What if the French Revolution never happened? | Fraternité en Rébellion

[mapperific]

The Lands of the Austrian Empire: In the Cage of the Doppeladler​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 5

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The House of Habsburg is renowned for many things, among them their propensity to accaparate vast swathes of land throughout Europe. A German house though they may be, the Austrian Empire over which they rule is populated by a majority of non-Germans, in spite of the unpopular Germanization policies which have been going on for 100 years by 1933. Besides the German community favoured by the state, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Romanians, Italians, Ruthenians, Croats, Serbs, Poles, Ukrainians all live inside Vienna’s absolutist realm. Needless to say, with the advent of the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, the Empire’s stability has been hard to maintain. The forces of nationalist zealotry, political liberalism and republican radicalism all tear and shear at the fabric of the Habsburg Empire. The Empire has known two large insurrections in the past century, both led by the disgruntled Hungarians. Kossuth’s War of Independence and Klapka’s Rebellion were severely damaging, and the Empire-wide “Bloody Decade” that followed shattered any illusions the nationalities had about potential reform. Austria was to remain absolute in its leadership. With the dawn of the 20th century and Franz Ferdinand’s reign, things changed for the better in Austria, with the removal of most Metternich-era laws on censorship and political control. An economic boom in the 1890-1910 period also ushered in an era of general prosperity, as the Holy Alliance of Austria and France seemed to have successfully survived the “Long 19th Century”. No good things last forever, though, and in 1933 the Austrian Empire is at a precipice. The political liberalization of Franz Ferdinand has encouraged the nationalities to voice their wish for change once again. Publicly calling for increased autonomy and likely clamouring for full revolution in secret, these constantly growing national associations are a true Sword of Damocles poised above the Doppeladler’s heads.

 

[mapperific]

The Balkans: A Delayed Powderkeg?​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 6

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The Balkans are an often-forgotten corner of Europe, shadowed by the power and influence of the Sublime Porte itself. However, with the decline of the Ottoman Empire, new players have made their way into the region, and the new ideals surging throughout Europe and the world threaten to fatally alter the centuries-old balance of the region. Ever since the late 18th century, the Ottomans have been on the losing side of the regional wars, with the notable exception of the Crimean War where, with the help of an unlikely joint Anglo-French intervention, they managed to keep Russia in check. Seeing the accelerating decline of their realm, the Ottoman sultans of the 19th century attempted to reform. At first, these attempts were met with open hostility from many layers of the society, administration and military. This was made evident during the Nine Years’ War, when the Janissaries openly revolted against the reformed Nizam-i-Cedid Army, all in the middle of waging a war. The failure of the Sultan to keep factionalism in check later led to the whole New Model Army defecting the empire, as their leader, Mehmet Ali, built a strong personal following among his troops. With grandiose plans for himself, Ali used his loyal legions to carve his very own realm in Rumelia, subject only on paper to the Porte. The Khedivate of Rumelia stands as eternal reminder to the Sultans that their rule must remain uncontested if they wish to maintain stability.


After the 1850s, the Tanzimat Reforms accelerated, and the Nizam-i-Cedid was replaced by the Mansure Army, even more modern and most importantly, directly controlled by Constantinople. The 19th century also saw the gradual loss of Turkish influence in North Africa to the ever-encroaching French. As 1933 dawns, the Ottoman Empire is struggling to maintain its internal cohesion, even within its core territories. For a few decades now, a faction of reform-minded Pashas and other important officials, known as the “Young Turks”, have been pushing for more influence and in the late 1900s even managed to successfully carry out a “soft coup”, reducing the Sultan’s power and transferring some of it to the otherwise rump parliament which had been established under Tanzimat. The “Young Turks” are a loosely-affiliated grouping, with Freieist factions, liberal factions and materialists among others. Their only unifying goal is to remove the “obsolete” Sultan from power and reform the Ottoman Empire into something new.


In the Balkans, tensions are brewing. Forced by the victorious Russians in 1878 to grant a special “autonomous” status to the Balkan Vilayets populated by Christians: thus appeared the Atina Vilayet, the Sofya Vilayet and the Belergad Vilayet. Ottoman control over those areas has been weak at best since then. These devolved governments have total control over their internal affairs in practice, with only the security and military forces still being under direct Turkish control. They also have to pay a revenue tax to the Constantinople administration, but otherwise they operate with independent budgets. These vilayets are hotspots of radicalism, and nationalist factions can operate with relative impunity on their territory, which is of great concern to the Turkish authorities. Street brawls between Ottoman police and nationalist paramilitaries have become common on the streets of Athens, Sofia or Belgrade, and nobody knows for how long this fragile status-quo will be maintained.


In the west of the Balkan, Bosnia has been living under the Doppeladler since the Crimean War, when the European Intervention prompted Mehmet Ali to stand down from his attempt to attack the Ottomans, and in the process the Austrians occupied Bosnia, never to leave again. Although it is under Austrian control, Bosnia is technically not integrated into the Austrian Empire’s administration. Instead, it is run more like a military administration, having a governor-general and issuing separate documents to its inhabitants. These traits have led some commentators to describe Bosnia as an “Austrian colony in the Balkan Peninsula”. In the modern age, Bosnia has not escaped the tensions of radicalism either. The territory is actively claimed by multiple nationalist agendas, chiefly among them the Serbian and Croatian national movements. A nascent Bosniak independence movement is present too, although their preference for the Sublime Porte has made them prime targets both for the Serb and Croat paramilitaries and for the k.k. Bosnische Gendarmerie. Furthermore, the Khedivate of Rumelia under the Ali Dynasty has not forgotten the treachery of the Crimean War, and perhaps in a moment of Austrian weakness they will try to reclaim Bosnia.


To the north, the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia are poised as a crossroads between empires. The Austrians drew the lucky lot during the confrontations of the mid 19th-century, and after a short period of sharing overlordship with Russia after the Nine Years’ War, they attained supremacy over the principalities following the Crimean War. However, the fragile balance of the 1857 London negotiations meant that de jure independence had to be maintained: thus Wallachia and Moldavia became an unofficial buffer between the mighty empires of Austria, Russia and Turkey. The Treaty of London allowed for a “limited union” between the two states, as nationalist representatives from both countries lobbied for a unified Romanian nation-state, but that request was ultimately denied. The “Romanian Confederation” brought some benefits to Wallachia and Moldavia, chiefly among them an integrated economy which allowed for substantial economic growth.


Even though the treaty guaranteed de jure independence, in practice the Austrian dominance over most affairs was obvious. With the discovery and subsequent exploitation of oil in Wallachia, Austrian magnates proceeded to accaparate the majority of Wallachian industries; k.k. Armee units are permanently stationed in both Wallachia and Moldavia, for the purpose of “guarding the sovereign Romanian states from Ottoman and Russian aggression”. The Romanian Confederation, through Wallachia, is in practice the petroleum lifeline of the global Habsburg Empire. The Imperial Navy sails the high seas using Romanian oil, and thus the Austrians are “keen” to make sure that the Romanians remain firmly within their sphere. Having roughly half of the nation inside their borders proper also helps with “leverage”. The foreign domination has not gone unnoticed by the population, and by 1933 certain radical groups are growing in popularity, as they call for an end to “foreign exploitation” and rally the pan-Romanian nationalists to the cause of a unified nation-state.


However, the ruling elites and the established status-quo are more “tame” in nature. The boyars, long-time elites of the principalities, have reformed into a petty aristocracy modelled on European models, especially France. Since the mid-19th century, the middle and upper segment of Romanian society have sought to imitate France and French culture in any way possible, at times going into the ridiculous. The old princely families have become royals-lite after the removal of the Phanariote Greek domination in the 1820s: The Bibescu-Brancoveanus dominate Wallachia, while Moldavia is still split between the Ghicas and Sturdzas. Nevertheless, they too claim to desire a united Romania, although the boyar elites would rather see a French noble be crowned king, lest the old court intrigues continue. The friction between “nativists” and “bonjourists” within the middle and upper classes and the radicalism that some politicians are instilling in the peasantry all threaten the stability of the Romanian Confederation. It is clear that most political forces aspire for a deeper union, but their visions of a solidified Romanian nation-state are wildly different. Only time will tell what path the Romanian nation will choose.

 

[mapperific]

Empires of the Northern Seas: Russia, Scandinavia and the Netherlands​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 7

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The Netherlands, or more formally the Dutch Republic, are one of the oldest continuously-existing Republics of Europe, and until the upheavals of the 19th century, were also the only Great Power to be governed by a republican government. In practice however, the Republic isn’t exactly as democratic or liberal as its younger British and Prussian counterparts. Many times, the Stadtholder ends up presiding over the States-General for life, and the vote is censused and in no way universal. The Netherlands are much more of a “Classical Republic” than a modern one, and in that way relations with the liberal republics of Britain and Prussia are not especially “brotherly”.


The Dutch Empire saw its explosive beginning in the 80 Years’ War which is also saw as their “War of Independence”. During that period the Dutch started making a name for themselves as skilled traders on the global markets, but also skilled soldiers and skilled sailors in battle. Defeating kingdoms and empires more powerful than them, such as the Spanish or the English, the Dutch had built a sizable empire for themselves by the 18th century. In the course of attaining supremacy in the East Indies, the Portuguese shaped to be their main rivals in the area. Competing for the spice trade of Indonesia and the opening of Japanese trade, Portugal and the Netherlands often found themselves at odds. This culminated in a full-blown colonial war in the 1860s, mainly fought in the Indian Subcontinent and the Spice Islands of Indonesia, and of course in the adjacent naval lanes. It ended in largely a status quo ante bellum situation, but this white peace came at a steep price for both Empires.


Nevertheless, the Dutch were quick to embrace the Industrial Revolution, and metropolitan Netherlands is one of the most prosperous areas of Europe. The military and especially naval might of the Dutch Armed Forces is substantial, as is the size of their colonial empire which they have maintained to this day. In more recent times, the Dutch leadership has been forced to grant gradual concessions of self-rule to Dutch South Africa, but the dominion still remains largely depended on the Fatherland. Pioneers of Japanese trade, the Dutch are also heavily involved in East Asian economic activities, being one of the leading countries both in the Japanese and Chinese areas of influence.


However, nothing can ever be ideal, and the Netherlands is no exception. After the death of the last appointed Stadtholder in 1890, the so-called “3rd Stadtholder-less Period” began. There were no male heirs in the House of Orange, and a successor could not be agreed upon with the political deadlock between different factions. What has ensued since then is extensive political turmoil. The Orangists have become a significant political force representing the interests of more conservative leaders, and wish to establish a Dutch Monarchy under a new Queen Wilhelmina. The Vrijists, radical republicans largely inspired by Prussia, want to start a grand new Republic aligned with the Anglo-Prussians, of course. The fate of the Netherlands seems to hang on a thin ideological thread...


An ancient Union of two Crowns since the 16th century, Denmark-Norway managed to stay neutral during the great conflicts of the 19th century and expand it’s colonial ventures in Africa and Asia. The kingdom’s internal situation stayed relatively calm, managing to live through a succession crisis without plummeting into instability, with the Sonderburg-Glücksburg branch of the Oldenburg dynasty inheriting the throne in 1860. Of course the Kingdom was not without its illnesses, by far the biggest one being the the matter of Schleswig-Holstein: the german majority regions were always a thorn in the side of Copenhagen, while Slesvig was fully integrated into the Kingdom, Holstein stayed a de jure member of the Holy Roman Empire. The tricky situation of different ownership nearly led to war after the Revolution of 1878 in Prussia and the rise of a Republican radical regime claiming independence for “Schleswig-Holstein”. The Modern ruler of Denmark-Norway, Chistian X, sometimes nicknamed the “Danish Louis XIV”, is bent on continuing the rule of absolute enlightened monarchy. Because of the internal situation, as well as foreing relations, the dual kingdom is slowly drifting ever closer to the French sphere of influence. Only time will tell if the kingdom can survive the 20th century or if it will fall to the ever growing tides of Teuton Radicalism.


The Great Lion of the North had certainly seen better days. The Kingdom of Sweden entered the 19th century by trying to regain lost glory in the 9 year’s war. While initially great gains were made, culminating in the sacking of Petersburg, the Swedish army could not sustain a long arduous war against the innumerable russian hordes. In 1828 after suffering a raid upon their capital, the Swedes were forced to sign a peace treaty with Nicholas I, the lion was once again defeated by the bear. The peace conditions while harsh weren’t outrageous: thanks to French intervention in order to keep the status quo, Sweden managed to keep a demilitarised Finland. The war however had a profound impact upon the Swedish society, forcing the king to give more power to the parliament and stopping most Swedish colonial ventures for a few decades. The rest of the 19th century was relatively peaceful, with Sweden entering the Industrial age following the steps of Britain. On the international stage Sweden, like its Scandinavian brother, toed the Neutrality line, though it tried forming closer economic relations with Britain, an effort hardly impeded by the mostly civil revolution of 1862. However after the bloody Prussian Revolution and growing pan-German Republicanism in Pomerania, Sweden was forced to recalculate it’s position, as now British interests were decisively more pro-Prussian rather than pro-Swedish. Even in 1933, Foreign relations are at the forefront of Johan Oxenstierna’s worries. In the coming years Sweden will have to choose between new regimes and old ones.


The 19th Century has not been kind to Russia. A succession of pyrrhic victories and dishonorable failures, a century of Tsars unable to resolve the current situation and move Russia into the modern age, a century of instability, vulnerability and volatility. In the 20th century it would seem that few things changed: Tsar Nikolai II, tried passing a number of reforms during his reign and even tried making peace with the revolutionaries, yet to no avail. Immediately after installing new power upon the Duma, Nikolai found that the latter would rarely listen to his wishes and instead engage in senseless squabbles and delirious deliberations. After 3 years of semi constitutionalism, the Tsar hamstrung the Duma in 1923, relying on the army to do so. While this brought temporary peace to the political scene it would not last: as the radicals and revolutionaries engage in all forms of protest, the moderates find themselves unable to work with the current government, and even the military is starting to doubt the Tsar. Russia is walking on a tightrope, and only God may know what fate awaits the empire to come...

 

[mapperific]

The Italian Peninsula; A Shadow of its Former Self​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 8

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Ah, Italy. What is there to say about it? An unstable backwater, its states and territories heavily influenced by their more powerful neighbors. It is indeed a mere geographical expression, for many. But there are the people who think differently: the fools, the dreamers, the Pan-Italianists, in their many shapes and forms.


Ever since the Genoese Revolution in 1862, a flame started burning throughout the “Boot”, one that already consumed Emilia, one that massively changed all of the countries in the region. The Action Party and their allies, in their many shapes and forms, stand at the forefront of these events. The Revolutionaries are bruised, battered, barely united, but they are nonetheless always present and always fighting for Unification, wherever they are and with whatever means they have. This doesn’t however mean that they are the only ones who wish for it, though. As the 19th century passed and made way for the 20th, a new current of Moderate Pan-Italianism developed, finding its home in Tuscany and Piedmont, arguing for an at least somewhat united Italy under a monarchy of some kind. If and when the right time comes, they are sure to act on those beliefs. These forces aren’t unopposed, however. the Old Order is always lurking, and the many enemies of Pan-Italianists won’t hesitate to make their voices heard: the Two Sicilies and Cispadania, dysfunctional though they may be, are not going to gently wither away. They will only be dislodged if something radical happens to them. There are also those who simply scream louder: the New Force, the “Torchbearers”, Marinetti and his devotees who have been ruling Genoa after corruption, scandals, and incompetence destroyed the Sixth Republic. Unstable as the new regime is, however, it is sure to bring change and yet-unseen ideals to the Peninsula. The Eternal City, with its lights ever dimmer, still stands as a beacon of stability in the Peninsula. Too much stability, in fact, and too much indecision, as the limbo of the Papal Conclave grows ever longer, and the Romans are getting ever more tired of this charade. Darker forces lurk in the background, and the next years are surely going to bring massive changes in the Catholic State, either way.


And, of course, there are always Lombardy and Venetia, although the degree to which they are even “Italian” anymore is debated by certain “Hertzogs” in Vienna. Lombardy and Venetia are truly “the Prodigal Son” and the “Serene Ruin” of the Austrians, respectively. The former is the beating economic heart of the Peninsula, powered by Habsburg capital; the latter a forcibly-kept agrarian backwater, discontent and unwanted. But Venice shall rise once again or die trying. As for Lombardy… whatever happens to it is in the hands of the Lombards themselves, and of the many characters who populate the Duchy. Thus stands Italy, its veins burning, like they are filled with nothing but gasoline; all it takes is a spark, and this spark will ignite the biggest fire the Peninsula has ever seen. It doesn’t matter whether one adds more fuel or tries to put it down, either way it’s going to burn brightly and hotly. Whether the hopes, the dreams, or even Italy itself survive the fire is going to be a whole different story.

 

[mapperific]

The Empires of Iberia​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 9

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The Iberian Empires were the first true hegemons of Europe. Dominating the seas, the metropolises of Portugal and then Spain were the centres from which large, continent-spanning colonial empires were founded. Almost all of the New World fell under the combined domination of the Spanish and Portuguese realms, besides generous dominions in Africa and Asia. With the blessing of the Holy Church and the power of the Armadas, the world truly seemed theirs for the taking. It was to be only an illusion though, as with every passing decade stagnation became more and more obvious. Already by the 17th century Spanish power stopped being what it once was, and the global Portuguese trade empire suffered catastrophic blows at the hands of the nascent Dutch Republic. When the Industrial Revolution ushered in a new era in the late 18th century, the Iberians were simply left behind. Sunk in internal turmoil and lacking the economic and technical might required to make this daunting step, Spain and Portugal lagged more and more behind the prime great powers of Europe. Spain’s decline was somewhat relieved by its shared victory with the French in the Nine Years’ War, bringing some much needed patriotic fervour and a gain of prestige, if not territory. Nevertheless, the British were forced to cede a generous amount of West Indies islands to the Spanish, and London permanently relinquished its Mosquito Coast colony. With the help of the Pacte de Famille, Spain experienced a somewhat reduced variant of France’s “Glorious Century”; the Industrial Revolution finally arrived in Spain by the 1840s, and albeit with a slow progress, factories were built and railroads started lining the countryside.


The prosperity and stability of the Spanish Empire were rocked by the widespread revolts from the American colonies that happened in the 1840s, on the background of unrest that had been mounting since the days of the Nine Years’ War, and even before. New Spain and New Granada were the hotspots of rebellion, while Peru served as a loyalist stronghold, with La Plata remaining largely uninvolved. Most of the rebellions were finally subdued, but New Spain, rebranded as “Mexico”, successfully fought its War of Independence to become the second colony from the Americas to break away from their master, after the late United States. While this was a hard shock to absorb at first, the Spanish Empire survived. It was clear, however, that something had to change in the future if the Realm was to be preserved. The long reign of Isabella II would see many changes: She ended up being something in between her father and his predecessors, generally trying to play out various factions against each other to keep her power, but willingly appointing Prime Ministers to manage Spain. Firstly Leopoldo O'Donnell, then after his death, under a power sharing arrangement, Francisco Serrano and Juan Prim, and following them Antonio Cànovas del Castillo and Pràxeded Mateo Sagasa. These power-sharing partnerships were known as "the Diarchate" (El Diarcato), and generally did well in managing the country and Empire. By the end of Isabella's reign, Spain was in a better position than when she ascended on the throne. Spain was finally industrializing in earnest, the educational system had been finally reformed into a modern one, and Spain was administratively centralized (with the Fueros having been abolished, among other things). The Empire, however, had gone in the opposite direction, and the single colonies had been given more power in how they rule themselves, with the Criollos becoming the new ruling class, and some Mestizos managing to work their way up in their respective colonial governments. By the 1890s, the colonies had been given de jure “independence” as associate monarchies in a wider “Spanish Commonwealth”, but in practice they are still bound to Madrid in foreign affairs and parts of their policies.


Isabella II died in 1904, and she was succeeded by Alfonso XII on the throne. A somewhat inexperienced king, he is not very well-liked by the populace at large. Nevertheless, the situation is stable for the time being, thanks to some of the reforms brought by Alfonso’s Prime Minister, Ángel Herrera Oria. Among others, he has steered the Spanish economy away from classical liberalism and towards a pioneering form of Christian Corporatism, somewhat similar to France’s Munisme. Many eyes are pointed to Jaime (soon-to-be Jacques), Alfonso’s second son, since he is poised to inherit the French throne thanks to the Salic succession laws of the Kingdom. The question of Spain’s future relationship and position towards France, the “brother monarchy” of the Pacte de Famille, floats in the air. There is also the uncertainty of what Crown Prince Alfonso will choose as policy after his father dies. Will he keep their trusted minister Oria, or will he lend his ears to new ideas? Salvador Dalì, a popular artist and advocate for radical reform, is a well-liked public figure and is rumored to be acquainted with the Crown Prince; he claims that he seeks “to transform Spain into an integralist state, being guided by his love for King, Church and Fatherland”. Lastly, the youngest of King Alfonso’s sons, Juan Count of Barcelona, known as “Juan Carlos”, has become the poster boy of the Carlist Movement, and has some very competent associates... The Carlists idolize the reigns of the two Charles of the 19th century, which are seen as a golden age by many. They are liberals who wish for a return to what they see as “Spain's last high point”... Alfonso XII is not too preoccupied about Juan’s associates though, since his youngest son is largely kept out of the most sensitive affairs of state.

As for Portugal, the 19th century was probably good in more ways than it was bad. Staying neutral during the Nine Years’ War, Portugal avoided the potential destruction it could have suffered had it entered on the side of their old British allies, but the victory of the Pacte de Famille in the war also saw the entrenchment of a powerful Spanish Empire with an even stronger French ally. Portugal would see war though, as in 1867 skirmishes between the Dutch-owned VOC and the Portuguese garrisons in the Portuguese East Indies would turn into a war between the two. To win this war however, the Portuguese realized they wouldn’t be able to just sit idly and use the colonial garrisons; without the further conscription of the Brazilian population and a shift into a more war-centred economy, the Portuguese risked losing this colonial war. The central government in Lisbon knew however that such demands would not be able to be meet without concessions, and that forcing them would simply result in a larger independentist movement taking a grasp of the Brazilian population, thus the government passed the Act of Representation where the Brazilian population and nobility got further representation in the Portuguese Court. Such an act would prove to work wonders for the Portuguese war effort, as the conscripted divisions and further improved and increased navy was able to completely overwhelm and defeat the VOC forces, taking back Flores and Timor. Things, however, would take a turn for the worse as in 1869 the King’s health finally crumbled. In the turmoil, a Brazilian independence movement backed by the VOC rose, the so-called “Males Revolution”; the revolution called for the expulsion or outright execution of all whites in the region and the establishment of an Islamic Republic centred in the region of Bahia. This, and pressure from the Dutch Estates-General on the VOC, would convince the Portuguese and VOC to reach a peace agreement, allowing the freed Portuguese forces to crush the Brazilian revolution. Throughout the 19th century, the relation with the Brazilian colony constantly evolved, but a major breakthrough in representation of equality within the Empire is yet to be reached. The Portuguese Metropolis still dominates all other dominions politically, but in reality the power balance has dramatically shifted. Brazil outproduces metropolitan Portugal by entire orders of magnitude, the population is 10 times bigger; in short, Brazil is truly the crown jewel, nay, the lifeline of the Portuguese Empire and its continued relevance on the world stage. Should something bad happen in the Transatlantic Lusitanian relationship, it is unlikely that Portuguese Power would survive.


The 20th century began with a great moment for Portugal and its Empire where, in 1903, Portugal and the other colonial powers meet in Copenhagen, in what would be known as the Copenhagen Conference, to decide on the colonization of Africa and, thanks to its influence in the areas, the Portuguese Empire became the second-largest African colonizer, behind only the French Empire. This served as an incredible boost to the Portuguese trust and support of the King, something that was needed ever since the Brazilian revolt of 1889, but at the end of the day, things would not be as good as they seemed on paper, with such a large swath of land to keep a hold of the Portuguese authorities found themselves incredibly undermanned and forced to introduce conscription in both metropolitan Portugal and Brazil to keep up with the enormous area they now had to keep a hold on, since not even with help of willing natives were the administrations able to keep a stable hold on their territories. The conscription, however, would incredibly sour the Portuguese youth, who would be forced to go on tours of Portuguese Africa to squash rebellions against the Crown; this, in turn, turned many of these former soldiers who witnessed and performed terrible acts into republican extremists, seeing the King and his Empire as evil and that in order to save the African people who were being brutally oppressed, both would need to be toppled. These sentiments were, of course, brutally suppressed by the Portuguese secret police, forcing the movement further underground and further into extremism. The unwise involvement of Portugal into the Dreadnought Race that started in the 1910s and the King’s unrelenting ambition to overtake both the Dutch and the Spanish in naval might led the Portuguese Empire to near bankruptcy and economic exhaustion. The Portuguese would continue on these lines for the rest of the next 20 years, healing themselves from the wounds of the economic collapse and attempting to re-strengthen their economy. However the Empire is still under threat in 1933: the African peoples are getting more and more restless as the exploitative policies implemented to heal the Portuguese economy are staying in place even after recovery. The Brazilian “Middle Income Trap” has not been truly solved and instead civil stability is kept with stopgap policies.In mainland Portugal, the underground republican extremists gain more and more support from the youth, especially the ones who have gone to study in Britain to escape the conscription and came back with ideas about revolution and socialism, leading many to wonder if these groups were being supported by the British. But alas, only time will know what the future will bring to Portugal: will it continue as a world power or will it collapse and disappear into the halls of history? Indeed, only time can tell what the future of the Empire will be.

Thank you​

Hey there! Thank you so much for supporting our mod until now. I never expected the mod to garner this large of an audience and I am really appreciative of all the support you have been giving us for the past year. We've been through some rough times, and we even had to rework the entire mod once, but we persevered, and here we are today. I would also want to thank all former and current staff members for their unwavering support and contribution to the mod.

Thank you all, and long live the Revolution!

-Mapperific, Mod Lead

 

[mapperific]

​

The Kingdom of Sweden in 1933​

Thou ancient, thou free​

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CHAPTER 25, PART 1

Sweden’s time as a great power in Europe had been long over by the 19th century. Their loss in the Great Northern War was a clear indicator of this. However, their contributions to the 9 Years War proved that they were still worth taking note of. You see, at first, Sweden had no intention of joining the war after it broke out. Their biggest enemy, Russia, remained neutral, so they had little to gain from participating. 2 years into the war however, with Austria on the verge of defeat, Russia came to their rescue. Sweden took this opportunity to retake their old territories in Livonia and restore their prestige, declaring war on Russia later that year.


Sweden’s first victory in the war was not on land, but rather on the sea. Much to the horror of the Russian government, they (along with the Prussians) crippled their Baltic fleet in a decisive battle, giving the Swedish navy unfettered access to the area. Little fighting would occur for the next several months beyond some skirmishes, so the Russians felt comfortable not reinforcing the border with Sweden. Little did they know, Sweden was preparing for an offensive to seize Karelia. In August of 1823, they executed their plan, with Swedish forces pouring across the border. Dozens of cities and towns were taken in a matter of days. Much to the surprise of the army, after seizing Vyborg and conducting reconnaissance, it was realized that the road to St. Petersburg lay open. With no time to spare, they redirected troops for a daring attack on the Russian capital.


Local Russian commanders made token preparations in case of a siege, though they didn’t expect that Sweden would actually try to take the city by force. As a result, they were caught off guard when enemy forces made inroads into the capital. Within a few days, all but Peter and Paul fortress were occupied, and the performance of the Russian garrison was subject to mockery back in Stockholm. Sweden would not occupy St. Petersburg for long, though; They were well aware this defeat was unacceptable to the Russians, who immediately began organizing a new corps to retake their grand capital. Swedish soldiers were quickly ordered to begin sacking the city, leaving three months later before the enemy could face them.


With St. Petersburg out of their hands, it became apparent that Sweden had accomplished little in the way of actually restoring their lost territories. So, in late March of 1824, Swedish forces landed in Estonia, beginning their Baltic campaign. Met initially with success, they continued marching southward, seizing town after town. However, their advance would halt in early June during the Siege of Riga, making several attempts to seize the city through attacks by land and sea. In spite of Swedish naval superiority, their troop numbers were thinned from continual fighting. Just as it seemed they would prevail, an army led and organized by Moscow Governor Scherbatov reinforced the city, forcing the Swedes to withdraw.


With Russian troops pouring into the Baltic front, the Swedes could no longer continue any offensives. They fell back to Estonia, defending it as best they could for a year before being pushed out almost entirely by Scherbatov. Finally, in late 1825, the Swedes were completely pushed out after the Battle of Ösel Island, mirroring a naval battle of the same name that took place during the Great Northern War. Both battles ended in a Russian victory over the Swedish, though this one ended with Russia taking back the island.


After their defeat in the Baltic theatre, Sweden would only contribute to the war through harassing Russian ships. The war grew increasingly unpopular at home, with many already skeptical of the war at its outset. As for Russia, many wanted to get back at Sweden for sacking St. Petersburg, but after several years of fighting and significant internal turmoil, the Russian government was open to peace talks. On the other hand, King Gustav was stubborn. He was open to peace, but only a white peace. He argued that this war was simply a diversionary front to assist Prussia, so in spite of whatever ambitions others in the government or army had, they had achieved their goals and didn’t lose. As for the Russians, they argued that they would have a large army and a reinvigorated navy ready to invade Sweden if peace terms were refused.


In 1828, after Prussia agreed to peace, Sweden was left alone. Russia didn’t want to spend any more time fighting if they didn’t have to, but with King Gustav refusing Russian peace offers, they began sending troops to the Swedish border. Tension was boiling back in Stockholm, and the government could almost unanimously agree that King Gustav’s behavior was unacceptable. The last straw would be the Stockholm Raid; The Russian navy launched a surprise attack on Stockholm, bombarding the city before retreating back to friendly ports. Now that the war had been taken to the home front, the people and government would take no more.


The Riksdag, with the Stockholm garrison on their side, forced the King to agree to peace with Russia. Sweden gave up even more land along the border with Russia, and Finland was to remain mostly demilitarized. Furthermore, Sweden would have to pay for or give back all that they had stolen from St. Petersburg and from their campaigns in the Baltic. Lastly, on top of giving back all that they had taken, they were to pay significant reparations. There were smaller provisions present in the peace treaty as well, but those were the most important.

 

[mapperific]

The Kingdom of Sweden in 1933​

CHAPTER 25, PART 2

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After peace was made, it was time to address the elephant in the room: The King. His rule was extremely unpopular, and the fact that the Riksdag had to intervene to force him to agree to peace showed that he was both too stubborn and too weak to rule any longer. With power pretty much entirely out of his hands, the government forced him to abdicate in favor of his son who promised to restore the power of the Riksdag. In 1829, Gustav V was crowned King of Sweden, and extensive reforms were enacted very quickly. The Riksdag saw their power officially restored as promised and the King would have to rule under the restrictions of a constitution. Gustav V was not an enthusiastic supporter of these reforms, however he was more than happy to follow through with them for the sake of keeping his reputation intact and his dynasty in power.


Throughout the rest of the 19th century, Sweden saw a period of peace, reform, and overall growth. Their economy was mostly dominated by agriculture, though industrialization really began to ramp up in the 1870s and 1880s, with railroads and factories being built all over the country. As demand increased for raw materials like lumber and various metals post-war, Sweden became an important exporter of these goods, especially within the economic sphere they found themselves in. You see, they never really distanced themselves from Prussia and Britain, their former allies in the 9 Years War. They were both experiencing significant industrial growth and required raw materials to fuel it, which Sweden was happy to provide. Aside from purely economic reasons for their close trade relationships, for Sweden, a strong, industrialized Prussia and Britain also meant that Russia could be better kept in check.


After the establishment of a British Republic in 1862, the foundations of this status quo began to rock. Many countries in Europe were understandably concerned, and were reluctant to do trade with them. This did little to discourage Sweden, however, as they decided that a government change wasn’t enough to put a damper on their relationship. Things only really started to get complicated after 1878, when Prussia established their own republic. Unlike Britain’s transition, Prussia’s was far more violent. Their Reign of Terror is exemplary of this, as they routinely executed all who opposed the revolution, especially the aristocracy. Sweden initially distanced themselves as a result, performing only limited business with them. However, soon after the executions and revolutionary fervor died down in the late 1880s, Sweden was quick to reopen their market to them.


The next big event to happen in Sweden would be the death of Queen Carola in 1907. Unable to produce an heir for quite some time, and with her closest relatives being too far removed from the royal family to feel comfortable enthroning them, the Riksdag having to vote on the next ruler came as no surprise. Dozens of candidates would be reviewed and voted upon in the interregnum. As for who these candidates were, it was decided that the next monarch needed to be Swedish in order to keep up the appearance of a monarchy representing the people. With that being said, they wouldn’t crown just any Swedish person either; they’d all come from the various noble houses making up the aristocracy of the country. Much debate occurred in the government, and in the end, the candidate who’d come out on top would be Eric Carl Gabriel Oxenstierna, crowned as King Eric XV in 1908. Sadly, his reign would be very short, dying in 1917, with his son Johan being crowned as King John IV.


King Eric would preside over a fairly prosperous period of Sweden’s history, even though his reign may have been short. The early part of King John’s reign would be similar, however by 1933, much was changing in Europe. He’d have to navigate the difficult political landscape leading up to the next big European war, and the stress that’d come with leading Sweden through it. He’ll need to deal with hard questions, like Sweden’s allies. Will he fight alongside republics, or monarchies? Or will he try and keep Sweden untouched from war by staying neutral? It all remains to be seen.

 

[mapperific]

The Romanian Principalities, Wallachia and Moldavia, in 1933​

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Nation(s) at the Precipice​

CHAPTER 26, PART 1​

Times are changing, and they are changing fast. Moldavia is brewing with radicalism, to the point that even Prince Mihail Sturdza has hidden sympathies towards the extremists. The domineering boyar landowning class wishes to maintain the status quo of a largely independent Moldavia within the loose Romanian Confederation (and thus keep their generous share of the country’s productivity), but that seems increasingly untenable. Unfortunately for the few Freieist liberals and Francophile monarchists left in Iasi, when change will finally come to the eastern Romanian principality, it will most likely be of the extreme kind. The Orthodox Christian fundamentalism of the Fraterist LAC and the violent and esoteric fanaticism of the Legionary Movement are competing for primacy among the radicalized peasant masses of deep rural Moldavia and the impressionable minds of the urban young generation. The socialist-popularist Poporanists still cling to their clout throughout the country as 1933 dawns, benefiting from their earlier entry into politics, but unless they can show the peasants real progress soon, they risk losing out to the virulent propaganda campaigns of the Luxists.


Wallachia has embraced French enlightened absolutism, or rather its privileged urban and aristocratic elite has. Despite the reluctance on the part of the aforementioned to admit it, Wallachia is very much like Moldavia in the sense that the vast majority of the nation is composed of impoverished peasants whose condition has barely changed since the Nine Years’ War. The “Métropole-Périphérie” divide (as it is referred to in urban Wallachia) is painstakingly real, with the upper classes living in the world of “Little France” and “Little Paris”, while the peasantry toils day and night to maintain the former’s fantasies. The prince, Anton Bibescu, hopes that through revitalizing enlightened absolutism and bringing much-needed economic and social reform, he will entrench himself as a veritable Romanian “Roi D’aube”. Beyond royal distant hopes however, the situation on the ground is that Moldavian radicalism is steadily seeping into the social fabric of Wallachia. The rapidly growing flame of national sentiment, which seeks to erase not only the Milcov boundary, but also the Carpathian one, is not making the situation any easier. Thus, Bibescu has decided to openly embrace it: a monarch who fights not for his throne and petty duchy alone, but for the Romanian nation as a whole. He hopes that the patriotic discourse will sway some support from the radicals. Nevertheless, he will need deeds to demonstrate his commitment, and the position of the Romanian national movement is rather complicated.


Firstly, the coveted “ancestral lands” of Transylvania, Banat and Bukovina are all under the Habsburg Crown. There is no feasible way in which the Romanian Confederation, even united under one flag, could challenge the hegemon of Central Europe. Before anything, the Romanian Confederation is militarily subordinated to the Austrian Empire, and the k.k. Armee has had bases on Romanian territory ever since the Crimean War; this is besides the substantial economic dominance of the Austrians within the principalities. Unless an extraordinary situation arises, which would dramatically alter the balance of power on the continent, the Confederation can only sit across the Carpathians and watch. Secondly, there is the issue of the Transylvanian autonomist movement itself. Led by people like Iuliu Maniu and Aurel Popovici, they have sought to construct their so-called “Transylvanian Project” within the Austrian Empire and tout the Grand Principality’s “independent identity”. Of course, one could assume that this is just a formalism adopted to soften the ears of Vienna to demands of self-rule, but the Transylvanian elite has been less and less receptive to the calls of pan-Romanian romantic nationalism lately. Citing differences such as the predominance of the Uniate Greek Catholic Church among Transylvanian Romanians, the large historic minorities and the vital economic and infrastructure links with Central Europe, the Transylvanian elite calls for “moderation” and a “gradual approach” in their manifesto for the future of the Romanian nation. This will not do for Prince Bibescu, who wishes to eventually become King of all Romanians. A solution will somehow have to be found, if he is to prove to the nation that he is indeed a “Patriot Sovereign”, worthy of the legacy of the Patriot Movement.


There are, of course, also “targets of opportunity”. The Ottoman Empire has long been called “The Sick Man of Europe”, and their situation doesn’t seem to be getting any better. With the vast and rapid spread of nationalism all across Europe, the Balkan Peninsula wasn't spared either. Serbs, Bulgarians, Greeks, Albanians, even the Aromanians, close ethno-linguistic relatives of the Romanians, are clamouring for liberty from either the yoke of the Porte or the despotic rule of the Rumelian Khedivate. Closest to the Romanian Confederation is Dobruja, a region coveted for its rich Black Sea coast. There is a Romanian minority inhabiting its northern parts, but as a whole it is dominated by the Muslim Turkish and Tatar population, with Bulgarians becoming numerous in the south and centre. A complicated region to say the least, it is nevertheless eyed especially by Wallachia, since it would enable the European-minded principality to gain a substantial seaport in the city of Köstence and stop depending on Moldavian infrastructure. A collapse of Ottoman authority in the area would very likely see Wallachia get involved; what the response of the Muslim native population will be, and whether the Bulgarian Vilayet will break with the Porte and rival the claims remains to be seen. The delicate issue of Dobruja claims may very well be a turning point in future Romanian-Bulgarian relations. Some of the liberals and idealist nationalists also call for further action south of the Danube, in support of the “brotherly” Aromanian cause. The resources of the Confederation are limited though, and there is little that either Wallachia, Moldavia or both of them together could realistically do to aid the Aromanian Pindus project, besides indirect economic support and Balkan diplomacy, which runs the risk of dangerous entanglements.


To the east of the Dniester, there lives a somewhat forgotten Romanian community. Numbering a few hundred thousand, the Transnistrian Romanians have been subjects of the Tsar and part of the Russian Empire’s realities since they came there in search of a better life during Ekaterina’s colonisations of “Novorossiya” in the late 18th Century. Most of them Moldavians, they have maintained their language and culture, but few links, formal or informal, with the “old country” to the west of the Dniester. For now, they are content, but after the unrest of the 1920’s the situation is also heating up in Russia. Liberal pan-Romanian nationalists and also the “old boyar” advocates of a “Greater Moldavia” have sought to build bridges with the archaic communities of the East, and increasingly “Transnistria” (although not clearly defined geographically) is claimed as yet another region of the Romanian nation-to-be.


Alas, the stage is set: a battle of ideologies, of visions and of doctrines; to the victor go the spoils. The grand prize? Leadership of the Romanian nation. Once the dust of the fight for primacy settles, the winner will have a grand task ahead of him: The construction of the unified Romanian state and, perhaps, the realisation of the irredentist aspirations...

 

[mapperific]

1774-1821: Entering the Modern World​

CHAPTER 26: "The Romanian Principalities"
PART 2

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Unlike their southern neighbors, the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia had historically managed to avoid direct Ottoman administration, however, they still had to accept Turkey’s overlordship, paying yearly tribute and being subjected to the whims of the Porte. Over the centuries, the principalities gradually lost more and more land to the Ottomans, and by the 18th century sea access had been totally lost. Furthermore, the Ottomans seized all big Wallachian ports on the Danube, and ruled them themselves as fortified settlements. Ever since the end of the last “rebellious” voivode Michael the Brave’s rule in 1601, the Ottomans appointed the ruling prince in each of the two states themselves. After a brief period of continued native rulers, the Ottomans chose instead to nominate Greek Phanariote rulers, trusting them more to rule Wallachia and Moldavia as obedient vassals.


With a few exceptions, they generally did toe the line, and both Wallachia and Moldavia stagnated for more than a century as a result, with their economies geared towards cheap exports for Turkey (foodstuffs and timber mostly); little added value remained inside the countries. One such exception to the rule was Alexandros Mourouzis, who ruled over both Wallachia and Moldavia at different times, for a consolidated reign period of almost 20 years (1792-1810).


Mourouzis was a man of the Enlightenment, a rare occurrence among positions of leadership in the Ottoman sphere. His time on the two thrones saw a period of widespread modernisation. The prince belonged to the Freemasonry, having affiliated with lodges from the Austrian Empire. There he came into contact and contemplated the early doctrines of Minervism, but no political action came out of this on his part. Mourouzis’ Western contacts and his political ideals were probably connected with the goal of uniting the two Danubian Principalities under a single prince, as a symbolic legacy of ancient Dacia: he coveted the idea of combining his two thrones as a single leadership of "the two Dacias", but under the tight watch of the Porte such an idea was virtually impossible to achieve. He also improved the legal system: as local legislation was primarily based on Byzantine law, he acknowledged the importance of the Hexabiblos of 14th century Byzantine jurist Konstantinos Armenopoulos, and ordered it to be translated into Romanian — this translated and amended Hexabiblos was the first instance of codified law employed in the Danubian Principalities, and it became widely employed by both the Bucharest and Iasi Divans (“supreme courts”).


During his rule, Mourouzis notably instituted a “Boyar Office” as a centralized tax collection system in both principalities, which would directly tax boyar estates based on size and productivity. He encouraged Wallachia and Moldavia to open up to international trade, and in 1793 the first modern retailing firm was inaugurated in Wallachia, maintained by a few French traders. Wallachian and Moldavian ships for navigation and trade on the Danube were built at newly created shipyards in Galati in Moldavia, as Wallachia lacked ports due to the Ottoman domination. Alexander Mourouzis founded schools and established scholarships for disadvantaged children, generally promoting education within the realm. He took a personal interest in scientific education, and attended experiments in the various sciences such as physics or chemistry at the Moldavian Princely School, and generally supported local research with generous grants.


Mourouzis held the Wallachian throne two times and the Moldavian throne three times, ending his consolidated reign in 1810, after the conclusion of his 3rd Moldavian reign. He retreated to his Constantinople estate, dying there in 1816. His legacy would be one of modernization and opening up of Wallachia and Moldavia to the outside world, as much (or rather as little) as their limited autonomy allowed them. Wallachia and Moldavia continued to be ruled by other Phanariotes for the subsequent period, but the political and cultural landscape of the Danubian Principalities would be changed forever with the onset of the Nine Years’ War.

 

[mapperific]

1822-1830: A Frontline of the Nine Years’ War​

CHAPTER 26: "The Romanian Principalities"
PART 3

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The Great Powers of Europe were thrown into war against each other in the summer of 1822 as skirmishes in the North American continent between the British Empire and the young United States triggered a domino effect of alliances. With both of its historical rivals caught in the fight against Prussia and the larger British-led alliance, the Ottoman Empire judged it to be an opportune time to strike back and regain the losses of the late 18th century at the hands of Vienna and Petersburg.


The conflict that had just begun did not come as a surprise to Ottoman sultan Mahmud II. He had planned for future confrontations with Austria and especially Russia, and had sponsored the creation of a modernized Ottoman Army, the Nizam-i-Cedid. In preparation for a potential future conflict, Mahmud II had also ordered the reinforcement and modernisation of the late mediaeval Dniester fortresses in Moldavia with the help of British engineers from the Constantinople Military Mission. Any war with the Russians would be hard fought across the Moldavian Plain; Mahmud’s strategy was to keep the Russians in check on the Dniester and at the entrance of the Caucasus, while the brunt of the Ottoman forces would swoop in into the Western Balkans and decisively strike Austria in its “soft underbelly”. As such, Moldavia (and to a lesser extent Wallachia) were key actors in the Ottoman grand strategy, as the frontlines of the war would cut right through the two principalities. Garrisoning the Dniester line was the pride of the Sultan’s forces, the 50.000 strong Nizam-i-Cedid Army. Drilled and equipped in the latest British fashion thanks to a mission having been established in 1806, these elite professional units could go toe to toe with any Russian force, and were in fact superior in training and esprit de corps to the bulk of the Tsarist forces, made up of untrained peasant conscripts. In the lead of the New Model Army was Mehmet Ali Pasha, a talented military man and ambitious politician at the same time, governor of the sizeable Rumelia Eyalet.


All went well during the first campaigning season; the attack into Croatia and the Banat was successful, and all Russian attempts to cross the Dniester had been repelled. The situation quickly deteriorated for the Ottomans, however. In 1824, all across the Ottoman military structure, the Janissary elements began pursuing a policy of active opposition to the New Model Army. They feared that the centralized nature of this force and its proven efficiency on the battlefield would endanger their special status. Janissary units would directly disobey orders to assist their New Model counterparts, and sometimes even attack them during retreats or redeployments. A status of near-chaos ensued behind the Ottoman main forces, as reinforcements were continuously disrupted and Turkish forces were engaged fighting each other. The main Ottoman force under Sultan Mahmud II in Croatia and the Nizam-i-Cedid Army under Mehmet Ali in Moldavia were both practically cut off from their own rear area due to this instability. Nevertheless, the prowess of the New Model forces and Mehmet Ali’s innovative tactics (from a Turkish perspective) kept taking the Russians by surprise. He successfully defended the refurbished fortress of Bender in 1825, turned into a small but effective artillery fort, where he had encamped from a numerically superior Russian assault, and managed to turn the assault into a disorganised rout on the part of the Russians. Many Opolcheniye conscripts drowned in the Dniester as they tried to reach back to the Russian lines. However, after a few raids into Yedisan, Mehmet Ali was forced to fall back to Moldavia as his supplies were stretched ever thinner, but he managed to keep the Russians on the Dniester for the remainder of 1825 and 1826.


In the early months of 1826, the situation got even worse for the Ottoman Empire, as the Greek revolutionary Filiki Eteria agitated for an immediate insurrection. With its focal point in the Pelloponese, the rugged terrain there made it ideal for the protracted warfare of the Greek warbands. Phanariote elements that rose up at the same time in the Danubian Principalities, mainly in Moldavia (having previously infiltrated from the Russian lines) were ruthlessly hunted by Mehmet Ali’s troops and local garrisons. A local Romanian revolt in Wallachia led by ennobled peasant Tudor Vladimirescu that initially collaborated with the Etereia broke ties as soon as Alexandros Ypsilantis attempted to take direct control of the units; Vladimirescu then turned to the advancing Austrians for support. With the local Romanian population turned hostile, Ypsilantis’ forces were cut down by the Ottomans within weeks. As reprisals for the uprising, Mehmet Ali executed a great number of Phanariotes in Moldavia and his controlled areas of Wallachia, and the rest either fled or chose to romanianize, thus ending the two centuries long Phanariote period of Romania.


By the end of 1826, his lack of supplies and the decisive defeat of the Ottoman Black Sea Navy at the hands of the Russians in the Battle of Snake Island meant that Mehmet Ali was slowly but surely forced to cede ground to the incessant Russian assault. Russian forces started crossing the Dniester in the northeast, having defeated the Hotin fortress. They were aided in this by a fresh Austrian force from Galicia sent to put pressure on Moldavia, which invaded the northwestern region of Bukovina. Critically short on supplies, Ali’s forces started coercing the local Romanian peasantry and seizing whatever they needed. Mehmet Ali planned to hold a new alignment on the Pruth and Siret rivers, but the situation appeared dire for the Nizam-i-Cedid. The fight in Croatia had been decisively lost, and now a whole Austrian army was marching rapidly towards Rumelia; Serbia was already in open revolt and being invaded by Austrians, with the Serbian hajduks supporting the invaders.


Furthermore, the uprising of Vladimirescu in Wallachia emboldened the Austrians to attempt crossing the Carpathians from Transylvania. Aided by the Wallachian pandurs, the Austrian Grenzer regiments secured a foothold in the rolling hills of northern Wallachia. There, they awaited reinforcements from Vienna, ready to open yet another vector of attack towards Rumelia. Mehmet Ali risked being caught in a pincer movement and being totally encircled. With Greek revolutionaries running amok in the Pelloponese and Attica, with the Army of Croatia in an uncontrollable rout and the outnumbered Nizam-i-Cedid running the risk of encirclement, Sultan Mahmud II was forced to sue for peace with the Austrians and Russians. He expected a harsh peace, but luck was on his side: the Prussians managed to secure important victories against the Russians and Austrians just as negotiations were commencing, and the Two Emperors’ priority became securing a quick peace. Among others, the Ottoman Empire lost a few dozen villages on the Bosnian border, and their Circassian allies in the Caucasus were formally annexed by the Russian Empire. However, the biggest hit for the Porte was the loss of the Danubian Principalities. Under the Treaty of Bucharest (January 1827), both Wallachia and Moldavia would be granted full independence. Nevertheless, this was a lenient peace for the Ottomans overall, and they proceeded to march their troops south and crush the Greek Revolt.


The peace treaty also brought some territorial changes to the two principalities: Wallachia regained its Danube ports and Moldavia its southern coastal region, known as Bessarabia, or “the Budjak” in Ottoman sources. However, Moldavia was forced to accept the loss of Bukovina to Austria.