What if the French Revolution never happened? | Fraternité en Rébellion

mapperific · Dec 9, 2020

Bouncing Back (1826-1933)

For the next 30 or so years, the Netherlands entered one of its darkest periods. The restoration of the status quo was a good thing for the rest of Europe, but for the Dutch, it meant continuing stagnation and decline. However, the outbreak of the 9 Years’ War in 1821 brought to the table an opportunity: Reaffirm Dutch naval supremacy and power in Southeast Asia. Of course, the Dutch made the obvious decision of entering the war against Britain while they were tied up in fighting other nations. The Dutch played their cards very carefully at first, avoiding any decisive confrontations. Preventing a humiliating loss was top priority. As the war continued, however, they grew more daring. Winning some notable victories at sea and in limited engagements on the ground, the Netherlands managed the feat of avenging their humiliation in the last war.

Eventually, in 1826, a compromise was made to appease Britain and other colonial powers in Southeast Asia by setting up the “Straits Settlements”― a series of foreign ports and outposts along the coast of Malaya. While this meant recognizing British claims in the region, it did mean that Dutch claims were affirmed as well. Their position was secured, at least for the time being.

The standing of the Dutch began to improve. Their economy started to grow again after the war, and they were more than able to reap the benefits of the industrial revolution. This modest growth and confidence assured a facade of political and economic stability up to the 1870s, when the Prussian Revolution inspired many to take up these radical beliefs as well. In truth, the Patriot movement and its beliefs continued to thrive underground for generations. This new generation of radicals, known as the Vrijists, wanted to undo the political foundations of the republic and start anew. The moderate republican faction, wishing to align themselves more along the British system, were known as the Reformists. For a long time, the Vrijists and Reformists didn’t cooperate due to wildly different ideas of how to go about fixing the system.

Finally, after the death of the last Stadtholder in 1890, the 3rd Stadtholderless Period began. There were no male heirs in the House of Orange, and a successor could not be agreed upon with the political deadlock between different factions. What ensued was extensive political turmoil. The Orangists became a significant political force representing the interests of more conservative leaders, and wished to establish a Dutch monarchy under a new Queen Wilhelmina. The Vrijists, again, wanted to start a grand new Republic aligned with the Prussians. Lastly, the Reformists wanted to simply reform the system and align it closer with the British.

mapperific · Dec 9, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

William Randolph Hearst

President William Randolph Hearst was born on April 29th, 1863 in the town of Springfield to the wealth of his father who had owned and operated mines and factories all along the Mississippi river. He was seen in his father’s eyes as the man to build the FAS into his own personal empire, and had him sent to St. John’s School in Springfield, Ozark. From there he went to the University of Georgia, he was a good student for a time, but after several pranks that he pulled he was expelled and went back to his father. This was much to his father’s dismay, but allowed him to take control of any one of his businesses and run them, William chose the newspaper the Savannah Examiner to run. His father begrudgingly gave control of the paper to his son and in 1887 William became the owner of the Savannah Examiner vowing to bring honest journalism to the people.

He would take over the paper at a critical time in FAS history as the nation was still deciding whether or not to go to war with Mexico, as the AR was distracted with its fight with Britain. He would take the side of the Hawks in Congress, he had helped to spread his vision onto the pages of the paper. Headlines would talk about debates in congress or attacks by Mexican militias on the border. His paper managed to help tip the balance of the opinion in New Orleans, and on April 17th, 1889 the FAS declared war on the Mexican Empire. His coverage throughout the war showed the heroism of the soldiers at the front, and garnered respect from the people. His paper empire expanded throughout the war, so much so that by the end of the war in 1891 every major city had a paper that was owned by the Hearst Corporation.

From 1891-1900, Hearst set about consolidating his company along with his father’s companies that he received after his father’s death in February of 1891, months before the end of the war. He had gone about putting these enterprises under the Hearst Corporations, and had expanded into the Texas territory and making millions off of it. Hearst was really involved in politics come 1900 as he had covered several elections and had always supported the Federation Party, so in 1900 he formally joined the Federation Party and ran for Congress in 1904 and won alongside of Andrew Mellon who he had used his papers to smear the other candidates and put the Federation party in power. He managed to do good things for the country as he passed the Labor Union Protection Act (1910), and had his eyes set his eyes on the office of the Presidency during the Election of 1912. He did not secure the support of his party to become president, and did his best to run a successful campaign to keep Andrew Mellon in office, but the nation voted for the Native American Party.

During the time of the Native American Parties term in office, Heart’s papers criticized Wilson to the harshest possibility that he could, and showed all of the flaws in his term. While this had turned away some of his reader base, it helped to sink the possibility of a second term for the Native American Party. In 1916, the Federation Party had William run for President in the hopes to have him take down Wilson, and while he didn’t win the presidency he decided to keep reporting on this administration as vigilantly as he did with the Native American party. He even went so far as to paint the coup attempt by General Bonaparte Buck “the Hero of China” as a stain on the administration and was as poorly handled as the Atlanta Revolt in 1870. Even with all of this, it was not enough to sink the campaign of the Union Party in 1924. As fate would have it both President Underwood, and Vice President Bryan would die not long after each other in 1925 causing the Congress to call emergency elections in 1926 where he secured the victory. President Hearst’s first term was more underwhelming as he had made sweeping promises, and seemed to make only partial success from the expansion of the Industrial Interest Act (1844), to securing allies around the world, to trying to punish Mexico for its attacks on the Acapulco-Veracruz railway, these were all mildly successful in their goal, and seen Hearst be narrowly reelected in the election of 1930. He then saw that he must make up for his previous term with a spectacular celebration of the FAS’s 100th Birthday, and had made sure that it was the spectacle of the century. This celebration turned out to be a huge success and had sent his popularity soaring on April 14th, and it seemed that he was a great president, until April 18th. April 18th, 1931 saw the start of the Crisis of 1931 which would throw the FAS into economic turmoil, and see Hearst trying to salvage the situation in July of 1931. He managed to prevent the problem from becoming any worse, but had done nothing to make it better. Now Hearst is working with a divided Congress to pass an Act into law to help with recovery, and is losing his grip on power. Hearst must play his cards carefully if he is to win in the 1934 Election lest he be voted out of office or worse.

mapperific · Dec 10, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Dwight David Eisenhower

Eisenhower is a name that many people have come to know due to his countless speeches and interviews. He is the most outspoken General in the FAS, and has the career to back it up Born on October 14th, 1890 in Rosedale, Oklahoma to a merchant family which sold the crops of the “Five Families” to the local community. He would be placed in charge of the books, as his father would more than not be hauling the crops around the territory, which gave him a knack for math. This gave young Eishenower a good standing with them, and had been given a good education at a private “Five Families'' funded boarding school in New Orleans.

With excellent grades, and superbe merits he was given a chance to go to the Nashville Military Academy, to train with the best. He went to Nashville Military Academy in 1911, and would become a star student as he had excelled in science, and mathematics. He also had become a star athlete, and would graduate near the top of his class in 1915, and would be stationed in the new state of Texas to help train officers at the new Texas Military and Naval Academy. While in Longstreet he met a beautiful American Republic woman named Mamie Doud and had become smitten by her, and they were married in 1916.

During his time in Texas he would oversee a training exercise in the state of Franklin in 1918, and had accidentally stumbled upon a gang hideout when his company was lost in a small dust storm. With some quick thinking by Eishenower, he was able to apprehend 27 members of a little known gang called the Vipers, and recovered nearly $10,000 dollars worth of stolen goods. He then was seen as a hero who was able to tackle many challenges. Some thought that he may take his fame and run for political office, or try to shoot for a promotion. Neither of these happened, he instead, helped to campaign for the Federation, and Union Parties in 1920, and 1924 respectively. He was promoted in 1923 after the failed coup by Buck had been defeated, he was given Buck’s command and rose to the challenge. He would be in the company of newly appointed generals of Douglas McArthur, and General George S. Patton who would become the three best generals in the FAS.

With the Crisis of 1931, the three generals had begun regular meetings in Patton’s country estate in Clayton mainly to discuss how to prevent the FAS from falling into the wrong hands. Whatever was to happen in the Election of 1934, the generals would do their best to preserve the nation at any costs.

mapperific · Dec 10, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

John Nance Garner

Senator John Nance Garner was born in Murfreesboro, Tennessee on November 22nd, 1868 and was born to a modest family of shop owners. John was well educated in a small private school in Nashville, which shut down in 1900 due to lack of funding. With that he was able to go to Clay University in Nashville, and got a quality law education and was admitted to the Fraternal Bar Association in 1890. He would be in the reserves of the National Army, but would not see service in the Great NA War, but saw that there would be new land in the west that would need law and order.

When the Texas territory was acquired in 1891 from the Treaty of Havana, he would move out to the newly named town of Longstreet to practice law in 1892 for the coastal region of the Texas Territory. Almost immediately, the bandit problems and outlaws were plaguing the Texas Territory and this would be Garner’s top priority. In 1893, he ran to become mayor of Longstreet and during the campaign he met the love of his life, Mariette Rheiner. Although he did not win the election in 1893 for mayor, he put his name on the map in Longstreet and the mayor appointed him as the Attorney General of Longstreet, and was determined to put the bandits behind bars. He would remain in this position until 1898, when he stumbled upon the fact that the Sheriff of Longstreet was bribed by many of the gangs that raided Longstreet since 1893. He was convicted of corruption and was sentenced to 20 years on the plantation. Garner would become the Sheriff of Longstreet, and would take a hard stance on crime having arrested small time criminals, and upstarts bandits. The professionals would stay further West, except for “Shotgun” John Collins who continued to raid stagecoaches on the Texas coast. Collins would become a thorn in Garner’s side to deal with, as he would switch gangs and align with different people. Every time Garner would close in on his gang, Collins would be gone; he had arrested many smaller members, but never the big players.

In 1907, he would catch a big break in the case of “Shotgun” John Collins when an associate of his was captured while drunk in Longstreet. It was revealed that he was going to be hitting a bank stagecoach that was heading to Laredo, and then hit the bank later on with disguises. On October 17th, 1907 the bank stagecoach was raided outside of Laredo killing everyone in the convoy, robbing it for nearly $5,000 and then proceeded to move into Laredo. They made their way into the First Laredo Bank, and robbed it for $10,000. As they had finished cleaning out the vault, Garner and his posse had surrounded the bank and demanded them to surrender. This was not going to happen, and he knew it as he shouted to them once more in the bank, Garner was shot in the arm. With this a massive gunfight ensued in the street as Collins and his gang to fight their way out. After nearly 30 minutes of an intense gunfight, 15 officers laid dead and all of the Collins group were killed except for John Collins who was captured trying to escape.

John realized that he was only one man, and would not be able to make a major difference in the outlaw problem. So he took his popularity in the area to run for a Senate seat and get legislation to root out the bandits, and in 1910 ran for Congress as a Democratic-Republican and won in a near landslide victory. Almost immediately, he started to draft a bill to combat the lawlessness of the west. Where they were to build more forts out there, and to allow the National Army to be the policing force in the area. This initial plan was shot down due to the Red Parties being hesitant on allowing such power to the National Army for not well armed bandits. Finally in 1914, under the Wilson administration he was able to pass the Outlaw Act (1914) and managed to “Tame the West” by nearly 1922 it was all but wiped out. With this he was popular in the west, and with the Democratic-Republican base as he had the “Five Families” interests in mind.

During the Election of 1924, the Democratic-Republicans had put him forward as a candidate to bring the wealth back into the hands of the “Five Families” as he believed that they were the best thing for the West as a whole. During this election, he managed to lose his Senate seat to a Federation Party candidate named Tom Connally. While he was upset over this it did not dissuade him from politics, and during the Emergency Election of 1926, he was put forward as the Democratic-Republican candidate, and came in second place behind William Randploh Hearst. He would stay as the Democartic-Republican candidate for the 1930 Election as well, but came in third behind the Federation and Union Party, and as the Election of 1934 drew near Garner seemed poised to seek victory this time around. Unfortunately, there are rumblings in his party over who their allegiance is to, from the House of Washington to the Native American Party. Garner will try to establish unity in his party or lose it all.

mapperific · Dec 10, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Huey Pierce Long

Huey Long is a controversial figure in FAS politics as he is labeled by the Blue Parties as a Socialist, but an Autocrat to the Red Parties. How did this decisive figure get to this position in FAS politics? The story starts in Winnfield, Louisiana where Huey was born to wealthy parents on August 30th, 1893 this would have thrusted him into the Federation Party had turned south upon his homeschooling, and public schooling. He had grown up in the FAS public school system that was inadequate and had seen him skip two grades due to his homeschooling. He then went to Winnfield High School and had displayed his excellent debating skills and had been given a scholarship to Louisiana State University, unfortunately he was not able to afford the books, and other necessities so he ended up picking up the odd job until 1914 when he applied and was admitted to Tulane University Law School and had studied to pass the bar exam in 1915 and passed effortlessly. This would throw the young man into his accent into politics, and his place near the top.

In 1916, he started a law firm to represent the working man of Louisiana, and had taken on several major companies to sue them for accidents that happened on their watch. He would be doing this for 10 years, and in 1920 he helped with the gubernatorial election of that year, and several elections in congress for the Union Party where he seemed to fit in the best, and in 1924 even ran for governor of Louisiana, and won on his campaign of “Share the Wealth” he had promised to build up roads, schools, hospitals, and other vital necessities that had been languishing under decades of Democratic-Republican rule. When he first entered office he fired the whole of the previous administration, and made a cabinet of his own men. He then made a “War Chest” of sorts to personally fund the building of things like roads, and government buildings. His reforms had radically reshaped the face of the state as he was able to expand quality education to not only children, but to adults too dramatically boosting the voters that supported Huey Long. His roads, hospitals, and cheaper utilities gave the people in the rural parts of the state access to a chance at prosperity, which was very rare for these people.

During this time the Union Party had suffered a huge blow as its two biggest figures at the time Underwood, and Bryans had died within months of each other causing Congress to call an emergency election. Long was put forward as a candidate for the Union Party but never seriously campaigned which saw President Hearst take power, and Long saw him as a threat to the working man. Long had seen that he must do something drastic and in 1928 he decided to not run for Governor again, but instead to run for president. In 1930, he ran for president and had almost beaten Hearst but was defeated due to the vicious slander that Heart’s papers had reported on him, calling him the “Dictator of Louisiana” due to his purging of men in 1924. While it tainted his election chances in 1930, a snap election in 1931 for a Congress seat in his home district saw him voted into the chamber in 1931, just days after the Crisis of 1931 had started. While in Congress, he had drafted a bill to help fix the economy, much in the vein of his previous “Share the Wealth” campaign in Louisiana. It was the Long Plan, a way to redistribute the wealth from the “Five Families” and Industrialists to give to the lower class and help them back into the workforce.

mapperific · Dec 11, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

William Dudley Pelley

Few names in the world let alone the Fraternal American States hold so many views among so many people. To his many enemies the lunatic that holds together a raving band of ideologues who belong more in an asylum than office and to his equally large amount of followers the damned nearest second coming we have yet received. Be it laborer, farmer, merchant, or politician every single man, woman, and child old enough to formulate thought regardless of race has an opinion on him.

Born in Arkansas to a shoemaker in the year of 1890 Pelley grew up not as a specifically strange child in the Fraternal States. With learning being as hard to come by as it was in the rural regions of the States, Pelley ended up largely self-educating throughout his early years and began to develop what could be described as “unusual” rightist leanings. Taking a career in journalism Pelley started to gain a small yet ever-growing following that would stay with him throughout his whole career as he wrote and wrote and wrote. Of course, there were and still are many right-leaning journalists in the Fraternal States however it became increasingly clear that the thing that separated them from Pelley was Pelley himself. Always the firebrand was always on the offensive against whatever “threat” he deemed worthy of his attention be that minority or ideology. However, this was just the beginning of the political terror that is William Dudley Pelley.

May 17, 1928. A normal heat scorched day in the blessed lands of the South for most. However, for Pelley, it was far from normal and would go on to define the entirety of his new political career. “My Seven Minutes in Eternity” as he would publish was the spark that lit the tinder. Meeting with both God and the Son he was given one instruction. To awaken the American conscious. Gaining the power to levitate, see-through walls, and repeat his experiences in eternity at will Pelley was reborn. Whether this rebirth was one of divine attunement or the essence of madness is up to interpretation.

Founding the Native American party with the intention of bringing true spirituality to the Americas as God has instructed him to, Pelley's public persona has grown over the past five years. Although some challenge his claims of divine abilities his true followers know the truth and Pelley has no interest in revealing his secrets to non-believers. With the recent economic downturn across the Fraternal American States, the radicalism of the Native American Party has only grown since. Though many doubt their strength and ability to bring change across the nation Pelley had no doubts. As the Native American Party swells with strength and numbers he knows that it is in due time till the power of God compels the Fraternal States to elect him and his followers to bring guidance to them and then to the world.

Time. Only time.

mapperific · Dec 11, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Earl Browder

To some he is the Vanguard of the revolution, to others he is no better than Pelley with his inflammatory rhetoric. Yet this man thrives in the Red Parties and in the Socialist Workers Party most of all. His name is Earl Browder and his story starts back on May 20th, 1891, born in a post Great NA War world he knew nothing of the world before the horrors of war were shown to the world. He was born in Wichita, Oklahoma to a schoolteacher mother, and a farmer father, his family had an independent farm out in the territory. His father had served valiantly in the Great NA War, and had been badly injured in the siege of Mexico City, which caused the family to start defaulting on their farm. By 1900, the Browder farm came under possession of the “Five Families” which forced them to move to Little Rock, Arkansas. This is where he would come across more material to foment his ideals of the revolution.

In 1910, he got his hands on a copy of If the Master had No Rifles for a nickel from a junk vendor. He would have this tattered book for the rest of his life and would read it religiously in the beginning. By 1912, he had become a member of the Socialist Workers Party and was given a plethora of Marx to read along with Lee, these would shape his worldview going forward. As a young man in the party he would get into fights with the Native American Party members who would try to break up their rallies during the Election of 1912, where he would receive a few scars for his revolutionary service. He would be seen as a valuable member of the Socialist Workers Party division in Little Rock, and in 1916 had become General Secretary of the party. There he would push for a major campaign of social reform in the nation, and secured Little Rock, and all of Arkansas for Underwood and managed to get their members into congress. Browder was becoming a massive force in the Red Parties, and would go on to help push the social reform legislation through congress; but as the vetoes piled up he had called for the Red Parties to pull support from the Underwood administration in the 1920 election.

During the next few years, Browder would rise through the ranks to the Little Rock Division to become the head to the Division. This put him on the fast track to the National Headquarters in New Orleans, and gave him a shot at becoming the presidential candidate. He would get his chance to become leader when in 1923, Eugene V. Debs had died peacefully and Browder was seen as the most likely successor and in 1924 assumed leadership of the party, while not getting into the Election of 1924. He would try to consolidate his parties base in certain states and even in the treaty ports, as there was a small electoral base there. When the Emergency Election of 1926 had come and gone he had seen that there were cracks in the democracy ones that could be used to their advantage in the future.

On April 18th, 1931 the Crisis of 1931 would land right into the country's lap, and threatened to undo all of their economic success. Browder saw this as an opportunity to promote the ideals of the Socialist Workers Party to the masses, and began publishing a small socialist newspaper in every major city. His campaign had spread the ideals far and wide, but only time will tell if the people vote Browder in or if something more drastic must come.

mapperific · Dec 11, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Gerald Lyman Kenneth Smith

While not a major political figure, he is the most well known leader of the Jacksonian Church and many see him as a man who could sweep any election if he was to run for office. There is only one problem with that, Gerald was not born in the FAS he was born in the AR.

Born on February 27th, 1898 in Pardeeville, Wisconsin, but from there, not much is known of this leader of the Jacksonian Church. He was officially made a minister in 1920 in the Jacksonian church, but many claim that he never received any formal education and just conned his way into the church. With his first act in the Jacksonian Church he made a pamphlet titled Jesus and the Fraternal Americans which broke down the ideals of the church to spread his notions of the Jacksonian Church around the nation. Bringing this dying institution back into national prominence. By 1925, the membership of the church had expanded tenfold from where it was in 1920 and Gerald had risen to prominence in the Church, and in 1926 was made the leader of the Jacksonian Church. He was a major figure in the FAS and was as important as Hearst, or even as big as Jackson was.

During the centennial celebration at Jackson’s mansion, he had led the National Prayer one of the first things to be broadcast over the newly developed radios to every church in the country. The Jacksonian Revival was underway, and would see massive boosts in membership which would carry over into the Crisis of 1931, he saw this as a sign that the nation had strayed too far from their sacred path. He would proclaim the decline of the national moral character, and the only way to recovery was for strong moral leadership to take the reigns of the nation, and direct it to prosperity.

mapperific · Dec 12, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Wilson Selden Washington

Some men are forged by heroic actions, political mastermind, and the cunning required to not lose it all in an instant. Others are forged by the will to be something and require little else. In the case of Wilson Selden Washington however, his life has been forged by lineage and little else.

A pure member of the Washington bloodline Wilson was born a direct descendant of John Augustine Washington brother to the great American founder George Washington on September 13th of 1889 in the capital of the Fraternal American States, New Orleans. His early days were those of happiness and a carefree nature found in almost all children. His family still in high regards even a century after the collapse of George Washington’s life work had been in the political light long before the birth of Wilson and with the constant “Donations” of “The Backers” were able to afford country retreats and some of the greatest tutors the Fraternal American States had to offer. However, these days were filled with more than what most members of the Washington clan experienced. Wilson's Father, Lawrence Washington had died in 1891 during the siege of Mexico City in the Great North American War and with his Grandfather having died long before then left Wilson as the technical patriarch of the family at the age of two. Wilson Selden Washington was being taught more than just grammar and basic mathematics.

He was being taught to lead.

Monarchism always has been a strange subject in the Fraternal American States. The Washington which made Wilson’s bloodline famous fought for liberty and republicanism yet his experiment died just as he did. Sickly and weak. And so why is it that when for the first time in modern history Democracy and Liberty was attempted it ended in disaster and division at the hands of a monarchy? Yes, monarchies would always rise and fall yet they were more often than not evenly matched. On the other hand, our nation, so strong and idealistic, has always failed fighting monarchism. We were beaten by the British and were only able to beat them once they turned to Republicanism. We were able to outmaneuver our former partners in the North several times yet they as well were Republicans. In fact, the only Monarchists our Fraternal Brotherhood has ever successfully fought off were the lowly Mexicans. On the other hand, the nations of France and Austria have enjoyed success after success and victory after victory while the British and Prussians have sunken into degeneracy since their great triumphant days of monarchism. So why is it that the proposition of a monarchy is seen as so radical to the people of this nation?

While the people of the Fraternal States of America see Wilson as insane in his beliefs the Backers and much of the Army see otherwise. Since the day his father died in the streets of Mexico City they have already tried once to bring him to power and only failed after the betrayal of Admiral Rodman. Now with the economic crash of 31 and the continued division of the States, Wilson once again bides his time. He will bring the continent back under the control of its rightful rulers with the help of true patriots who wish to restore it. His Great Uncle made one mistake in his life. Wilson will make sure not to repeat it.

mapperific · Dec 12, 2020

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Jay Lovestone

While Jay Lovestone is not a powerhouse of man like Browder or Long, Lovestone commanded his own brand of respect and influence. A talented writer, and skilled orator he had made a place for himself in the Liberation Party. Born in Savannah on December 15th, 1897 his parents had barely made it off the boat when he was born, and was the talk of the Immigration Bureau. He would live in modest standing in Savannah as his father, a rabbi in his former country, was a caretaker in the Savannah General Hospital. Lovestone was able to get a decent education in Savannah and would go on to the University of Savannah where he would find copies of Marx, and Lee and became influenced by the words that were printed on the page.

He would go on to join the Liberation Party, and when he joined would find a small group of college kids who were following the words of a man named Bill Haywood, and Lovestone would get the chance to meet him after he gave a speech at the University of Savannah in 1916 as part of the campaign for Underwood. After the speech, Lovestone fought his way through the crowd to approach Bill Haywood. Haywood almost walked past him, but had stopped after seeing the way he was dressed in a dapper three piece suit like he was going to church. Lovestone handed him a small essay that he wrote titled The Masters Have Rifles and We Must Disarm Them. While the title was not very catchy, it had powerful ideas inside it, ones that moved Haywood to have a private meeting with Lovestone. We’ll never know what exactly was said in that meeting but what came out of it was that Haywood would pay for the rest of his education, and would continue to write for the Liberation Party. When he graduated from the University of Savannah in 1918 he was given a job as Haywood’s secretary in the party, an opportunity that not many in the nation could ever have.

In 1919, pamphlets of The Masters Have Rifles and We Must Disarm Them were now being circulated across Savannah and then across the nation. Haywood had made the decision with the Socialist Workers Party to leave the Union Party without a strong coalition behind it and force them to survive, which they barely did. Lovestone had published an article in many papers across the country under a pseudonym in support of the Union Party staying in power, and it seemed to work enough to show that the light of Social reform had not gone out. Haywood was angry that there was dissent in his party, but never fully pressed the issue. Haywood was in declining health since 1919 and was training Lovestone to take leadership of the party if he died. By 1923, Lovestone was seen as the leader of the Liberation Party as Haywood was not as active as he once was, then in 1924 Haywood died from a stroke. Lovestone was not ready to try a presidential run anytime soon, he would use his power to support both the Socailist Workers Party and the Union Party. He did not have anyone on the ticket for the Election of 1924 or the Emergency Election of 1926, but wrote prolifically in support of the Red Parties. During the Crisis of 1931, Lovestone saw a chance to step up and show the world that he was the leader of the Liberation Party. During a strike that was happening in the Atlanta Train Yard, Lovestone stood not far from where Lee was killed in 1870 and delivered a speech that had whipped up the crowd to continue the strike, and to fight for a better world as a whole. Lovestone had now stepped out of the shadows and into the public eye, and would be the person running for the Presidency in 1934. If he can not win the election, he may be able to convince Browder to join him in the revolution that Lee dreamt about all those years ago.

mapperific · Dec 13, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

Japan is a country of contrasts. Nominally, it is an empire led by its divine sovereign, descended from the gods themselves. In practice however, the Shogun is the supreme authority in the country, leading from his court in Edo. Nominally, Japan is independent. In practice, no change in economic policy can occur without the consent of the Nagasaki Board. Nominally, Japan is sovereign over all its territory. In practice, European flags fly over Hirado, Nagasaki, Yokosuka, Shimoda, Tanegashima and others. Nominally, Japan is unified. In practice, the rifts could not be deeper…

Japan is weak.

The Tokugawa Bakufu has been unwilling or unable to stand up for itself against pressure from the Gaijin. Even more, the 250 year long Sakoku period left the Shogunate hopelessly outdated in terms of industrial and military development by the time it was forcefully ended by Russian warships. The proud but archaic Samurai continue their lifestyle with impunity. Japanese society is marked with perpetual clashes between the Chonin merchant class— with substantial economic power— and the samurai, who won’t give up their rigid hold on the political reins. The Tokugawa, ever reliant on the Daimyo domains, has so far failed to get rid of the archaic system, and reforms have been limited at best. This decentralization is hurting Japan’s attempts to quickly modernize, and is encouraging the formation of regionalist sentiments. The northern lands of Ezo remain unpacified, with the Ainu living freely and away from Japanese authority, in spite of Japan’s formal suzerainty over the island. The economic prospects are bleak: Japan is lacking any significant natural resources bar coal and iron deposits, but potential steel production is hampered by the lack of modern industrial techniques. Western Powers imposed “Unequal Treaties” on Japan in the 2nd half of the 19th century: Japan cannot control its tariff and trade policies, and is forced to maintain super-advantageous conditions for Western trade. This takes a heavy toll on the Japanese government’s revenue, as trade profits are mostly siphoned away by the Europeans. The forcibly permissive trade environment also allows Europe to flood the Japanese market with their manufactured goods, thus denying any indigenous industry a chance to kickstart.

Japan will need a radical change in order to escape these seemingly inescapable shackles

mapperific · Dec 14, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

PoD-1860: Dawn of a New Era

The late 18th century was rather uneventful for Japan, as it had unfolded just as the previous 150 years did, in the peace and prosperity of the Edo Bakufu (Tokugawa Shogunate). Ever since Tokugawa Ieyasu established his supremacy in 1600 after the battle of Sekigahara, all of Japan bowed to his clan’s rule of the archipelago. Early on in the Shogunate’s tenure, the policy of Sakoku had been established, effectively isolating Japan from the outside world and barring trade and contact with foreigners, with the exception of limited interactions with the Dutch in Nagasaki. One small change occurred in the 1770s, when the Shogun lifted the ban on Western books entering Japan. This enabled the emergence of Rangaku (“Dutch Learning”), where Japanese scholars would translate Dutch books about the latest scientific, cultural and political developments, which would in turn then be disseminated across Japan. Rangaku became quite popular, and it was the main means through which Japan would get news about the rapidly-changing world of the early 19th century. As the Dutch were (mostly) neutral during the 9 Years’ War, they made hefty sums by carrying the bulk of East Asian trade with Europe, and trading both with the British and the French alliances. The Japanese would hear of those developments from Rangaku books. Nevertheless, they all seemed like distant curiosities, until European ships started visiting the shores of Japan more and more often, starting with the 1830’s. Technically still under the Sakoku edict of seclusion, the Japanese were hostile to any western ships and/or sailor coming to their ports. Some ships were fired upon, and generally they were denied access.

This changed slightly in 1842, after the Shogun heard of the disastrous defeat of China at the hands of the British in the Opium War. Issuing the “Decree for the Provision of Firewood and Water” , foreign ships would now be allowed to dock into Japanese ports for provisions, but trading and engaging in activities ashore remained forbidden. After 1842, the initiatives by the Europeans to open up Japan intensified. In 1844, a French mission attempted to negotiate its way into Nagasaki but failed. On its way there, they had stopped by in the Ryukyu Kingdom, helping in establishing a Catholic missionary presence under a French bishop. The British sent a mission to Edo Bay in 1849, but they too were rejected. Russian ships were frequenting the northern waters of Honshu and the coasts of Hokkaido more and more often, with them sending an unsuccessful embassy to Edo in 1850. The Dutch, who still held their monopoly on Japanese trade and feared losing control over the situation, petitioned the Shogun to consider opening the country, as European pressure would grow too big to resist. The Shogun wouldn’t listen. The Tokugawa seemed oblivious to the coming storm.The most violent of the encounters was when two Portuguese frigates docked in Kagoshima in 1852. Portugal held a special place of animosity in the eyes of the Tokugawa, as it was them that had been instrumental in spreading Christianity in Kyushu in the early 17th century; the growing Portuguese presence had been one of the reasons for the enforcement of the isolationist policy. The Portuguese merchants violated the Japanese edict by going ashore and attempting to buy and sell wares. A group of zealous samurai of the local Shimazu daimyo took matters into their own hands and killed three Portuguese merchants. Later on, they claimed that the crucifix which one of the merchants was wearing led them to assume they were performing missionary work, punishable by summary execution under the old anti-Christian edict, which was still in force. In retribution, the two Portuguese frigates fired their broadsides into the harbor. The Shimazu port garrison attempted to respond, but was disheartened to find out that their coastal cannons were too antiquated and could not reach the ships. Although brief in terms of time and small in terms of damage, this incident was a prologue of things to come...

mapperific · Dec 14, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

CHAPTER 19, PART 3

1860-1870: And Then the Black Ships Arrived

By 1860, the incursions of Westerners were becoming all too commonplace. The fact that the Shogunate was led by a regency for the young and frail Tokugawa Iemochi did not help. Unbeknownst to them, dramatic change would make its way to the shores of Japan soon. In 1861, Russia acquired vast tracts of land east and south of the Amur, including a natural harbour that would become Vladivostok, the base of the Russian Pacific Squadron, by 1865. In the Northern Pacific, the Russian-American Company (RAK) had colonised Alaska hoping to gain profits from fur trading, but as decades went by, the revenue was subpar. With the company becoming more and more irrelevant, the directors’ board was struggling to convince the Tsar of its continued relevance. Various attempts to branch into commerce with Hawaii and other Pacific territories failed. They needed to score a success, and score it fast. The final decision was an apparently mad one: attempt to open Japan. Where others had failed with signed letters from monarchs and military ships, the RAK hoped to succeed with a few clippers. In 1866, three clippers (the Golovnin, Ryurik and Chichagov) set sail from Novo-Arkhangelsk in Alaska towards Edo Bay, under the command of Mikhail Tebenkov. To Tebenkov’s dismay, the Japanese were once again adamant in their refusal. However, it was then that he revealed the ace up his sleeve: he had contacts with the Russian Pacific Squadron freshly based in Vladivostok. Upon reaching the military port, Tebenkov convinced captain Yevfimiy Putyatin to set sail from Vladivostok with a squadron of two armoured 50-gun frigates (the Diana and Pallada), and three smaller 24-gun corvettes, representing the bulk of the Pacific Squadron. Once they got back to Japan, the imposing warships joined the RAK’s trade sailboats and dropped anchor in Edo Bay, their broadsides ready to fire at their commanders’ notice. Tebenkov, this time backed by Putyatin’s ships, managed to convince shogun Tokugawa Iemochi to finally come to the negotiating table. In the subsequent Convention of Shimoda (1866), the Shogunate agreed, under clear threat of force, to open the ports of Shimoda and Hakodate to Russian trade and to accept extraterritoriality for Russian subjects present in Japan.

The Tebenkov-Putyatin Affair, as it would later become known, started a domino effect that would see most of Europe’s great powers secure their very own treaty of commerce with the Shogunate: France (1867), Britain (1868), Netherlands (1868), Portugal (1869), Spain (1869) and Denmark-Norway (1870) all secured preferential trade treaties, guaranteeing access in specified ports and extraterritoriality for their nationals. This shook both the Japanese society and its political leadership from their very foundations. The two century old Sakoku policy had disappeared in what felt like an instant. Overnight, the Japanese were now pushed around and used as a market for the profits of the European East Asian companies. The foreigners were immune from Japanese laws and could do as they wished on the sacred soil of Nippon. Something had to change. The young shogun Iemochi died soon after approving the Shimoda Convention. Some rumored he had been poisoned by disaffected daimyo, but nevertheless, he was succeeded by Tokugawa Yoshinobu on the shogunal seat. While he was reform-minded and planned to bring the Tokugawa Shogunate into the modern world, he would have to bear the brunt of the pressure to come in the next decade.

mapperific · Dec 14, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

CHAPTER 19, PART 4

1870-1880

I. Simmering Tensions and Encroaching Westerners

The Shogunate and the Tokugawa shogun leading it had proven incapable of enforcing their own edicts and maintaining Japan’s sovereignty and integrity in the face of Western bullying. The Convention of Shimoda in 1866 effectively meant the opening of Japan to global trade, and its relegation to a 2nd rate power to be toyed around by the Europeans. One thing was certain after this humiliating defeat: Japan had to catch up. Things did not evolve for the better during the next decade. There was growing resentment across the various daimyo because of the perceived shortcomings on the Shogun’s side regarding the management of the situation. However, among the resentment, there were also those who plotted. For the Tozama Daimyo (outsider domains), which had been marginalized ever since 1600 when the first Tokugawa unified Japan, because they fought against him during the Sengoku, this was their chance to finally get their payback against Tokugawa and his allied domains after 270 years of being the underdogs. The appearance in force of the Westerners in the 1870’s created reverberations within the Shogunate’s political structure and sent Japanese society into shock. Most were upset with the Keio Treaties (Unequal Treaties) and some radical thinkers started calling for Sonno Joi (expel the barbarians, revere the Emperor). The outsider daimyos, led by the Choshu and Satsuma domains, were quick to embrace this ideal. They stopped attending to their obligations to the Shogun in Edo, and pursued ways in which to gain modern military hardware, because for them the course of action was clear: the Shogunate had proven impotent and it had to be removed. The daimyo of these domains sought to gain the ear of the Emperor, Komei. They were somewhat successful in that the Emperor formally enshrined the Sonno Joi doctrine as an imperial decree in 1874, marking a break from the tradition of political non-interference. However, the Shogunate had no real intention of implementing this order, as antagonising the already-entrenched Westerners could prove to be fatal. Nevertheless, it inspired vigilante-type actions in parts of Japan.

In 1875, a British merchant was killed by a Shimazu samurai in Kagoshima for allegedly failing to show adequate respect according to Japanese law. This was disregarding the fact that under the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Amity (1868), British subjects had extraterritorial rights. The British government demanded the handing over of the perpetrators and a hefty reparation sum of £100,000. The Shogunate only relayed the requests to the Satsuma. When no party showed willingness to submit, the British decided to take matters into their own hands. A squadron of 10 warships sailed into Kagoshima, and an ultimatum was issued, re-stating London’s requests. No response was received, and as such the ships opened fire and wrecked chaos. The harbour’s antiquated defences were no match for modern British explosive shells. After one hour of shelling, battalions of Republican Marines stormed the battered remains of the harbour. There was ferocious, if disorganised resistance on the part of the Satsuma. Some even used old matchlock arquebuses; needless to say, they were no match for the modern breech loading rifles of the marines. At the end of the day, the British flag flew over a smoking Kagoshima. If the Japanese weren't willing to pay for reparations, the British would take them themselves by taxing the city until the sum was paid. In spite of the claimed purpose though, the British were there to stay. The takeover of Kagoshima was the first in a series of establishments of treaty ports in the following decade.

Soon after in the same year, another humiliating event occured. Hearing of the Kagoshima incident, the Portuguese governor in Goa sent his naval squadron of 6 modern warships east. He planned to request reparations for the damages done to the Portuguese assets following their forced expulsion in 1639(!), more than two centuries before, claiming the continuity of responsibility of the Tokugawa. This was of course an outrageous claim to make, but once the shogun refused to pay it would give the Portuguese an excuse to make a similar incursion to the British. After delivering their unreasonable demands to Edo, the Portuguese squadron sailed back southwest, but the shogun ordered that they be trailed by the few warships Japan had acquired since opening. Around the island of Tanegashima, just south of Kyushu, the Portuguese suddenly deployed in a battle line in front of their pursuers. The few wooden gunboats and a steam paddle corvette that the Tokugawa had were no match against the 6 Portuguese frigates. The Japanese ships were obliterated and the Portuguese proceeded to bombard and land on Tanegashima, claiming it as “reparations”.

mapperific · Dec 15, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

CHAPTER 19, PART 5

1870-1880

II. The Drive for Rearmament

Part A: The Shogunate

The Shogunate immediately embarked on a process of acquiring modern military hardware and establishing an indigenous industry. In their endeavours, they chose to cooperate with France, which was the most forthcoming in their offers of assistance. A French Military Mission was established in Japan in 1871, tasked with forming and training a modern Japanese land force. Partnerships in the economic sphere were also agreed, with French companies invited to set up joint ventures. The Shogunate also took up a substantial loan from France to help kickstart industrial spending, which was guaranteed with the port of Yokosuka on French insistence. The Shogunate Army built a professional core under French guidance, establishing the Denshutai and the Shogitai, two elite brigade-sized units which would later be expanded. They acquired Minie rifles for the mainstay of their line infantry and the elite brigades received modern Chassepot breechloaders, capable of a high rate of fire. A few pieces of modern artillery were acquired as well. Negotiations were underway for the help in establishing an indigenous Japanese arsenal. In the meanwhile, the Shogunate also obtained a contract for a substantial batch of Russian Berdan breechloaders, and the Russians offered to send a small mission to help in training too. The Shogunate was thus ensuring it maintained multiple partnerships open.

However, the most pressing matter in the eyes of Edo was the lack of a navy. Tebenkov and Putyatin managed to force their way into Japan thanks to their naval superiority. As soon as Japan agreed to open up to foreign influence, the Tokugawa government initiated an active policy of assimilation of Western naval technologies. Their go-to partner for assistance in naval development would be the Dutch Republic, their longstanding trading partner. In 1868, with Dutch assistance, the shogunate acquired its first steam warship, the Kanko Maru, and established the Nagasaki Naval Training Center. In 1870, it acquired its first screw-driven steam warship, the Kanrin Maru. Naval students were sent abroad to study Western naval techniques. In 1872, the Shogunate placed its warship orders with the Netherlands and decided to send 15 trainees there, to accustom themselves with the new technologies and tactics.

In 1874, the Tokugawa Shogunate completed its first domestically-built steam warship, the Chiyodagata, a 140-ton gunboat. The ship was manufactured by the future industrial conglomerate Ishikawajima with assistance from French industrial attaches, thus initiating Japan's efforts to acquire and fully develop shipbuilding capabilities. Following the humiliations at the hands of the British Navy in the Seizure of Kagoshima in 1875, and the Battle of Tanegashima against the Portuguese Goa Squadron in the same year, the shogunate stepped up efforts to modernize, relying more and more on French assistance. In 1876, French naval engineers were hired to build Japan's first modern naval arsenals at Yokohama and Yokosuka. More ships were imported, all commissioned and built in the shipyards of Normandy.

By the time of the Boshin War in 1880, the Tokugawa Navy already possessed eight Western-style steam warships around the flagship Kaiyo Maru, a 30-gun Dutch built armored frigate, which were used with success against the rebel forces during the Boshin War. The conflict culminated with the Naval Battle of Kagoshima in 1880, decisively won by the Shogunate Navy. In 1881, Japan acquired its first ocean-going ironclad warship, the Kotetsu. It was an obsolete design by the time it was delivered, however.

mapperific · Dec 15, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

CHAPTER 19, PART 6

1870-1880

II. The Drive for Rearmament

Part B: The Rebel Domains

The shogun was not the only one building a modernized force. In the south and west of the country, the outsider domains of Satsuma, Choshu, Saga and Tosa were building small armies of their own. These daimyo had always had a certain autonomy from the court in Edo, owing to their distance from central Honshu and their outsider status and, since 1870, they have only slipped further and further. The fact that these domains were opposed to the Tokugawa shogun did not necessarily mean that they were great lovers of the Westerners; indeed, daimyo like the Shimazu in Satsuma were actually strong traditionalists, as was seen with the Kagoshima Incident of 1875. This event shook the Satsuma Domain. Kagoshima had been their capital and main port of call for the domain, and the British seizure of it struck hard into their finances. However, what was done was done: It was clear that the British had no intention of leaving anytime soon. Furthermore, the Satsuma leadership soon learned that the British had a longstanding rivalry with the French, who supported the Tokugawa.

After all, it seemed the Satsuma could find some common ground with the perfidious redcoats now patrolling Kagoshima and its surroundings. Going from enemies to partners of necessity, the Satsuma began modernizing industrially and militarily in earnest, all with British assistance. The Kagoshima case was re-negotiated, and it was agreed that the Shogunate should in fact be liable for the reparations, and as soon as the Satsuma would gain preeminence, the British would return the port and receive the remaining monetary compensation from Edo’s coffers. The Satsuma were the first to commission an indigenously-built steam warship in all of Japan, with the Unko Maru, a wooden steam paddle gunboat, joining Satsuma’s fleet in 1876. However, Britain was less generous with the volume of arms delivery than France. The years of turbulence following the Crimean War and the British Glorious Revolution had left their armed forces somewhat outdated. Its arsenals were busy producing the modern Martini-Henry to re-equip the British Army with modern rifles, and as such all they could spare for Satsuma were older 1853 Enfield Muskets. The other domains were ramping up their efforts as well. The Saga clan, to the north of Nagasaki, was the first to build a railroad in Japan, when they connected Nagasaki to Saga via a rail line operating British imported rolling stock. They also acquired modern Armstrong artillery pieces and Dutch guns. Satsuma facilitated an arms contract between Choshu and the British too, while the Tosa domain in Shikoku reached out to the Portuguese for arms, receiving some dependable, if obsolete muzzle loading rifles.

By the late 1870’s, both the shogunate and the rebel domains were armed with modern equipment supplied by their Western partners. The stage was set for confrontation.

mapperific · Dec 16, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

CHAPTER 19, PART 7

1870-1880: The Boshin War

By late 1879, the tensions reached a critical point. The last time the southern daimyo had paid their taxes and sent the required envoys to Edo was 1869. It was already a decade of undeclared hostility between the shogun and the southern Tozama Daimyo. Furthermore, Emperor Komei refused to annul his “Expel the barbarians” decree, and the shogunate was faced with increasing complaints from the Westerners of breaches of treaty. In September 1879, an incident in Kyoto would trigger an open confrontation. The Kinmon rebellion, as it would be called, reflected the widespread discontent felt among both pro-imperial and anti-foreigner groups, who rebelled under the Emperor’s edict. Thus, the rebels sought to take direct control of the Emperor to restore the Imperial household to its position of political supremacy. Samurai from the Choshu domain attacked the imperial palace, but were ultimately beaten back and defeated by the shogunate forces in the city. Tokugawa Yoshinobu assembled his forces, calling on the domains to supply forces as well, and proceeded to march south in a punitive expedition against the Choshu. However, the Choshu were not standing alone. In Kyushu, Shikoku and the southern tip of Honshu, the domains of Satsuma, Saga, Tosa and Choshu had assembled a pro-Imperial united front and stood together against Tokugawa’s advancing forces. Tokugawa had the support of the main domains of the north: Kaga, Aizu and Sendai, besides the token assistance provided by smaller loyal daimyo.

The shogunate forces had better infantry weapons and drill than the imperial ones, and they had the benefit of having their French advisors march with them. That was true only of the central army of the shogun however, as many of the allied domains sent their troops to battle with antiquated weapons. The imperial forces on the other hand were superior in artillery, fielding many of the modern British Armstrong breech loading guns. The forces met for the first time at the battle of Toba-Fushimi, near Kyoto, which ended in an imperial victory, thanks to their well-used artillery advantage. The shogunate forces, under the field command of French attache Jules Brunet, retreated to Osaka Castle. After what seemed like a devastating blow to the Tokugawa’s army, Emperor Komei declared his support for the restorationist alliance, urging more daimyo to take up arms in the name of Sonno Joi. Tokugawa Yoshinobu was campaigning with his army, and as such no action was taken against the emperor in Kyoto. His call had somewhat of an impact, with a few daimyo in central Honshu switching allegiance to the imperial cause. However, the powerful domains of Kaga and Aizu remained staunchly pro-shogun, and the Tokugawa’s main army was a powerful asset in its own right. Furthermore, the Shogunate controlled the seas, hampering communication and transport between Shikoku, the homeland of the Tosa, and the mainland. In the ensuing siege of Osaka, the imperial forces ended up losing. Being harassed by Shinsengumi units (loyal shogunal gendarmerie) and then having to fight the assortment of the pro-Tokugawa daimyo armies, by the time the core of the imperial forces started engaging the elite Denshutai and Shogitai of the shogun, they were disorganised and severely fatigued. Yoshinobu’s forces, under the direct leadership of Brunet, ended up routing the besieging forces. In anticipation of their retreat, the Aizu used the superior shogunal navy to land their forces behind the frontlines, cutting their retreat towards Choshu. Trapped with enemy forces on both sides, the imperial forces suffered a catastrophic defeat. They attempted to break through the Aizu forces at the battle of Himeji, which was a bloody and brutal encounter which however ended in the further defeat of the imperials. Many of the Satsuma soldiers committed seppuku rather than be captured. The Satsuma leader, Saigo Takamori, managed to escape the encirclement and reach friendly forces later on.

After the disaster at Osaka-Himeji, the prospects of the imperial faction were bleak. Choshu and Tosa lost the bulk of their forces together with their modern equipment acquired over the past decade with so much difficulty. Saga had to abandon most of its artillery pieces, which were now in the shogunate’s hands. Satsuma fared the best, losing only about a quarter of its forces in the campaign and retaining most of its leadership and heavy equipment. Nevertheless, by this point they would be unable to fight Tokugawa’s forces on an equal footing. Before long, the shogunate’s forces attacked and overran the Choshu domain, and their leader, Mori Motonori, was forced to commit seppuku. The Shogunate’s navy, including their newest acquisition, the ironclad Kotetsu built in France, shelled Tosa coastal lands without respite. When offered clemency, the Tosa daimyo, Toyonori Yamauchi, switched allegiances and re-accepted the shogun’s overlordship. Satsuma and Saga were now isolated in central-southern Kyushu against the incoming shogunate onslaught. However, the British did not fail to notice that riding at the top of Tokugawa’s military success was none other than Jules Brunet, officer in the service of His Majesty the King of France.

Not willing to be bested in yet another theatre by the eternal rival, the British Republic ordered its Kagoshima garrison to march out and offer assistance to the Satsuma at once. The Republican Navy’s Japanese Squadron was also deployed, and fought a successful battle against the shogunate navy, forcing it to withdraw with the loss of two gunboats and the Kotetsu seriously damaged. The conflict had escalated. Tokugawa Yoshinobu requested military assistance from France, but it would be months before it could be assembled and deployed to Japan. At the same time, the loans he took from France were reaching their payment deadlines and the shogunate was nowhere near capable of repaying them, as most of the money had been sunk into military and industrial procurements. The prospects were clear: the shogunate would have to default, and the price for that was none other than the port of Yokosuka. Other great powers started showing interest in the developing situation in Japan as well: the Dutch were displeased with the perturbation in trade, and the Russians wanted to guarantee the status quo in order to protect their concessions from the shogunate. There was also the situation in which Britain and Portugal already had exclusive territories on Japanese soil, while the Dutch were actively negotiating to gain the same privileges and the French were about to gain a port through economic pressure. Russia wanted to gain an exclusive treaty port too, and the rest of the Western trading powers demanded generalised negotiations on the situation.

Under the generalised competition created by the situation, France and Britain agreed to de-escalate. The Boshin War had ended with a ceasefire enforced by the Westerners. The subsequent Treaty of Edo (1882) would enshrine the status quo in Japan for the coming decades:

1)The signatory powers shall recognise the Shogun and the Tokugawa administration as the sovereign leaders of Japan. All treaties concerning the Japanese state shall be concluded with the Tokugawa Shogunate.
2) All erstwhile rebel daimyo would return to the de jure sovereignty of the shogun. (However, Britain negotiated for Satsuma to maintain wide autonomy, only owing an annual tribute tax and accepting Tokugawa’s overlordship in international affairs. Satsuma was free to maintain its own military forces (under some restrictions) and administer its own economy. (The backdoor that was the British port of Kagoshima would also prove to be useful in illegal dealings circumventing the treaty). Tokugawa Yoshinobu had to accept the pardoning of the rebel daimyo, and to allow a return to the pre war status quo. No clans were to be demoted or removed from their domains.)
3)The shogunate ceded the specified treaty ports to Western jurisdiction and recognised their sovereignty over them. These concessions would operate under the terms of a 100 year lease. The treaty ports and territories specified were: Kagoshima- to the British Republic; Yokosuka- to the Kingdom of France; Shimoda- to the Russian Empire; Hirado & the Goto Islands- to the Dutch Republic; Tanegashima & Yakushima Islands- to the Portuguese Empire.
4)The port of Nagasaki and all the surrounding lands, including the Nomo and Shimabara peninsulas, and all territory south of the Shiota and Sonogi rivers, shall be ceded to a condominium formed of the signatory parts, who shall promise to establish an international trading settlement, where all current and future signatory parts shall be able to establish trade missions for the purpose of trading with Japan. Besides the signatories with exclusive treaty ports, Spain, Austria, Denmark-Norway and Sweden would have the right to claim concessions in Nagasaki and/or the neighbouring designated area.
5) Japan shall annul all edicts: prohibiting foreigners from freely entering and/or leaving the country; prohibiting foreign and/or Japanese subjects from freely practicing their religion, whichever that may be; prohibiting foreigners from engaging in any trade with Japan and on Japanese soil.

mapperific · Dec 17, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

CHAPTER 19, PART 8

1882-1913: Solidifying Control

The Treaty of Edo brought further humiliation to Japan. Now, the foreign barbarians directly owned Japanese land. However, there was little that the Shogun could do. At the very least, the Western intervention had secured his grip on power and the Tokugawa Shogunate was recognized as the true representative of Japan. Emperor Komei died shortly thereafter, in 1884, although he had been confined to a Bhuddist monastery since the failure of the Boshin War anyways. It was rumored that the shogun ordered his poisoning as a means to silence the Sonno Joi movement. His son, Mutsuhito, followed on the throne, although the Shogun, Tokugawa Yoshinobu, made sure that the Emperor adhered to his purely symbolic role, relegating him to studying the arts secluded in his Kyoto residence. The shogun initiated the Meiwa Purges, eliminating former supporters of the imperial cause and the southern domains wherever possible. He was barred by the foreign treaty to kill the leaders of the southern domains, but he made sure that they were kept as far away from any real power and influence as possible. He also brought the Shogunate’s “secret police”, the Oniwaban, into modernity. Until then, it had largely been based on the continued traditions of the Shinobi of old, but under Tokugawa Yoshinobu they were reformed. They would serve as a spy and secret police agency, furnishing information on the daimyos and other important figures to the Shogun, and also act as an intelligence agency. Oniwaban agents were deployed in the legations of the Westerners to gauge the situation and establish networks.

Cooperation with France and the Dutch continued and expanded, while the shogun tried his best to limit the concessions to the British and Portuguese as much as possible. The Portuguese (and Spanish to a lesser degree) made a point out of their missionary proselytism, building missions all across Kyushu and sending priests to Honshu and Shikoku as well. France, Spain and Portugal even financed the building of a large cathedral in Nagasaki, commemorating the “Martyrs of Japan”. Beyond the symbolic defeat of Tokugawa’s policies, this upsurge also encouraged the emergence of a peculiar group. The Kakure Kirishitan (hidden christians) emerged in their tens of thousands in southern and western Kyushu, after the threat of Tokugawa repression was gone. They were remnants of the populations that converted in the early 1600s and had gone into hiding once the Tokugawa banned Christianity. While many of them had abandoned the formal Catholic canon by the 1800s, these communities did not have much love for the shogunate, and were welcoming of the Westerners. The re-proliferation of Christianity, the combination of autonomous domains and vengeful former enemies and the foreign treaty ports all made Kyushu into a patchwork over which the Shogunate held little more than formal suzerainty. The south was all but lost in practice; Tokugawa Yoshinobu decided that Edo’s priority for the future would be maintaining good relations with the daimyo of Northern Honshu and solidifying his powerbase in central Japan.

Yoshinobu was largely successful in these endeavours. He enacted some slight reforms to the Roju (the council of state), enlarging the number of seats and granting permanent advisorship to the Kaga, Sendai and Aizu daimyo among others, his main supporters in the north. He also raised the status of the Matsumae clan, owners of the Hakodate fief, and encouraged them to extend Japanese control over Ezo. He did not furnish them with any funds or military forces to assist however, and as such the situation remained largely the same. With the help of the French, an industrial base started appearing in central Honshu: Hiroshima, Osaka, Kyoto and Edo all had nascent production centres and were linked by a brand-new railway. The French and Dutch assisted the Shogunate in building modern dockyards in Yokohama (next to the French concession of Yokosuka) and in Kure. An artillery arsenal was set up in Osaka, and the Koishikawa Arsenal, specialising in small arms, was opened in Edo. Its first task was to produce licensed Chassepot rifles.

The great powers once more became involved in Japanese affairs in 1888, when the Naha Affair took place. France had exhibited some interest in the Ryukyu Kingdom ever since their first voyages to attempt and open Japan in the 1840’s. In the process, their Catholic missionaries helped establish a French cultural presence. Ryukyu was formally a tributary state of the Chinese Empire, and a vassal of the Satsuma Domain. After the Peking Protocols in the 1860s, the tributary relationship with China was relinquished, but the Ryukyu Kingdom remained formally a subject of the Satsuma. During and after the upheaval of the Boshin War, Satsuma stopped enforcing its tribute requests to Ryukyu, and also stopped engaging in trade there. The French, seeing how Satsuma and the south of Japan were drawing closer to Britain, saw in this distancing an opportunity and offered the Ryukyu protectorate status. Before negotiations could be completed however, the British had informed the Satsuma of this development and “loaned” them ships from the RN Japanese Squadron and modern artillery, and the Satsuma re-established itself in Okinawa in force, with a military occupation. Given the situation of Satsuma after the Boshin War, the Shimazu, rulers of the domain, decided to incorporate the Ryukyu directly into their possessions, and the Ryukyuan royalty was adopted as a junior branch of the Shimazu clan.

In 1893, following its acquisition of the Mexican treaty ports of Veracruz and Acapulco and the Central Mexican Railway, the Fraternal American States (FAS) became involved in East Asian trade. Joining in time to be recognized the rights to a Chinese treaty port, they were however too late to the Japanese Archipelago. Their lobbying to be granted an exclusive treaty port in Japan was denied, but they were eventually admitted with full membership to the Nagasaki International Settlement, and were granted a concession and a chair on the decision board of the commission in 1895.

In spite of the streak of modernisation, the general situation was far from great. The shogun was too fearful of inciting another rebellion to undertake major reforms, and key pillars of the old feudal society that kept Japan stagnant proved too hard to remove. One of them was the samurai privileges system. Under the caste system of the shogunate, the samurai had various rights, including the right to kill on the spot peasants and merchants who “failed to render proper respect”. In the context of capitalism being rapidly imported from the West, the Chonin, the urban merchant and craftsmen class, started prospering from the massively increased volume of trade, demand and capital flow. Some of the more enterprising from this class were even becoming Japan’s industrial barons of tomorrow. This increase of wealth translated into increased social influence, something the samurai were unwilling to accept. The daimyo were rather concerned with wealthy tradesmen and early industrialists gaining too much gravitas within their domains, and killings were not uncommon. In turn, these Chonin would hire private guards and even militias to guard themselves, their assets or to extract vengeance. Many times, these guards would be Ronin (wanderer-i.e. masterless) samurai who had supported the imperial cause in the Boshin War, Kirishitan converts who despised the Tokugawa, or even samurai of rival clans being “lent” by their daimyo. This lawlessness was clearly counterproductive to social stability and economic growth, but the shogun was powerless to put an end to it, as curtailing samurai privileges would incur the wrath of many domains, domains on which the Shogun’s continued authority rested. However, after the 1910s, as the last generation which knew the old order slowly withered away, the intensity of this social conflict regressed, and it evolved more into the realm of political intrigues, as the daimyo became army generals and influential politicians, while the wealthy merchants became industrial barons. The richest and most influential of the Chonin would go on to found the basis of Japan’s first modern corporations: the Zaibatsus. Already by the early 1900s, names like Sumitomo and Mitsui meant more than simple shops on the cobbled streets of 19th century Japan; they became large, vertically-organized monopolies.

When Tokugawa Yoshinobu died in 1913, he left the shogunate in as decent a shape as he could have. Japan was being economically exploited by the Westerners and Kyushu was slowly but steadily drifting away from Edo’s grip; the heritage of the feudal caste system was still being felt and the shogun was powerless to completely reform it. Nevertheless, Japan now had the beginnings of an indigenous industry, Japanese soldiers were equipped with modern weapons, some of them built in Japan, the Japanese navy had modern warships, and perhaps most importantly, the Tokugawa shogun was recognised to be the de jure and de facto ruler of Japan by the outside world.

mapperific · Dec 18, 2020

The Tokugawa Shogunate

CHAPTER 19, PART 9

1913-1933: The Modern Shogunate

After Yoshinobu’s death, the shogunal seat passed to Tokugawa Iesato, then 50 years old. Emperor Mutsuhito had died the previous year too, and was succeeded by his son Yoshihito. Just as in the previous generation, the Shogun made sure that the Emperor maintained his purely ceremonial role, keeping all political involvement away from the Kyoto Court.

Industrialisation continued, albeit in the same manner as before, meaning that the Westerners (especially the French) reaped more benefits from their investments than Japan itself. Attempts by Iesato to formally abolish the caste system were immediately shot down by the various conservative daimyo in the state council, but he was successful in abolishing the samurai’s right to summarily execute “disrespectful” peasants and merchants in 1917. Instead, they were now allowed to bring them to court for those “offences”. In the economic sphere, Tokugawa Iesato finally managed to reform the taxation system into something more modern. Up until the 1870s, all clans paid their taxes to the shogunate in koku of rice, fixed amounts of the crops they had to give on a yearly basis. This was also the main form of defining the clan’s property, as they did not have clear physical boundaries, and various forms and levels of property overlapped with each other. After the opening and the subsequent drive for modernisation and capital, the tribute payment became an unregulated mish-mash of traditional rice koku, currency, military equipment and/or military assistance. This needed a serious shakeup if the Shogunate was to become financially potent. Japanese administrators of the new generation, many of whom had studied in Europe, decided to take inspiration from the model of the HRE Mediatization of the 1830s and use it to modernize the political and economic system of the intricate web that was the shogunal state. Monastic lands were absorbed into daimyo territories, and enclaves and exclaves were exchanged to form geographically homogenous units. The lands directly owned by the Tokugawa were vastly expanded too, especially in central Honshu, forming the Osaka-Kyoto-Edo nucleus. The distribution took into account the classification of the old system, with the domains receiving as much land as deemed necessary to produce their previously listed amount of rice koku in one year. A nationwide census was conducted in 1921, and from then on the daimyo would have to pay the yearly tribute tax in currency, with the sum directly proportional to the number of adult inhabitants their domain had. This helped bolster the Shogunate’s finances and brought a degree of predictability to their revenue, helping with long-term investments. Nevertheless, this system was still comparatively decentralized and inefficient by European standards.

In terms of their military, the Tokugawa tried their best to maintain the forces as up-to-date as possible. This was partially achieved for the elite units, the Denshutai and the Shogitai, as contracts with French manufacturers ensured a limited amount of modern weaponry for the Shogunate’s créme de la créme. Modern rifles, machine guns, modern artillery pieces and even some armored cars found their way into the inventory of Tokugawa’s elite army core. However, the rest of the active forces used old equipment; most infantry used the single-shot Murata rifle, the Shogunate’s only indigenously built service weapon. It was obsolete, with it being little more than a glorified Fusil Gras 1874 licensed copy. Some of the daimyo militias even retained the French-imported black powder Chassepots from the late 1860s. Artillery was also antiquated besides the small modern companies attached to the elite divisions, with most of the pieces being French 90mm cannons from the 1880s. Navally, the Tokugawa Fleet lagged behind as the 20th century began. They were still using the ships commissioned after opening to the West in the 1870s, but those old ships were quickly becoming obsolete. Two pre-dreadnoughts were commissioned from France in 1900, one named Kotetsu in the honour of the now-decommissioned first ironclad, and another one Fuso. Unfortunately for the Shogunate, the ensuing Dreadnought Race meant that their freshly bought expensive capital ships became obsolete just as they were being delivered. Short on finances, Tokugawa Iesato nevertheless wanted Japan to possess at least one modern capital ship in these times of naval competition. Ordered from France and paid for with a loan, the Nihon Maru was practically a sister ship in the latest French class of super-dreadnoughts. Japan’s newest capital ship docked in Yokohama Port in October 1924, after having made the Brest-Yokosuka voyage under the French flag. For its fleet composition, Japan also ordered 6 modern cruisers from France, 4 light and 2 heavy, and 18 destroyers were built in Japan’s own shipyards, joined by 8 other used destroyers bought from the Dutch Republic.

In terms of its politics, the modern shogunate is in an unstable balance. The main problem remains the daimyo, with their autonomy. The shogun has to listen to their interests and try to appease their differing views because Tokugawa’s power and legitimacy depends on the majority of daimyos remaining loyal to him. In the southern island of Kyushu, the problems are most obvious. Ever since the Boshin War, Satsuma has been practically independent. Sure, they have to pay the yearly tribute tax as everyone else and their armed forces are under certain restrictions to make sure they don’t grow too powerful, but it is obvious they have no intention of ever growing back closer to the Shogunate. Their British protectors also make a takeover by force impossible. Using their preeminent position in Kyushu, the Satsuma also keep influencing their old comrades in rebellion: the Saga, Tosa and Choshu. In a way, things have changed little, since these outsider domains had loathed the Tokugawa for centuries before, but in other ways, the situation is untenable now: With the emergence of the Westerners and the forced opening of Japan, things are not as stable and predictable as they were under the Sakoku. Hostile daimyos are dangerous, because they can establish partnerships with outside powers and risk to overthrow the Shogunate, as the Boshin War painfully showed. If he wants to reverse the trend of distancing prevalent in Kyushu, Tokugawa Iesato will have to find ways in which to win over his ancestral rivals to his cause. This is likely to be a nigh-impossible task, but embracing political westernisation and granting them positions in the reformed administration may be just enough to placate them. On the other hand, there are the northern domains of Aizu, Kaga, Sendai and Matsumae: While these had been largely loyal in the Boshin War, they are also characterised by staunch conservatism and some have chafed at the modernisation of the Shogunate, seeing it as bringing unwanted Western influence and challenges to their traditional monopolies of power. Beyond the struggle of the clans, the social problems of Japan’s society persist. The caste system gives privileges that many consider outdated, with the divide between the martial Samurai and the enterprising Chonin hindering healthy economic development. The Kirishitan resurgence, spurred by the proselytism of the Catholic Iberians, is another issue. While Tokugawa was forced to repeal the ancient anti-Christian edicts, the shoguns have done their best to ensure that foreign religions are kept away from positions of power, and informal ostracisation is still widespread. This is creating yet another divide in Japanese society, one that the Shogunate cannot really afford. Furthermore, the Westerners are not blind to the political implications of their religious offensive. The Kirishitan loathe the Tokugawa, and are willing to rise up in widespread revolt against him, if given the chance. There are also those who have not renounced Sonno Joi after the Boshin War; what is worse is that under the provisions of the Treaty of Edo these radicals have found safe havens in the domains of the south, and from there they kept preaching their doctrines. Indeed, many in Japan still want to expel the barbarians and revere the Emperor. Emperor Yoshihito died in 1926, and was succeeded to the throne by his son, Hirohito. He too, like his father and grandfather before him, was largely secluded in the Kyoto residence, where he immersed himself in the study of marine biology. However, in a bid to appease the southern domains and the Sonno Joi supporters, shogun Tokugawa Iesato relaxed his isolation from political affairs, allowing daimyos to meet him. Some have speculated that Hirohito is growing fond of the Sonno Joi movement, but in the current state of affairs the Shogunate seems to be secure enough in its monopoly of authority in Japan...

mapperific · Dec 20, 2020

The Russian Empire

CHAPTER 20, PART 1

Introduction

Head of State: "Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias, of Moscow, Kiev, Vladimir, Novgorod; Tsar of Kazan, Tsar of Astrakhan, Grand Duke of Lithuania, Tsar of Siberia, Tsar of Tauric Chersonesus, Tsar of Georgia, High Patron of the Russian-American Company; Lord of Pskov, and Grand Prince of Smolensk, Volhynia and Podolia; Prince of Estonia, Livonia, Courland and Semigalia, Samogitia, Białystok, Karelia, Tver, Yugor, Perm, Vyatka, Bogar and others; Sovereign and Grand Prince of Nizhni Novgorod, Chernigov, Ryazan, Polotsk, Rostov, Yaroslavl, Beloozero, Udoria, Obdoria, Kondia, Vitebsk, Mstislav, and Ruler of all the Severian country; Sovereign and Lord of Iveria, Kartalinia, the Kabardian lands and Armenian province: hereditary Sovereign and Possessor of the Circassian and Mountain Princes and of others; Sovereign of Turkestan, titulary Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, Stormarn, Dithmarschen, and Oldenburg, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera, Tsar Nikolai II "

Quick description of Russia in the 20th century

The 19th Century has not been kind to Russia. A succession of pyrrhic victories and dishonorable failures, a century of Tsars unable to resolve the current situation and move Russia into the modern age, a century of instability, vulnerability and volatility. In the 20th century it would seem that few things changed: Tsar Nikolai II, tried passing a number of reforms during his reign and even tried making peace with the revolutionaries, yet to no avail. Immediately after installing new power upon the Duma, Nikolai found that the latter would rarely listen to his wishes and instead engage in senseless squabbles and delirious deliberations. After 3 years of semi constitutionalism, the Tsar hamstrung the Duma in 1923, relying on the army to do so. While this brought temporary peace to the political scene it would not last: as the radicals and revolutionaries engage in all forms of protest, the moderates find themselves unable to work with the current government, and even the military is starting to doubt the Tsar. Russia is walking on a tightrope, and only God may know what fate awaits the empire to come…

A quick description of the current Parties in the Duma

The Social Reformists

The biggest radical party that was in the Duma, the SR, is a big tent composed of different socialist and revolutionary movements. United during the reforms of Nikolai, the party made a solemn oath to refute the use of revolutionary terror. However after the installation of the military dictatorship, the party thought itself to be betrayed by the Tsar with most members encouraging political violence against the tyrannical regime, a fact for which it was quickly thrown out of the Duma. Despite this turbulent history the party managed to keep most of its members and its position as the main revolutionary front in Russia. Of course, this does not mean that the party is fully united, on the contrary the number of factions and movements are a microcosm of Russian politics. We can however identify 3 main factions within the party.

The first are the Narodniki or the Neo-Narodnik as they are sometimes called. This particular brand of socialism looks to the peasants of Russia as the true Martyrs and revolutionaries, citing the struggles of the recently liberating Serfs as the greatest injustice in Russian lands. Willing to compromise with Tsarist authority when Nikolai officially abolished Serfdom, the Narodniki are now calling for a complete overhaul and overthrow of the current system in order to replace it with some form of direct, parliamentary democracy emanating from local peasant councils.

The second wing of the SR is similar yet drastically different. The Tkachevtsi (or weathers) are a faction of socialists, taking the teachings of Pyotr Tkachev for their gospel. A mix of Marxism and Utilitarianism, the Tkachevtsi idea, stipulates that the common people of Russia, poor victims of centuries of slavery and obscurantism are incapable of truly freeing themselves from the shackles of Tyranny, therefore requiring a revolutionary vanguard which would guide them towards a brave new world.

Finally, the 3rd faction is the black sheep of the family: The Freieists. Born in the Berlin clubs of emigres and exiles, the Freieists look upon the Republic in awe and a hint of jealousy. Despite not being a proper socialist ideology these radicals have nonetheless managed to find common ground with the revolutionaries after the shunning of the Duma. Arguing for a Freieism with Russian characteristics, they are also the only faction that receives a constant stream of cash and weapons from Berlin.

In short, the front is united only by their hatred of the current status quo. Should the two headed eagle fall, it is likely that the next enemy of the SR-Front, shall be itself…

The People’s Reprisal

There are reformists, there are Revolutionaries, there are murderers, and then, there is the People’s Reprisal party. Without a doubt the biggest boogeyman in modern Russian politics, the PR party finds its roots in the life and death of Sergey Gennadiyevich Nechayev, a revolutionary without an equal. For Nechayev, a revolutionary is a doomed man, he must ally himself with the savage word of the violent criminal; the only true revolutionary in Russia. He must be merciless to his enemy, the current order and must love only one thing: the revolution. Founded by Nechayev himself, though disbanded and destroyed many times during the last 50 years, the PR takes this credo to heart and is one of the biggest actors on the bloody scene of revolutionary terror. Although their numbers are small (for most revolutionaries are unwilling to stoop to their level), they were identified by the Ohranka as the primary internal threat. That said, much like their more tame comrades, the PR isn’t truly unified, with 2 main factions within the group. The first are the so called Nechayevshchina, members of the PR who not only embrace the violent means of Nechayev but his final vision of a society as well. An organised and meritocratic society, called barrack communism by its detractors. The other part of the PR is the Khlebovoliya , united with the Nechayevshchina in terms of means but disagreeing when it comes to end. Taking some inspiration from the teachings of Kropotkin, the Khlebovoliya believe that the new order must be that of a true anarchy, a society of the truly free, unshackled from any and every sort of tyranny. For now, the ends matter little for the People’s Reprisal for as long as the old order stands, it must be taken down by any means. Brick by brick, stone by stone, corpse by corpse.

The Novembrists

Harkening back to the Novembrist rule during the reign of Emperor Konstantin, the Novembrists search to implement a Constitutional monarchy in Russia. The main moderate reformist party in the Duma, the party has gone a long way since its inception and is now well established in most intellectual circles. Like most Russian parties, the Novembrists are internally divided between those who want to implement the original version of Muravyov’s Constitution, which gave substantial power to the Tsar, while others want to create a unicameral Parliament that would effectively elect its own executive, thus making the Tsar a figurehead.

The Union of September 25th

Originally a party formed to support Nikolai’s reforms, the party is now effectively another part of the opposition, if not by action then by the simple fact that it exists. With the majority of its members having migrated towards the Novembrists or the Moderates, nowadays the party is a conglomeration of industrials, newly minted bourgeoisie and progressive conservatives wishing to restore the Reforms of 1919.

The Moderates

The Yes men of Nikolai, the moderates are the main party in the Duma, guiding it alongside the Tsar wishes. Its members are fully aware of their positions as pawns of the executive and have different justifications for it, ranging from blue-eyed idealism to pure political interests.

And with that, let us move on to the history of the Russian Empire from the 18th century to 1933.

What if the French Revolution never happened? | Fraternité en Rébellion

Bouncing Back (1826-1933)​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

William Randolph Hearst​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

Dwight David Eisenhower​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

John Nance Garner​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

Huey Pierce Long​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

William Dudley Pelley​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

Earl Browder​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

Gerald Lyman Kenneth Smith​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

Wilson Selden Washington​

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933​

Jay Lovestone​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

PoD-1860: Dawn of a New Era​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

1860-1870: And Then the Black Ships Arrived​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

1870-1880​

I. Simmering Tensions and Encroaching Westerners​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

1870-1880​

II. The Drive for Rearmament​

Part A: The Shogunate​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

1870-1880​

II. The Drive for Rearmament​

Part B: The Rebel Domains​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

1870-1880: The Boshin War​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

1882-1913: Solidifying Control​

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

1913-1933: The Modern Shogunate​

​

The Russian Empire​

Introduction​

Quick description of Russia in the 20th century​

A quick description of the current Parties in the Duma​

The Social Reformists​

The People’s Reprisal​

The Novembrists​

The Union of September 25th​

The Moderates​

Bouncing Back (1826-1933)

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

William Randolph Hearst

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Dwight David Eisenhower

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

John Nance Garner

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Huey Pierce Long

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

William Dudley Pelley

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Earl Browder

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Gerald Lyman Kenneth Smith

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Wilson Selden Washington

The Fraternal American States and Her Leaders in 1933

Jay Lovestone

The Tokugawa Shogunate

The Tokugawa Shogunate

PoD-1860: Dawn of a New Era

The Tokugawa Shogunate

1860-1870: And Then the Black Ships Arrived

The Tokugawa Shogunate

1870-1880

I. Simmering Tensions and Encroaching Westerners

The Tokugawa Shogunate

1870-1880

II. The Drive for Rearmament

Part A: The Shogunate

The Tokugawa Shogunate

1870-1880

II. The Drive for Rearmament

Part B: The Rebel Domains

The Tokugawa Shogunate

1870-1880: The Boshin War

The Tokugawa Shogunate

1882-1913: Solidifying Control

The Tokugawa Shogunate

1913-1933: The Modern Shogunate

The Russian Empire

Introduction

Quick description of Russia in the 20th century

A quick description of the current Parties in the Duma

The Social Reformists

The People’s Reprisal

The Novembrists

The Union of September 25th

The Moderates