if Roosevelt Sits Out?

Given TR's personal popularity, it is likely that a not insignificant number of Democrats as well as many independents voted for him simply because he was Theodore Roosevelt.


Is there any evidence that he *was* so tremendously popular?

As I noted earlier, when adjustment is made for population growth, TR's 1904 vote was virtually identical to McKinley's in 1900. Also, in his earlier race for Governor of NY, he ran only about 1% stronger than other Republicans on statewide tickets.

And while it is true that Wilson in 1912 polled slightly less well than Bryan in 1908, is there any particular evidence that TR was the beneficiary? Imho . those votes are more likely to have moved to Eugene Debs, who iirc had been a Bryan Democrat before running as a Socialist.

TR had a passionate following, but afaics it was pretty much confined to a *section* of he GOP. For all his colourful personality, Democrats seem to have viewed him as just another Republican.
 
Yet the Taft faction controlled the GOP presidential nomination until 1936.

Two reasons

1) TR was kind enough to make them a present of it by bolting the GOP.

2) Wilson was kind enough to leave the Democratic Party such a total basket case that the GOP could rule for a decade without its Taftite leadership needing the votes of former Bull-Moosers.
 
Two reasons

1) TR was kind enough to make them a present of it by bolting the GOP.

2) Wilson was kind enough to leave the Democratic Party such a total basket case that the GOP could rule for a decade without its Taftite leadership needing the votes of former Bull-Moosers.

1) Raises an interesting question: had Roosevelt not bolted, what direction would the GOP have taken in the following decades? Had he been nominated and won in 1912 the party would have been more progressive, at least for the next twenty or so years. Had he run in 1916, he actually might have lost to Wilson due to his views on the Great War.
 
1) Raises an interesting question: had Roosevelt not bolted, what direction would the GOP have taken in the following decades? Had he been nominated and won in 1912 the party would have been more progressive, at least for the next twenty or so years. Had he run in 1916, he actually might have lost to Wilson due to his views on the Great War.
Is a Wilson Presidency or a candidacy really an inevitability?
 
Is a Wilson Presidency or a candidacy really an inevitability?

No. Wilson could have been stopped at the 1912 Democratic convention, and as I stated above I think he would have lost to Roosevelt had the latter been the Republican nominee.
 
1) Raises an interesting question: had Roosevelt not bolted, what direction would the GOP have taken in the following decades? Had he been nominated and won in 1912 the party would have been more progressive, at least for the next twenty or so years. Had he run in 1916, he actually might have lost to Wilson due to his views on the Great War.
Indeed. And if he finds himself presiding *over* WW1 that's even worse. Barring a miracle, whichever party holds power then is likely heading for a train wreck.
 
Indeed. And if he finds himself presiding *over* WW1 that's even worse. Barring a miracle, whichever party holds power then is likely heading for a train wreck.

An interesting scenario would involve Roosevelt winning in 1916 on the argument that he would keep America out of the war through stronger preparedness measures. When he takes office, he persuades Congress to declare war anyway. Roosevelt and the Republicans take the blame for the economic and social chaos that resulted from the war, leading to a landslide for the Democrats in 1920.
 
Is a Wilson Presidency or a candidacy really an inevitability?
No. Champ Clark could have won the Democratic nomination.

Also, while I reject the idea that the unpopular Taft could have won a one-on-one contest against Wilson, it does not follow that *no* Republican could have done so. As I indicate at https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...blican-nomination.509896/page-2#post-21916091 there is a *possibility* that TR if he won the GOP nomination could have defeated Wilson--if he did enough to reconcile the Taftites. But it would not have been easy.

If both Taft and TR had withdrawn in favor of a compromise candidate like Hughes, such a candidate also might have defeated Wilson. But it's very unlikely that TR would accept this idea, even if Taft would. TR in OTL completely rejected the idea: "I’ll name the compromise candidate. He’ll be me. I’ll name the compromise platform. It will be our platform.” https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/1912-republican-convention-855607/ IMO anyone who thinks it could have been otherwise misjudges TR. "TR's fighting instincts were part of his primordial self. As Root said of him, 'when he gets into a fight, he is completely dominated by the desire to destroy his adversary completely.'" https://books.google.com/books?id=2xk4lJ9VWcYC&pg=PA109
 
Yet the Taft faction controlled the GOP presidential nomination until 1936.
It should be noted though that in 1916 they felt compelled to nominate Hughes, who was probably not as conservative a candidate as they wanted--but they felt they had no alternative: they needed a candidate who had been neutral in 1912 (because of his being on the Supreme Court) to win both 1912 Taftites and Bull Moosers. (And in spite of his losing, Hughes probably *was* the best candidate the GOP could have come up with in 1916.)
 
Is there any evidence that he *was* so tremendously popular?

As I noted earlier, when adjustment is made for population growth, TR's 1904 vote was virtually identical to McKinley's in 1900.
In fairness, one should note that the disfranchisement of most remaining Black voters in southern states like AL https://www.law.ua.edu/specialcollections/2016/12/09/alabamas-1901-constitution-instrument-of-power/ and VA https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virginia_Constitutional_Convention_of_1902 greatly hurt the Republicans in those states by 1904. McKinley had gotten 55,612 votes in AL in 1900, TR 22,472 in 1904; in VA, McKinley got 115,679 in 1900 and TR 48,180 in 1904.
 
I agree midterm impact is more limited that some assume

1994 and 2010 were both terrible for Democrats but they re-elected in 1996 and 2012

Or closer to the time frame, 1922 was bad for GOP but they won in 1924
 
No. Champ Clark could have won the Democratic nomination.

Also, while I reject the idea that the unpopular Taft could have won a one-on-one contest against Wilson, it does not follow that *no* Republican could have done so. As I indicate at https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...blican-nomination.509896/page-2#post-21916091 there is a *possibility* that TR if he won the GOP nomination could have defeated Wilson--if he did enough to reconcile the Taftites. But it would not have been easy.

If both Taft and TR had withdrawn in favor of a compromise candidate like Hughes, such a candidate also might have defeated Wilson. But it's very unlikely that TR would accept this idea, even if Taft would. TR in OTL completely rejected the idea: "I’ll name the compromise candidate. He’ll be me. I’ll name the compromise platform. It will be our platform.” https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/1912-republican-convention-855607/ IMO anyone who thinks it could have been otherwise misjudges TR. "TR's fighting instincts were part of his primordial self. As Root said of him, 'when he gets into a fight, he is completely dominated by the desire to destroy his adversary completely.'" https://books.google.com/books?id=2xk4lJ9VWcYC&pg=PA109

I think that in TR's mind, withdrawing in favor of Hughes would be an even greater humiliation than losing to Taft outright (he could at least in that event claim he had been robbed of victory by the Republican machine). The wording of his statement, "He'll be me," suggests that ego was just as much as a driving force in his decision to run - if not moreso - than any ideological differences he had with Taft.
 
I agree midterm impact is more limited that some assume

1994 and 2010 were both terrible for Democrats but they re-elected in 1996 and 2012

Or closer to the time frame, 1922 was bad for GOP but they won in 1924

But they still retained control of the House in 1922! Obviously after the terrible defeat the Democrats suffered in 1920 (coming on the heels of an already significant defeat in 1918) they were bound to make some sort of comeback, especially since in 1922 the economy had by no means totally recovered from the 1920-21 depression. By contrast, the Republicans lost control of the House in 1910 after controlling it for sixteen years. Moreover, this was the culmination of a gradual comeback by the Democrats: they had also won House seats in 1906 and (despite Bryan's defeat) in 1908.

The GOP did not lose in 1910 because of economic hard times that might be over by 1912, as the hard times of the early 1920's were mostly over by 1924. They lost because President Taft was a poor politician and unpopular (even if one thinks, as I do, that he had real accomplishments as president and that his unpopularity was not entirely deserved). That was still true in 1911 and 1912! (For one thing--though this was hardly his most important problem--he was gaffe-prone, explaining that he was a man of peace, but he would fight hard if necessary because "Even a rat in a corner will fight." https://books.google.com/books?id=_mabsSXXhKEC&pg=PA187) As I mentioned, the 1911 elections did not show any ebbing of the Democratic tide, and much of the clamor for TR to run came precisely from Republicans who thought that Taft could not win in 1912.
 
You could also look to 1916, Wilson barely won and really only because of normally GOP leaning voters in midwest shifting to him over war issue

I'm not saying Wilson couldn't have won in 1912, but it's far from a slam dunk.
 
You could also look to 1916, Wilson barely won and really only because of normally GOP leaning voters in midwest shifting to him over war issue

I'm not saying Wilson couldn't have won in 1912, but it's far from a slam dunk.
To quote an old post of mine:

***
I have always thought that the war--if we leave aside the prosperity it brought to the US (an important caveat!)--may have been if anything a net minus for Wilson in 1916. Many German- and Irish-Americans thought Wilson was too pro-Entente. The temporary improvement in US-German relations after the Sussex pledge and the worries about the inlfluence of hawks like TR and Root in a Hughes administration did mitigate this problem for Wilson but did not entirely eliminate it. See David Sarasohn, The Party of Reform, pp. 228-230:

"Admittedly, Wilson did not suffer the kind of sweeping German and Irish apostasy that Democratic leaders had feared during the campaign. Nor were the losses universal; in some areas, such as St. Louis and Baltimore, German Democrats maintained their usual levels … But through much of the country, alienated ethnic Democrats, especially Germans, repudiated Wilson in numbers large enough to affect outcomes. "In the great majority of cases," reports Meyer Nathan on the Middle West, "Wilson either lost support among German Americans or did not gain support among them as substantially as he did among other voters."

"Looking at 110 midwestern counties with sizable German populations, Nathan found that in 44 of them Wilson ran worse in 1916 than he did in the three-sided contest of 1912, and in fifty-three he ran worse than Bryan had run in 1908 — at the same time that, in other counties, he was running ahead of all previous Democratic standards. These were counties that had been, in many cases, the backbones of Democratic strength in their area, counties where defeat or even narrow victory would be normally fatal to Democratic hopes statewide.

"Perhaps the most vivid example of Wilson's German defeats, and their costs, is provided by Wisconsin. The Democrats made a strong effort for the state, where they had elected a senator two years before and could count upon a strong appeal to labor, insurgent Republicans, and Milwaukee Socialists as well as the benign neutrality of La Follette. But, throughout the campaign, the warnings of rural German anger grew, and by election day the leaders knew the state was lost... traditionally an oasis of solid Democratic majorities in a Republican state, in 1916, German areas suddenly voted more Republican than the state as a whole.

"Democrats could count similar defections, with similar effects, in other states. New door in Minnesota, which Wilson lost by one-tenth of 1 percentage point the morning-after telegram from the state's Wilson volunteer chairman and simply, "Country German communities disappointing." He might have been thinking of Brown County, which had gone for Bryan in 1908 but now gave Wilson 31.6 percent, or Stearns, which had three times given the Commoner landslides (61.6, 61.3, and 56.8 percent) but now cast 54.4 percent of its votes for Hughes. Clifton Phillips notes German bolting from Wilson in Indiana, which he lost by less than I percent of the vote, and where one Democrat reported German ministers circulating anti-Wilson handbills. The Neu, York World suggested that German defections in the Fort Wayne area had hurt Wilson seriously, and the returns illustrate the point: Fort Wayne's county, Allen, one of the most German in the state, had voted thre times for Bryan, by increasing margins each time; now it went for Hughes, with a sharply increased Socialist vote....

"...The exception to Wilson's sweep of Ohio was what the Cleveland Plain Dealer called "a surprising majority" for Hughes in Cincinnati's Hamilton County, where Wilson trailed the state ticket throughout the German wards.

"The defection of the urban Irish from the party of their fathers is more difficult to demonstrate. William O'Leary has argued that the Irish rebellion was insignificant, because Wilson carried the Irish wards and in fact ran better there than other Democratic presidenttial candidates had. But this is asking the wrong question. Democrats normally won (and needed, for any prospect of city or state victory) large majorities among the Irish, and for Wilson to run better in their wards than the aggressively pietistic Bryan or the hapless Parker would hardly be an indication of enthusiasm of very much use to him. In Chicago's 30h ward, the most Irish of the five Chicago wards O'Leary cites, Wilson did indeed win, with 58.5 percent of the vote. But the Democratic candidates for senator in 1914 and 1918 won 64 percent and 65.4 percent, respectively, and in elections for city clerk—a position in which the organization took a particular interest —the 30th ward went Democratic by 74.2 percent in 1913 and 77.5 percent in 1917.

"Wilson's difficulties appeared most vividly, and worse than had been expected, in New York City. With the treaty with Tammany, Democratic leaders had hoped for an old-time Democratic majority in the city, with the New York World estimating a margin of 97,000. Instead, Wilson carried the city by less than 40,000, despite huge majorities in the Jewish districts. One source of his problems was evident: in the assembly districts with the highest Irish and German populations, the Democratic percentages dropped off notably from the assembly elections of the year before.

"The immediate reaction of many Wilsonians, who in the manner of reformers tended to vest their opposition with limitless reach and power, was that Tammany had knifed the president. Certainly, given the history of Wilson-Murphy diplomatic relations over the past four years, numerous Tammany tigers felt a coolness toward the Princetonian. But the machine defended itself persuasively. “The President got the top vote here in this city, as against a lesser vote for our own candidates, and he got a big vote," one New York leader wrote McAdoo. "Tammany could not control the Germans of its own party, whom Frank Cobb [editor of the World] called every day agents of the Kaiser if they dared vote for any other save Wilson." Tammanyites also cited Wilson's similar difficulties across the river, in Frank Hague's heavily Irish and German Hudson County...."

One other point is that the war issue might have hurt Wilson among urban Progressives who were pro-British. Harold Ickes was to claim many years later that "I would have been for Wilson in 1916 if I hadn't been persuaded that his re-election would mean that England and France and all they had meant to our civilization might go to the dogs for all that we might do." (Ickes, *Autobiography of a Curmudgeon* [1937], p. 184)

(It has to be said, though, that the War was not the only problem Wilson had with Irish and German Catholics--his positions on Mexico and to a lesser extent on the Philippines probably also hurt him with Catholic voters.)

All in all, as i said, I think the War (leaving aside its effect on prosperity) cost Wilson votes--though surely not as many as the Democrats feared. But probably the War had little effect one way or the other on the Mountain and West Coast states, including California. The fighting seemed very far away there, ethnic votes were not as numerous as in the East, and progressivism rather than peace was the major issue. This was recognized at the time: "While the East has been thinking in terms of the European war," explained Colorado Progressive leader Ed Costigan after the election, "the Progressives of the West have considered domestic peace and justice of greater importance, and have voted accordingly." Arthur Sears Henning, Chicago Tribune political correspondent wrote "coming directly from the far west to New York City, I was struck immediately by the fact that I read next to nothing about Wilson having 'kept us out of the war.' The great conflict abrorad is much more real to the people of the Atlantic seaboard than to the prairie states." Sarasohn, p. 220.

But of course as I noted the War did bring prosperity to the US. In 1913-14 Republicans had some success in blaming the recession on Wilson's "anti-business" policies and the Underwood Tariff. This argument faded as prosperity returned. When Hughes in 1916 claimed the US was living in a "fool's paradise" and needed higher tariffs to counter a flood of imports from Europe once the war ended, he got little response because he was in effect conceding that for now the economy was prosperous. So how well Wilson would do in 1916 without the war might depend on how rapidly and completely the US would recover from the recession. https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/1916-presidential-election-if-wwi-didn’t-happen.507900/#post-21787955

***

To that post I would add that the idea that progressivism, not peace, was the key to Wilson's victory in 1916--especially in the West-- is not new. It was recognized at the time. Besides the sources I quoted in the above post, I could cite Wiliam Allen White, who supported Hughes but nevertheless criticized the conservatism of his campaign: "He talked tariff like Mark Hanna. He talked of industrial affairs like McKinley, expressing a benevolent sympathy, but not a fundamental understanding. He gave the Progressives of the West the impression that he was one of those good men in politics—a kind of a business man's candidate, who would devote himself to the work of cleaning up the public service, naming good men for offices, but always hovering around the status quo like a sick kitten around a hot brick!" https://books.google.com/books?id=Tl01AQAAMAAJ&pg=RA6-PA6 Secretary of the Interior Lane, a Californian, wrote after the election: "The result in California turned, really as the result in the entire West did, upon the real progressivism of the progressives. It was not pique because Johnson was not recognized. No man, not Johnson nor Roosevelt, carries the progressives in his pocket. The progressives in the East were Perkins progressives who could be delivered. The West thinks for itself. Johnson could not deliver California. Johnson made very strong speeches for Hughes. The West is really progressive. . . ." https://books.google.com/books?id=8mwoAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA227 And of course, in California as elsewhere, Hughes' opposition to the Adamson Act hurt him with organized labor.

If 1916 has any meaning for 1912, it is that the Republicans would have a hard time beating Wilson if they were perceived as the conservative party--as they certainly would be if their candidate was Taft (even though Taft was hardly the reactionary that Democrats and Progressives claimed he was).
 
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To quote an old post of mine:

***
I have always thought that the war--if we leave aside the prosperity it brought to the US (an important caveat!)--may have been if anything a net minus for Wilson in 1916. Many German- and Irish-Americans thought Wilson was too pro-Entente. The temporary improvement in US-German relations after the Sussex pledge and the worries about the inlfluence of hawks like TR and Root in a Hughes administration did mitigate this problem for Wilson but did not entirely eliminate it. See David Sarasohn, The Party of Reform, pp. 228-230:

"Admittedly, Wilson did not suffer the kind of sweeping German and Irish apostasy that Democratic leaders had feared during the campaign. Nor were the losses universal; in some areas, such as St. Louis and Baltimore, German Democrats maintained their usual levels … But through much of the country, alienated ethnic Democrats, especially Germans, repudiated Wilson in numbers large enough to affect outcomes. "In the great majority of cases," reports Meyer Nathan on the Middle West, "Wilson either lost support among German Americans or did not gain support among them as substantially as he did among other voters."

"Looking at 110 midwestern counties with sizable German populations, Nathan found that in 44 of them Wilson ran worse in 1916 than he did in the three-sided contest of 1912, and in fifty-three he ran worse than Bryan had run in 1908 — at the same time that, in other counties, he was running ahead of all previous Democratic standards. These were counties that had been, in many cases, the backbones of Democratic strength in their area, counties where defeat or even narrow victory would be normally fatal to Democratic hopes statewide.

"Perhaps the most vivid example of Wilson's German defeats, and their costs, is provided by Wisconsin. The Democrats made a strong effort for the state, where they had elected a senator two years before and could count upon a strong appeal to labor, insurgent Republicans, and Milwaukee Socialists as well as the benign neutrality of La Follette. But, throughout the campaign, the warnings of rural German anger grew, and by election day the leaders knew the state was lost... traditionally an oasis of solid Democratic majorities in a Republican state, in 1916, German areas suddenly voted more Republican than the state as a whole.

"Democrats could count similar defections, with similar effects, in other states. New door in Minnesota, which Wilson lost by one-tenth of 1 percentage point the morning-after telegram from the state's Wilson volunteer chairman and simply, "Country German communities disappointing." He might have been thinking of Brown County, which had gone for Bryan in 1908 but now gave Wilson 31.6 percent, or Stearns, which had three times given the Commoner landslides (61.6, 61.3, and 56.8 percent) but now cast 54.4 percent of its votes for Hughes. Clifton Phillips notes German bolting from Wilson in Indiana, which he lost by less than I percent of the vote, and where one Democrat reported German ministers circulating anti-Wilson handbills. The Neu, York World suggested that German defections in the Fort Wayne area had hurt Wilson seriously, and the returns illustrate the point: Fort Wayne's county, Allen, one of the most German in the state, had voted thre times for Bryan, by increasing margins each time; now it went for Hughes, with a sharply increased Socialist vote....

"...The exception to Wilson's sweep of Ohio was what the Cleveland Plain Dealer called "a surprising majority" for Hughes in Cincinnati's Hamilton County, where Wilson trailed the state ticket throughout the German wards.

"The defection of the urban Irish from the party of their fathers is more difficult to demonstrate. William O'Leary has argued that the Irish rebellion was insignificant, because Wilson carried the Irish wards and in fact ran better there than other Democratic presidenttial candidates had. But this is asking the wrong question. Democrats normally won (and needed, for any prospect of city or state victory) large majorities among the Irish, and for Wilson to run better in their wards than the aggressively pietistic Bryan or the hapless Parker would hardly be an indication of enthusiasm of very much use to him. In Chicago's 30h ward, the most Irish of the five Chicago wards O'Leary cites, Wilson did indeed win, with 58.5 percent of the vote. But the Democratic candidates for senator in 1914 and 1918 won 64 percent and 65.4 percent, respectively, and in elections for city clerk—a position in which the organization took a particular interest —the 30th ward went Democratic by 74.2 percent in 1913 and 77.5 percent in 1917.

"Wilson's difficulties appeared most vividly, and worse than had been expected, in New York City. With the treaty with Tammany, Democratic leaders had hoped for an old-time Democratic majority in the city, with the New York World estimating a margin of 97,000. Instead, Wilson carried the city by less than 40,000, despite huge majorities in the Jewish districts. One source of his problems was evident: in the assembly districts with the highest Irish and German populations, the Democratic percentages dropped off notably from the assembly elections of the year before.

"The immediate reaction of many Wilsonians, who in the manner of reformers tended to vest their opposition with limitless reach and power, was that Tammany had knifed the president. Certainly, given the history of Wilson-Murphy diplomatic relations over the past four years, numerous Tammany tigers felt a coolness toward the Princetonian. But the machine defended itself persuasively. “The President got the top vote here in this city, as against a lesser vote for our own candidates, and he got a big vote," one New York leader wrote McAdoo. "Tammany could not control the Germans of its own party, whom Frank Cobb [editor of the World] called every day agents of the Kaiser if they dared vote for any other save Wilson." Tammanyites also cited Wilson's similar difficulties across the river, in Frank Hague's heavily Irish and German Hudson County...."

One other point is that the war issue might have hurt Wilson among urban Progressives who were pro-British. Harold Ickes was to claim many years later that "I would have been for Wilson in 1916 if I hadn't been persuaded that his re-election would mean that England and France and all they had meant to our civilization might go to the dogs for all that we might do." (Ickes, *Autobiography of a Curmudgeon* [1937], p. 184)

(It has to be said, though, that the War was not the only problem Wilson had with Irish and German Catholics--his positions on Mexico and to a lesser extent on the Philippines probably also hurt him with Catholic voters.)

All in all, as i said, I think the War (leaving aside its effect on prosperity) cost Wilson votes--though surely not as many as the Democrats feared. But probably the War had little effect one way or the other on the Mountain and West Coast states, including California. The fighting seemed very far away there, ethnic votes were not as numerous as in the East, and progressivism rather than peace was the major issue. This was recognized at the time: "While the East has been thinking in terms of the European war," explained Colorado Progressive leader Ed Costigan after the election, "the Progressives of the West have considered domestic peace and justice of greater importance, and have voted accordingly." Arthur Sears Henning, Chicago Tribune political correspondent wrote "coming directly from the far west to New York City, I was struck immediately by the fact that I read next to nothing about Wilson having 'kept us out of the war.' The great conflict abrorad is much more real to the people of the Atlantic seaboard than to the prairie states." Sarasohn, p. 220.

But of course as I noted the War did bring prosperity to the US. In 1913-14 Republicans had some success in blaming the recession on Wilson's "anti-business" policies and the Underwood Tariff. This argument faded as prosperity returned. When Hughes in 1916 claimed the US was living in a "fool's paradise" and needed higher tariffs to counter a flood of imports from Europe once the war ended, he got little response because he was in effect conceding that for now the economy was prosperous. So how well Wilson would do in 1916 without the war might depend on how rapidly and completely the US would recover from the recession. https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/1916-presidential-election-if-wwi-didn’t-happen.507900/#post-21787955

***

To that post I would add that the idea that progressivism, not peace, was the key to Wilson's victory in 1916--especially in the West-- is not new. It was recognized at the time. Besides the sources I quoted in the above post, I could cite Wiliam Allen White, who supported Hughes but nevertheless criticized the conservatism of his campaign: "He talked tariff like Mark Hanna. He talked of industrial affairs like McKinley, expressing a benevolent sympathy, but not a fundamental understanding. He gave the Progressives of the West the impression that he was one of those good men in politics—a kind of a business man's candidate, who would devote himself to the work of cleaning up the public service, naming good men for offices, but always hovering around the status quo like a sick kitten around a hot brick!" https://books.google.com/books?id=Tl01AQAAMAAJ&pg=RA6-PA6 Secretary of the Interior Lane, a Californian, wrote after the election: "The result in California turned, really as the result in the entire West did, upon the real progressivism of the progressives. It was not pique because Johnson was not recognized. No man, not Johnson nor Roosevelt, carries the progressives in his pocket. The progressives in the East were Perkins progressives who could be delivered. The West thinks for itself. Johnson could not deliver California. Johnson made very strong speeches for Hughes. The West is really progressive. . . ." https://books.google.com/books?id=8mwoAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA227 And of course, in California as elsewhere, Hughes' opposition to the Adamson Act hurt him with organized labor.

If 1916 has any meaning for 1912, it is that the Republicans would have a hard time beating Wilson if they were perceived as the conservative party--as they certainly would be if their candidate was Taft (even though Taft was hardly the reactionary that Democrats and Progressives claimed he was).

This is an interesting analysis. Do you think that had Hughes adopted a more progressive tone in the fall campaign, he would have been elected?
 
This is an interesting analysis. Do you think that had Hughes adopted a more progressive tone in the fall campaign, he would have been elected?
Well, all he needed to win was CA. And as I've written elsewhere, insofar as anything Hughes did in California may have cost him the election, the presumably unintentional snub of Johnson in Long Beach may have been less important than the deliberate snub of organized labor in San Francisco:

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https://books.google.com/books?id=ICacuX5otyAC&pg=PA316
https://books.google.com/books?id=ICacuX5otyAC&pg=PA317
 
Well, all he needed to win was CA. And as I've written elsewhere, insofar as anything Hughes did in California may have cost him the election, the presumably unintentional snub of Johnson in Long Beach may have been less important than the deliberate snub of organized labor in San Francisco:

View attachment 711573
View attachment 711574

https://books.google.com/books?id=ICacuX5otyAC&pg=PA316
https://books.google.com/books?id=ICacuX5otyAC&pg=PA317

I agree with you that Hughes was probably the best candidate the GOP had in 1916. TR was too pro-war, Root and Fairbanks were too conservative, etc. I do think, however, that Hughes lost in part because he failed to truly present himself as a moderate - incidents like this one reinforced a perception of Hughes as being more conservative which clearly disappointed progressive Republicans.

To be fair, Hughes had a difficult task in 1916: he had to unify a badly divided party four years after a calamitous defeat, take stands on a plethora of highly controversial domestic and foreign policy without alienating too many people both within his party and without, all while taking on an incumbent President which is hard to do in any case. In spite of the narrowness of the outcome a Wilson victory should have been expected: he was an incumbent President who had accomplished much legislatively, was presiding over a growing economy, and had kept the nation out of an unpopular war. It is in fact surprising that the results are so narrow, and this may be because of the war itself (as you have pointed out in previous posts).
 
In fairness, one should note that the disfranchisement of most remaining Black voters in southern states like AL https://www.law.ua.edu/specialcollections/2016/12/09/alabamas-1901-constitution-instrument-of-power/ and VA https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virginia_Constitutional_Convention_of_1902 greatly hurt the Republicans in those states by 1904. McKinley had gotten 55,612 votes in AL in 1900, TR 22,472 in 1904; in VA, McKinley got 115,679 in 1900 and TR 48,180 in 1904.

Agreed, but it only reduced TR's vote by about 100,000 (less than 1 percentage point) , so I think my basic point still holds good.

Indeed, I note that in two northern states, NH and VT, his 1904 vote was actually *less* than McKinley's in 1900. His *percentage* share was higher, but only because the Democratic vote shrank even more. Obviously results from two small states aren't conclusive evidence of anything, but it's at least suggestive.
 
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I agree midterm impact is more limited that some assume

1994 and 2010 were both terrible for Democrats but they re-elected in 1996 and 2012

Or closer to the time frame, 1922 was bad for GOP but they won in 1924

This is true. However, unlike in those elections the GOP had not rebounded thanks to an important success. By 1924 and 1996, the economy was booming while in 2012 it was in recovery. By 1912 nothing had changed to improve the GOP's chances, if anything the situation had deteriorated due to the growing split between the progressive and conservative wings. The fact that there is even debate as to whether a widely popular former President would have an easy time leading a united GOP to victory shows just how dismal the situation was for the Republicans in 1912.

If Roosevelt sits out, in all likelihood Wilson wins but by a narrower margin. The GOP was too badly divided, and Taft too unpopular, for the Republicans to win barring a miracle (and that miracle could have been a Roosevelt nomination, but TR started too late to catch up with Taft in the number of delegates needed to win).
 
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