What if the French Revolution never happened? | Fraternité en Rébellion

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CHAP 21 PART 7 - The Kingdom of Portugal: 1891-1933 [ll]

The Kingdom of Portugal

CHAPTER 21, PART 7

1891-1933 [ll]​

These sentiments were, of course, brutally suppressed by the Portuguese secret police, the PDI (Polícia de Defesa do Império/Empires Defense Police), forcing the movement further underground and further into extremism. Things would continue to go wrong for Portugal when the Dreadnought arm race started, at first the Empire wished to stay neutral, in the hopes of not having to invest that much more in their navy, this would not be the case as, when both the Spanish and Dutch began building up the Empire found itself forced to invest as it became threatened by both of these allied powers, building a fleet behind only the ones of France or England, but this would come st a terrible price, the costs of maintenance of this new fleet compounded with the French Economic Crisis lead the Portuguese economy into a spiraling depression, being one of the countries worst hit by it, due to this it found itself having to enforce increasingly harsher quotas on its colonies in Africa and temporarely haltinf the construction of the Nicaragua Canal, as more and more people in Brazil were elevated into middle class positions the need for cheap labour did not disappear, forcing what became an return to the Atlantic Slave Trade in all but name where Africans were “encouraged” en mass to travel to Brazil to work in the factories and Portugal began investing further in the industrailization and exploitation of its African colonies, a plan created by the economic minister of the Empire, António Vicente Ferreira, but recently atacked by Manuel Rodrigues Júnior and António de Oliveira Salazar, colleagues from the their time at the Centro Académico de Democracia Cristã (CADC) in Coimbra whom had parted ways after their time studying together as Rodrigues began shifting towards liberalism and republicanism while Salazar continued a stauntch authoritarian and monarchist.


The Portuguese would continue on these lines for the rest of the next 20 years, healing themselves from the wounds of the economic collapse and strengthening their economy further. However the Empire would not remain unthreatened, the African peoples began getting more and more unrestful as the policies implemented to heal the Portuguese economy continued in place even after it had fully recovered, the Brazilian Middle Income Trap had not truly been solved and instead fixed with a band-aid solution, while in mainland Portugal the underground Republican Extremists gained more and more support from the youth, especially the ones who had gone to study in Britain to escape the conscription and came back with ideas about revolution and socialism, leading many to wonder if these groups were being supported by the British. But alas, only time will know what the future will bring to Portugal, will it continue as a world power or will it collapse and disappear into the halls of history, only time will tell what the future of the Empire will be.
 
CHAP 22 PART 1 - The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933: King Antonio

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The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933

CHAPTER 22, PART 1

King Antonio of New Granada​

Ideology: Monarchism (Ultraroyalism)​


To his supporters, he is a devoted and brilliant reformer. To his opponents, he is a fickle and extravagant narcissist. King Antonio of New Granada truly is a fascinating figure. Appointed to his position by his aunt, Queen Isabella II of Spain, the first half of Antonio’s reign was marked by the absolutism common throughout Europe, while the other half has seen him as a distant figure who rules through his ministers.


Born into the influential Orleans y Borbón royal family, King Antonio grew up in obscene wealth. His familiarity with opulence led him to becoming quite spoiled, a character trait that has continued to haunt Antonio. He would throw large, lavish parties, living an extravagant life, to the chagrin of his more modest wife, who eventually divorced him in 1912. However, Antonio was also born to be a ruler. From an early age he was groomed to be a leader. His aunt, the same one who appointed him King of New Granada, told her nephew how New Granada’s issues are due to the masses being allowed to rule themselves. In contrast, Antonio had also read some works on liberalism, however he still doubted liberalism’s practicality. It was during this time Antonio’s autocratic beliefs took shape. And autocratic he was.


Upon his ascension to the New Granadan throne, the new King quickly consolidated power. Following his omnipresent aunt’s advice, he quickly dismissed many high-ranking officials from the colonial era of New Granada and disbanded the Audencia, effectively replacing it with a council of eleven ministers that quickly became nothing more than a rubber stamp. Antonio launched a wave of economic reforms, creating a new currency known as the Granadese reales, expanded silver and gold mines to then mint his coins, as well as encouraging further mining to increase trade with Peru. Using his familial connections, King Antonio secured multiple loans that allowed him to rebuild the many ships that had been damaged by the Cucuta earthquake years before. Antonio’s economic reforms brought New Granada out of the recession it had been stuck in and him much praise from his subjects. The praise grew louder, the devotion more widespread, slowly consuming Antonio, who soon began ruling “for the people” to gain more and more praise.


During this phase of his rule, Antonio wanted nothing more than the admiration of his people, and sought to achieve this through modernization. He sold vast swathes of land for the construction of railroads, ordered the purchase of modern weaponry and ships for the army and navy respectively, hired foreign officers from across North America to train his soldiers, and began plans to build a canal across his Panamanian territories (though this fell apart when the expedition sent to scout Panama either returned sick, or worse didn’t return at all).


The last change in Antonio’s rulership came at the height of his glory, when he ordered the construction of a sprawling network of public libraries at the advice of his ministers. Antonio expected more praise, more admiration, more devotion from his subjects, yet his project got little to no attention. This led him to become apathetic and distant, leaving most of the responsibilities to his ministers and his son, Prince Alfonso. His ministers had been given more freedom to push for more change (as long as it wasn’t too radical of course), which they did, allowing for local elections and permitting a gradual liberalization. At the same time, Prince Alfonso has used his charisma and connections within the media to maintain Antonio’s image as a father of the nation, as well as using his diplomatic skills to mediate conflicts between New Granada and the Republic of Venezuela. Now, Antonio continues to sit on his throne, admired by his people even through his indifference, wishing for nothing more than for his subjects to worship him.
 
CHAP 22 PART 2 - The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933: Luis Vidales

The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933

CHAPTER 22, PART 2

Luis Vidales​

Ideology: Radical Republicanism (Actionism)​


The exact year Luis Vidales was born is not known. His official records state he was born in 1904, the year he was baptised. On the other hand, his radical liberal and Freemason family claim he was born in 1900, and it is possible their beliefs had prevented Vidales from being baptised for four years (and also influenced his own political ideas). What is known, however, is that Vidales is an incredible writer. His first and most famous work, Suenan timbres, or Bells Ring, was an incredibly divisive piece. It was celebrated by the avant-garde community and liberals as a show against tradition, while conservatives despised the book and her author. Vidales was attacked in many instances by angered traditionalists, to the point that he was forced to carry a heavy silver cane with him for self-defense.


Before his rise to fame, however, Vidales was nothing more than an accountant at a large bank. Vidales despised his job, and he would regularly write poetry instead of doing work. This disinterest landed him in trouble with his superiors, and soon he was let go. After this embarrassment, Vidales went to work at a newspaper firm as an editor, which he enjoyed a bit more. It was during these years that Vidales came into contact with many other liberal intelligentsia, from chroniclers to cartoonists, and with them he formed the literary circle known as Los Nuevos, or “The New Ones”. The group soon organized their own newspaper, with Vidales being the director instead of contributing his own works.


These years helped Vidales develop many of the leadership skills he now must use following his victory in the elections. With this triumph, Vidales now finally has the opportunity to put Actionism and its ideas into effect in South America, creating a tolerant society where every individual sacrifices a part of his individuality for his or her nation, while building a strong state to protect the people’s rights.
 
CHAP 22 PART 3 - The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933: María Cano

The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933

CHAPTER 22, PART 3

María Cano​

Ideology: Socialism (Popularism)​


María Cano, the first non-royal woman to gain considerable power in a South American nation, has for many years had much influence within New Granada. Born in the liberal hotbed of Medellin, Cano was educated in secular schools rather than Catholic ones like most, and from an early age was a rebellious child. Like many other leftist radicals, Cano pursued a literary career, writing poetry for liberal magazines. She was also very active in her community, always volunteering and donating. Her activism gained her much support from the poor of Medellin, who would regularly listen to her poems. One of her greatest achievements at this time was convincing the city government of Medellin to create a public library in 1910, three years before King Antonio began his national public library project. Cano also became affiliated with radical circles in unions, and it was during this period she finally openly embraced socialism.

As she became more political, so did her writing. She abandoned writing for artistic reasons, instead writing powerful speeches and essays, demanding better rights for workers and equal rights for women. She would visit factories and farms, and later give speeches to large crowds in the cities, detailing the mistreatment of workers, and would regularly call for better working conditions for the people. However, these rallies would be frequently broken up by police, and her activism landed her in trouble with the law many times, as her life became a cycle of arrest, activism, and arrest again.

However, now Cano has broken this cycle, as her activism has paid off and given her influence over a large portion of not just the New Granadan labor movement, but the government itself. The “Labor Flower of New Granada” now seeks to reform the country into a blooming utopian socialist state, promising more rights to workers and women, as well as greater economic and gender equality.
 
CHAP 22 PART 4 - The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933: Ismael Perdomo Borrero

The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933

CHAPTER 22, PART 4

Ismael Perdomo Borrero​

Ideology: Theocracy (Theodemocracy)​


If one were asked to find the most devout Catholic in all of New Granada, everyone would say the name “Ismael Perodomo Borrero”. Born in the small town of Gigante near the jungles of the Amazon, Borrero had dreams of becoming a priest from an early age, as he was raised in an incredibly devout household. He attended school in the nearby city of Neiva, and went to Bogotá for his religious studies. He excelled in his classes, and as such was invited to Rome to continue his ecclesial schooling. Upon gaining a Doctorate of Sacred Theology, he immediately returned to Neiva to become a priest. There, he gained a reputation for being an incredible and emotional speaker, with his sermons moving even the coldest man. His talents got the attention of church officials in both New Granada and Rome, leading to one promotion after another, from Bishop of Ibagué to finally the Archbishop of Bogotá.


During his tenure as Archbishop, the name Borrero became synonymous with the word “charitable”, as he aggressively sponsored altruistic initiatives aimed at helping the poor of Bogotá. He also helped set up more parishes around the Kingdom as well as guiding young priests, becoming a mentor of many. This earned him the love of all Catholics not just in the city but across all of New Granada, as he quickly became the role model of all the devout.


However, the rise of the Egoists, whose rhetoric of destroying all traditions, alarmed Borrero. He quickly began organizing the faithful under the banner of Catholicism and morality, continuing to use his incredible speaking abilities to get more to his side. Eventually, after consolidating his support base, he finally toppled the anarchical Egoists. Now, Borrero can create a perfect society, returning New Granada to her Catholic roots.
 
CHAP 22 PART 5 - The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933: Gilberto Vieira

The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933

CHAPTER 22, PART 5

Gilberto Vieira
Ideology: Materialism (Maximalism)

Gilberto Vieira, born in 1911, is only a young man, however he has been able to outmaneuver all of his opponents to become the leader of the Comuna de Nueva Granada. Even with his young age, Vieira is an incredibly experienced leader, and his calls for negotiations with conservatives rather than violence has garnered him respect from many.

Like many other leftists, Vieira was born in Medellín, a large and vibrant city known for being a liberal hotbed. As such, from a young age Vieira was exposed to liberalism and its ideas, mainly equality, freedom, and democracy. Early on in his life, he was a proponent of liberal democracy, but during a trip to Prussia, Vieira’s views changed. He came into contact with a circle of Marxist writers, who preached to the young Vieira the ideas of workers’ liberation. From that point on, Vieira was a devout communist. Upon returning to New Granada in 1930, he joined the underground communist party, causing much friction with the city and university administrations. He was almost thrown out of university multiple times, and was shot in the arm during a police raid on a communist meeting. However, all of this did not deter the young student, who had risen to the highest echelons of the party by 1932. He became a member of the council of his hometown Medellín, helped reorganize unions, and led multiple strikes. All of this was done when he was just barely older than 20.

A powerful speaker and experienced leader, Vieira has fought his way to the helm of the Comuna de Nueva Granada. The new leader has made his intentions of creating a communist state clear to all. He has declared that New Granada shall be shaped based on Karl Marx’s original vision, a communist and democratic state for the worker, by the worker.
 
CHAP 22 PART 6 - The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933: Enrique Olaya Herrera

The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933

CHAPTER 22, PART 6

Enrique Olaya Herrera​

Ideology: Liberal Reformism (Americanism)​


To most men, the most important thing to them is God, country, and family. While these are all important to Enrique Olaya Herrera, he values one thing above all: liberty. As such, Olaya Hererra has been described as a pragmatist, adapting his beliefs to what he believes will best ensure the people are free.


Born in the small town of Guateque, located in the plateaus of the Altiplano Cundiboyacense, he grew up with his parents and two brothers in poverty. His parents were illiterate peasants, and the entire family would be seen attending public schools together, much to the embarrassment of the children of the Olaya Herrera family. However, things began rapidly taking a turn for the family as Olaya Herrera began pursuing journalism. At only 12, he set up a local newspaper, known as El Patriota, or “The Patriot”, which gave him the epithet “Child Journalist”. Olaya Herrera began developing a distinct writing style which garnered him much respect, which eventually led him into a prestigious law school in Bogota. There, he continued his journalism, heading the creation of the school’s first newspaper. After finishing law school, Olaya Herrera continued his studies, this time abroad. He attended a university in Berlin, from which he earned a degree in diplomacy and sociology.


Upon finishing his studies, Olaya Herrera returned to a New Granada that was rapidly recovering and liberalizing under King Antonio (or rather, Antonio’s son and ministers). However, this liberalization was too slow and too little in Olaya Herrera’s eyes, who joined the Liberal Party. Initially just a writer for the party newspaper, his unique style of writing as well as his bravery on covering controversial issues gave him a series of promotions as well as a few run-ins with the law, though these did not go anywhere further than a simple lock-up for the night. After becoming the head of the newspaper, Olaya Herrera then decided to run for office, winning mayorship of the liberal city of Popayan. His rapid reforms garnered him the attention of both supporters and opponents, the former celebrating him and the latter constantly trying to take him down. After his term was up, Olaya Herrera ascended to leader of the party, navigating it through New Granada’s elections and finally coming out on top. Most credit Olaya Herrera’s victory due to his pragmatism and centrist stance, as many moderates are afraid of the radical parties who sought electoral victory. Now, holding the reins of government, Olaya Herrera is ready to guide New Granada into an age of liberal democracy.
 
CHAP 22 PART 7 - The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933: Biófilo Panclasta

The Kingdom of New Granada and her leaders in 1933

CHAPTER 22, PART 7

Biófilo Panclasta​

Ideology: Anarchism (Mutualism)​


Born Vicente Rojas Lizcano, he is far better known as Biófilo Panclasta, Lover of Life and Enemy of All, Liberator of New Granada to the anarchists. Hailing from the small town of Chinácota, Panclasta grew up in poverty. Both of his parents were working class, and as such he had little time for school in his early life, being forced to work small jobs to support his family.


It was during one such job, a farmhand at a large estate, that Panclasta began to embrace anarchism. The children of the landowners would constantly harass Panclasta while he toiled in their fields, even throwing rocks at him on one occasion. The juxtaposition of the landowners and their children, all clean and groomed, with him and the other laborers, dirty and exhausted, made him question any and all authority. After quitting the job, Panclasta continued to develop his anarchist ideology when he came into contact with radical factions from the neighboring Republic of Venezuela.


Eventually, Panclasta was able to save up enough money to get himself into a school, from which he was promptly expelled and almost arrested after publishing a piece in the school newspaper in which he denounced the King and all government. Following his expulsion, Panclasta began educating himself, stealing books from libraries and teaching himself how to read and write, as well as arithmetic, science and philosophy. Panclasta once again took on many jobs during this period of time to make ends meet. However, he left this life behind of working for others, instead fleeing to the jungles between New Granada and the Republic of Venezuela, where he joined one of the many bandit groups in the region. This was the life he truly wanted; in the jungles of South America, there are no gods and there are no masters. But Panclasta once again abandoned this lifestyle, returning to New Granada and settling in Medellin, a hub of liberalism. He began working with multiple trade unions and worked as an editor at a fringe anarchist newspaper. It was during this time he took on the pseudonym Biófilo Panclasta. However, his calls for the workers to throw off the chains of wage slavery and government landed Panclasta in jail multiple times, from where he continued to write, with him authoring a large collection of works that have since become influential in the New Granadan anarchist movement.


Panclasta, now with growing influence in New Granada, seeks to steer it into an anarchist society, one where the individual is valued above all. One where there is no state to oppress and no parasite to prosper. One where every man, woman, and child is truly free!
 
CHAP 23 PART 1 - The Mexican Empire: Gusts of Independence
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The Mexican Empire in 1933!

Though it has gone by many names, Mexico City has long been the seat of empire on the American continent. It is no different now as it ever has been, the Mexican Empire holding dominion over much of the southern reaches of North America. However, the Imperial throne remains empty, the Empress having died without any heir. With power up for grabs, anyone can make a stab at the seat of power in Mexico City.
Para dios y el imperio!

Gusts of Independence

CHAPTER 23, PART 1

Tensions rose between the administrative government in Spain and the local colonial government in Mexico over matters of taxation and jurisdiction. As many landed elites now have an established base of wealth, many see no more need for the Spanish yoke. The subject of Spanish taxation of New Spain becomes a major issue in the colony, especially among the rich and powerful. In addition to this, New Spain suffered a series of ineffective and corrupt colonial viceroys.


A secret pact is signed between high ranking members of Mexican nobility and elites, hoping to prop up the notable Mexican General Augustín de Iturbide as a strong and suitable Emperor when the time comes. However, Augustin de Iturbide pushed for finding a suitable European prince to become emperor. Eventually, in the spring of 1845, a convention was held between high ranking clergymen, military generals, and aristocrats among the inner circles of the brewing revolution. The purpose? To find a ruler suitable to invite to the throne of Mexico. After months of hard deliberation, the members of the convention sent a letter on the 8th of October to the 16 year old Maximilian von Habsburg- a letter that would change the course of Mexican history.


The young Habsburg prince was fascinated with the letter that had arrived for him on a crisp November morning. Him, Emperor of Mexico? He had little possibility of inheriting the ancestral throne in Austria, he knew where his father’s preferences lay. With this in mind, Maximilian von Habsburg penned the first strokes of the letter that would turn him into Maximilian I de México. Two months later, Maximilian stepped off a ship in Veracruz, and he was met with appropriate fanfare. In shadowy halls in Mexico city, an arrangement was worked out between the prince and Augustin de Iturbide, de-facto head of the brewing revolution. Maximilian would rule as he saw fit, with Augustin de Iturbide acting as regent and advisor to the young Emperor, in order to help him understand some of the unique aspects of ruling a foreign Empire, Terms were agreed upon, hands were shaken, and contracts were signed. In a smokey room three blocks west of the Viceroy’s palace, the fate of Mexico was decided.


On the 7th of March, 1846, the first Mexican Empire was proclaimed. In the old seat of nations, a new imperial throne was cast. It is said that upon Maximilian’s signing of the declaration of Mexican sovereignty, Regent Augustín de Iturbide uttered the famous words “Today, I awoke as an old Spanish general swearing loyalty to an Austrian Prince. Tomorrow, I, our Emperor, and all our people shall awaken as Mexicans!”


Fighting an independence war with Spain, the Mexican Empire benefited from the divided attention of the Spanish military, already suppressing uprisings in New Grenada. Although they bore the brunt of Spanish wrath, the Mexican army was commanded well. Emperor Maximilian delegated his duties as commander of the army to Augustín, as he saw him as a fit leader. The majority of Spain’s military assault came from the south as fighting in Centroamerica escalated. Spanish blockades of Mexican ports proved a constant struggle throughout the war, as Mexico’s navy was next to nonexistent; the few ships which they managed to procure before the outbreak of war were universally outdated and understaffed.


After a long war- aided by the Republic of Venezuela- Mexico officially signed a treaty securing independence on September 3rd, 1850. With claims to empire in league with those of Europe, the new imperial seat in Mexico City now sought to prove the validity of New World Royalty among the stately courts of the old.
 
CHAP 23 PART 2 - The Mexican Empire: The Maximilian Period

The Maximilian Period​

CHAPTER 23: "The Mexican Empire"
PART 2


With the ascendancy of Emperor Maximilian I de México to the throne and the ending of the Mexican war of Independence, the Empire began to prosper. After the war, Maximilian I appointed Augustín de Iturbide as his Councillor, an official advisory role. Councillor Augustín’s Guidance in ruling the people of Mexico was vital in establishing the early successes of the Empire, as Maximilian himself often chafed against what he saw as issues in Mexican society. Chief among these was the caste system, the politics of which were fully alien to the Emperor.


Maximilian turned his attention to the immediate defense of Mexico. Soon after the war, he officially recognized the local militias that had helped the Empire secure victory. Throughout his early reign, Maximilian made several liberal decisions to the structure of the Empire. Mexico City was less the overlord of Mexico and more an administrative center of the empire. Local affairs were mainly sorted by townships and cities themselves. Maximilian sought to bring the Empire of Mexico up to the standards of Europe at the time, and as such invested Imperial funds into infrastructure projects across the Empire. The caste of Mexican nobility were not altogether displeased by this, as Maximilian’s taxes were much lower than those of the Spanish crown, and they could at least see their taxes at work.


The Imperial Court became an institution in which the most powerful noble families and provincial Governors were granted advisory positions, with the Councillor acting as a form of appointed Prime Minister. Although the court had no real power and was subject to the Emperor’s will, Maximilian often listened closely to the court’s opinions and advice. In addition to these reforms, the Emperor opened up the country to immigration in an attempt to boost the Empire’s workforce. However, many European immigrants found the caste system restrictive, and the Peninsulares chafed against the waves of immigration.


On the 5th of November, 1855, Augustin de Iturbide died of natural causes. Maximillian declared the date of his passing a public day of mourning for the popular advisor. Much of the populace saw Augustin as the man who truly won the war of independence for Mexico, and was wildly popular as a result. As such, Maximilian appointed his son, Salvador de Iturbide, as his Councillor. During the reign of Maximilian, this position had become cemented as the Emperor’s main road of communication with the various noble estates. Maximilian also adopted the Iturbide heir, Salvador II de Iturbide, as his own. By this point it had become clear to the Emperor that he was not to have children of his own. By this, Salvador II would be known as Salvador de Iturbide y México, more commonly referred to as Salvador de México.


Over time, the caste system shifted to accommodate the realities of an independant Mexico. The distinction between Peninsulares and Criollos narrowed, especially as European immigration, mainly from countries other than Spain, began to shift public perspective on European-born whites. Due to this, the distinction between Peninsulares and Criollos became one of primarily landownership and economic class. The caste of Peninsulares became that of the various noble families of Mexico, along with other notable landowners and rich whites. The new Peninsulares styled themselves as ‘proper’ Europeans, often following the fashions and trends of Spanish nobility, and the Criollos became the caste of poor whites. Many of the more complicated distinctions within the caste system were dropped over time, as lineage became more difficult to trace, but the prejudice that mixed-race, native, and african individuals faced did not diminish.


As the power of Mexico’s neighbors grew, their economy stagnated. Forced into a horrible position, by 1885 the Mexican economy suffered a massive economic crash. The prices of cash crops such as coffee and sugarcane bottomed out as Spanish colonies began to produce these essential crops in higher volumes and at cheaper cost. In response, Mexican landowners either sold off their unprofitable plots or upped production of these crops to keep up. Due to this, field workers were often not able to grow enough crops for themselves, leading to localized famines across Mexico. These farmers then fled from rural areas to find jobs in the cities. However, many of the urban jobs relied on a steady stream of cash crops by import or domestic production. The war between the British Republic and American Republic in this time led to a lack of cheap import resources from the two nations, and many businesses could not sustain themselves in this state. Larger farms began to default on their loans, small farmers who picked up to move to big cities put a strain on city infrastructure and housing, and many staple employers and businesses in those cities defaulted on their loans as well. Maximilian I tried to take desperate action in these times, but he could only slow the fall. With the country in economic ruin, the Mexican Empire in 1889 was a sitting duck, prime for the taking.


In the fall of 1889, the Fraternal American States (FAS) declared war on the Mexican Empire. It was less war than it was slaughter, as the newest horrors of mechanized scientific warfare were unleashed upon the Mexican Army by the Republicans and Fraternalists alike. The Mexican army managed to hold off the FAS forces at the border for a short time. While they did receive training in modern warfare by the British Republic throughout the war, the intent behind this was to stall the FAS and American Republic for as long as possible. The British had no favor for the Mexicans themselves, they simply wished to earn a favorable enough position to claim some land for themselves.


The Empire’s reliance on local militias to defend their lands proved fatal in this war, as the technologically superior FAS weaponry cut through the civilian arms of the militiamen. The newest innovation in warfare, the armored car, wreaked havoc on Imperial forces, cutting through swaths of militiamen and trained soldiers alike. By 1891 the Mexican Empire had been defeated thoroughly, and forced into a state of total surrender. In the eventual treaty, their lands in Alta and Baja California were ceded to the British forces, who set up a protectorate to administer the region. Fraternal American States took the region of Texas for themselves, along with a treaty port to the pacific, and rights to a railroad running from the port to their territory.
 
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CHAP 23 PART 3 - The Mexican Empire: An Empire Broken

An Empire Broken​

CHAPTER 24: "The Mexican Empire"
PART 3


The humiliating defeat of the Mexican Empire in the Great North American War stirred a great resentment within the Mexican people. The loss of vast swathes of land to the FAS and British Republic bore down on postwar Mexico. War reparations were light, however they still throttled the already stagnant economy of Mexico. The most devastating loss to the people of Mexico, however, was that of Emperor Maximilian. Despite urging by his advisors, he abdicated the Imperial throne not long after the war, stating “It is clear that I have failed the people of Mexico. In this time, they need a strong Emperor, and I have grown weak with age.” The First Emperor sank out of the public light, and Salvador II de Iturbide ascended to the throne at the age of 41. Salvador I de Iturbide disappears from the historical record at the time of his son’s ascendancy to the throne, and it is not known what happened to him.


Salvador II did not appoint another Councilor after his father, merging the position with the Imperial throne. The Imperial court raised objections to this, seeing it as a gross overreach of power. In response, Salvador II disbanded the court indefinitely, citing the present state of the Empire as reason to reorganize the Imperial Government. However, many of the noble families still had back door dealings with the Emperor to achieve special privileges. Salvador clamped down on the autonomy of many Imperial provinces, often replacing governors who disagreed with him. Amongst the populace of Mexico an idea grew. The people started to talk of removing the Emperor, and replacing him with a more liberal one such as Maximilian. This new faction began to call themselves “Maximilianos”.


During this time, the Portugese took interest in Mexico as a useful political and military ally to help curb Spanish expansionism in the Americas. With the weakened state of the Empire, Salvadore II was much more open to signing a military pact with Portugal than he would be, were the Empire at its prior extent. In addition to the military assistance, the Portugese provided aid in the construction of infrastructure and some industry in exchange for exclusive resource rights to a large portion of Mexican oil production, along with preferential trading agreements regarding the Mexican mining industry. One of the infrastructure projects proposed by the Portugese was the Nicaragua Canal, started in the early 1890s and slated to be finished in the 1920s. Unfortunately, the Nicaragua Canal was never completed, as civil unrest and eventual Portugese economic troubles left the project unfinished.


September 8th 1896. It was revealed that Maximilian I had died in his retreat. Instantly, rumors that the Emperor had him killed abounded. Even though they had no basis in reality, a rumor cannot be stopped after this fact. Maximilian’s death split the Maximilianos. Some wished for Salvador’s young daughter to take the throne, seeing her as a better choice than the man who was believed to have murdered Maximilian I, while the nobles saw her as little more than a puppet for a councillor from one of their families. Many Mexicans had, however, become disillusioned with the Empire, and wished to put an end to the tyranny of the monarchy. As the supporters of a republic continued to grow in secret, their common practice of disguising themselves as corn farmers and hiding stockpiled weapons in their shipments earned them the name of the Maizistas.


February 14th 1898. The sounds of revolution echoed through the streets of Mexico City; screams, gunshots, and rallying cries. A banner unfurled above the palace, and with it the first Republic of Mexico was declared. The imperial family of Mexico fled weeks prior, when word of the coming revolution caught wind to the capitol. The Emperor of Mexico himself refused to leave his palace, vowing to never submit to the revolutionaries. In a hidden room at the Imperial Retreat, the Emperor’s only daughter, Maria Josepha Sophia de Itrubide, was crowned the Empress of Mexico.


On the 7th of March 1898, Francisco Madero, acting president of the Republic of Mexico, stepped up from his simple wooden desk in a corner of the Imperial throne room. By this time, the revolution had erupted across much of the southern regions of the Empire, with revolutionaries and revolts rising up from Nicaragua to Mexico City. Madero thinks of his successes as he stands in front of the ex-imperial palace to address the people of Mexico City. He stands, garbed in a black suit, before the crowd and delivers his speech. He speaks of the Mexican War of Independence, and laments the power of the royalists. He speaks of Mexico as a land which had its soul repressed and potential squandered by European monarchs and disloyal oligarchs. He talks of how the regime of Salvadore II had sold Mexico herself to the man in Lisbon. He tells of a Mexico free from all this, the Mexico he dreams of. His speech is published in newspapers across the country and abroad, dubbed “Madero’s Independence”.


Maria’s first action as empress was to send out diplomats to the great monarchies of the world, and ask for their aid. A representative of the Portugese crown promised aid to the Mexican Empire. The main reason for the Portugese involvement in the war effort is their investment in the Mexican economy, and the essential role that Mexican oil plays in maintaining the Portugese economy and military, along with the unfinished project of the Nicaraguan canal. One noble of the Habsburg name lent his aid, on one condition: Marriage to the empress. Upon hearing this, Empress Maria I agreed, and Baron Johann Tunkl von Habsburg was married to her, becoming the Prince of Mexico on April 21st 1898.


July 13th 1898. President Madero manages to obtain a secret bill of support from the British Republic. A second rebellion erupts in the north, funded by British agents acting through California. While they managed to push south initially, loyalist militias soon halted their advances. The militias were not the only ones fighting against the revolution. By order of Maria I, the Imperial Guard was expanded from those who protected the throne to a military organization under the direct control of the Empress. At its inception the Imperial guard consisted of the Austrian forces sent to assist the Empress, bolstered by whichever able-bodied men could be found and drafted into its ranks. At the behest of the Empress the guard swept south, fighting bloody battles against the revolutionary forces along the way. In the end, Portugese, Austrian, Mexican blood was enough to push the tide of the civil war in favor of the new Empress. Royalty was not The Empress’s only aid during the civil war. Many villages, towns, and cities reformed the local militias of the Great North American War in order to fight for the crown.


June 28th 1902. The revolution lay in tatters, crushed after a long and arduous fight against Imperial forces. President Madero managed to flee the country before Imperial forces took Mexico City, fleeing across the border into California, seeking refuge from their government. His vice-president, however, was not as lucky. Captured making his way north as well, Pino Suárez was swiftly tried, found guilty, and executed, the only public hanging in Mexico City in the history of the Empire.
 
CHAP 23 PART 4 - The Mexican Empire: The Reign of Maria

The Reign of Maria​

CHAPTER 24: "The Mexican Empire"
PART 4


Although the Revolution had been brought down, the conditions that caused it still remained. As one of her first acts in peacetime, Empress Maria I formalized the local militias into a national fighting force, subordinate to the imperial guard but legally distinct from it. In addition to this, the empress reinstituted and continued the economic and infrastructural reforms of the Maximilian period.


Empress Maria I also reformed the Imperial court into a formal entity, with appointed officials representing each one of the thirty-six provinces of the empire. In some provinces the position was given to a trusted official, close to the governor; in others the position was elected; in Mexico City specifically the governor of the province always appointed the elected mayor to the position. In addition, twenty positions in the court were reserved for members of the clergy, each appointed by the archbishop of one of Mexico’s Ecclesiastical provinces. The position of Councillor was given to a trusted Court member who would speak for the court as a whole to the Empress. The Court would also regularly decide upon a member of its ranks to hold the title of Councillor and Speaker for the Court. Political divides in Mexican society begin to formally crystalize as concrete political parties in the new Imperial Court of Advisors. The Maximilianos became a party of liberal crown loyalists.


As an act of good faith towards the people of Mexico, and in a bid to earn good favor with the more reformist elements of the Court, Empress Maria Josepha Sophia legally abolished the caste system. This action seemed to have no immediate consequence, with those once in the lower castes of the system still facing much discrimination for their heratage. Caste lines would, however, begin to disappear, although the Empress’s act of good faith would not be the main reason for this trend.


The majority of Empress Maria’s reign was characterized as a time of slow rebuilding from the two wars that had laid waste to much of Mexican society. During this period, much of the new industrial and infrastructural development came from Portugese and Austrian interests, as it was much cheaper to do business in Mexico for the Portugese, and the Austrans held a similarly favored position to the crown. However, this glut of oreign ownership of Mexican industry led to a growing resentment of the forign business-owning class by the local Mexican workers and aristocracy alike. At first, those in Mexico’s working class were simply happy to have stable employment, but eventually those under foreign companies grew to resent the power held over them by those who seemed to treat Mexico and her people as a colonial possession once again. In addition, the aristocrats saw this new powerful class of foreigners as a threat to their old order.


Between the onslaught from the north in the Great North American War, and the national crucible that was the Mexican Civil War, a national identity had begun to crystalize in the people of Mexico. For much of its life the people of the Empire had not viewed her as the nation to which they belonged, but simply as the taxmen, the Imperial family, and the occasional patrol of Imperial forces. However, in ten short years, all of this had changed. The Imperial government became a larger force in the daily lives of its citizens, with numerous infrastructural and industrial projects backed by the crown.


However, Mexico would not remain stable for long. Prince Johann, after a period of declining health, would die of polio on January 18th 1931. Empress Maria herself would die in her sleep soon after, on September 9th 1932. With Empress Maria Josepha Sophia now dead, the question of succession is at the forefront of Mexican society. The royalists have been agitating for inviting the son of the Austrian Kaiser, Maximilian, Duke of Hohenberg, to the throne. On the other side of the coin republican sentiment is growing, with many saying that now is the perfect time to simply not appoint a claimant to the Imperial throne. Some wish to invite Madero, president in exile, to lead this new republic once more, while yet others believe that the first republic did not go far enough, opting for a people’s republic under the helm of Emiliano Zapata.


A provisional Interregnum Council, commonly referred to as the IRC, was formed by the four most powerful individuals in Mexico City, Councillor of the Imperial Court Venustiano Carranza, General of the Imperial Guard Plutarco Elías Calles, Governor of Mexico City José Manuel Puig Casauranc, and Bishop Luis María Martínez of the Metropolitan Archdiocese of Mexico. The IRC has been in deadlock on the position of appointing a new Emperor since its formation. Those supporters of the Imperial line show this ineptitude as the reason why the Empire needs a strong Emperor, republicanist agitators use the current situation to denounce the royal institution, and a certain charismatic general sees this as the golden opportunity to strengthen his hold on the country.
 
CHAP 24 PART 1 - Europe in 1933: Europa Caput Mundi
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Europe in 1933
What if the French Revolution never happened?


Europa Caput Mundi​

CHAPTER 24, PART 1

Europe
, the Old Continent, home of the world’s foremost Great Powers, is undoubtedly the political, economic and military center of the world. Fates of entire lands and nations thousands of miles away are decided from the chancelleries of Paris, Vienna, Madrid or London. For centuries now, this has been the status quo of the world: the Europeans’ quest for Empire knew no bounds in the past, when the dark and unknown corners of the world were being charted. Back then, daring explorers ventured into uncharted seas, while brave conquistadors claimed faraway realms for their sovereigns. The First Age of Colonialism gave Europe its first hegemons, in the form of the Iberian Empires of Portugal and Spain. As their power reached its zenith, the new trading empire of the Netherlands made its way onto the world stage, bringing with it the ushering of a globalised economy. Meanwhile, the ancient rivals France and Britain too had started amassing colonial possessions, competing for the land and people of North America in numerous wars.


In the end however, the bravery of the pioneers and the cunning of the traders had to make way for the ultimate force of empire-building, the defining trait of a Great Power in the Modern Age: the power of industry. From the late 18th Century, the Industrial Revolution first took off in Britain, followed shortly thereafter by France. Slowly but steadily, these two giants, propelled by their old rivalry and growing prosperity, came to eclipse all other empires of the world. They expanded into Africa and Asia, building dominions of unmatched size and extending their authority on multiple continents. Further inland, the Austrian Empire found new glory in the modern era and cemented its position of hegemony in Central Europe. To the east, Russia constantly grew and still grows, with its immense natural and demographic resources yet to be fully harnessed by the Tsar. To the south, the Ottoman Empire is now bedridden, with its diagnosis severe: in the Modern Age, the “Sick Man of Europe” is only a shadow of its former self.


Let us now take a dive into this peculiar yet enthralling world, and embark on the shores of revolution.

How We Got Here​

The current geopolitical outlook of Europe traces its beginning in the destructive Nine Years’ War (1821-1830), which saw France reverse the fortunes of the earlier Seven Years’ War(1756-1763), denying Britain a chance to entrench itself as hegemon and thus maintaining parity throughout the 19th century. In essence, the alliance blocs have remained the same since the Seven Years’ War, with Britain and Prussia battling France, Spain and Austria for global supremacy. The French Alliance won the last round and the dynamics of Balance of Power have prevented another major war, but it has been more than one century since the two sides met in battle, and tensions are mounting... Furthermore, the politics of the 20th century are no longer those of the 18th or 19th centuries: Both Britain and Prussia have been swept by the fervour of the Revolution, and stand nowadays as proud republics, openly challenging the millenia-old status quo of an Europe still largely absolutist and monarchic. Britain’s monarchy crumbled following longstanding popular dissent against the costly ventures in the Nine Years’ War and the Crimean War. Britain had a longstanding parliamentary tradition, and as such the transition to a republican government was swift and orderly. The 19th century was especially harsh to Prussia: first being devastated in the Nine Years’ War, it also suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Austrians in the 1860s, followed by decades of aftershocks caused by the violent 1878 Revolution. Only after the dawn of the 20th century did Prussia truly recover its stability. Perhaps due to their different “founding myths”, Prussian and British republican traditions are markedly different.


Meanwhile, the monarchist powers did their best to adapt to the realities and ideas of the Modern Age: France pioneered a syncretism between Enlightenment thought and the institution of the monarchy, championing Enlightened Absolutism. Austria tried to follow suit, but more often than not ended up using force to quell dissent. Its “Bloody Decade” (1870-1880) stands testament to the iron will of Metternich-Bach neo-absolutism. The Iberian Empires are struggling to keep up in a constantly evolving world, as the colonies are slowly but surely outgrowing their founders and begin raising questions of representation and sovereignty. Russia has perhaps grown too fast for its own good, and now bloated autocratic administration and slow technological progress are all hampering its development, to say nothing of new-found ideological and national radicalism within its borders. The Ottomans faced similar problems, but amplified tenfold. It remains to be seen whether they will be able to survive their precarious state.
 
CHAP 24 PART 2 - Europe in 1933: France and Britain: The Ancestral Rivalry

France and Britain: The Ancestral Rivalry​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 2



One the western edges of the Continent, two giants stare down one another, ancient rivals, their distaste for each other separated only by a narrow channel. One the mainland, the Enlightened Kingdom of France; on the Isles, the Glorious British Republic. Their millennium-spanning duel could not be contained to the mere confines of the Old World and, throughout the last centuries, has spread across the entire globe. The two empires tower above the other great powers in both power and prestige.


The last spar between the two powers occurred during the Nine Years’ War: a destructive war fought on four continents with every major player of Europe as a combatant. After nine years of bloodshed, battles and glory, France emerged victorious while Britain was forced to give up some of its colonies. This conflict would define the paths for both nations throughout the 19th century. France entered long decades of prosperity and wealth and would continue its long path towards centralisation and cementation of the State’s authority: an enlightened absolute monarchy ruling for the people (though not by the people). Britain on the other hand, though still abundant with riches and on the forefront of the Industrial Revolution, was less stable: suffering one crisis after another, the people started to blame the Crown for their woes. In 1862, after years of pyrrhic campaigns in the Crimean War and the untimely death of Queen Victoria, a revolt spearheaded by the liberal House of Commons abolished the ancient monarchy and proclaimed the British Republic.


Despite their seemingly antithetic positions, the old order and the new, the two powers had a similar track record throughout the 19th century. Both engaged in a scientific and industrial race trying to outproduce and outsmart the other in the field of mechanical modernity. Both expanded their influence through colonial conquest and domination: Africa, Asia, Americas. No continent was spared the boundless rivalry between the two. And, of course, neither could ever show weakness on the military front: new rifles and new tactics for the troops, an ever growing arsenal of ever bigger warships, even the realms hitherto untouched by man became home for their rivalry: the heights of the Troposphere and the depths of the ocean became home for the powers to show new and exciting weapons of destruction. Ultimately, both had to pay a price for their boundless avarice...


In recent years both countries have been facing internal troubles: In Britain, another lost war in the 1890s led to a mounting tide of radical thought, culminating in the conservative government quelling socialist strikes with brute force. The event became known as the Bloody Third, a lingering memory in the Republic even thirty years later. In France, the “Golden Century” came to an abrupt end with the scandal of 1901, a mere pebble which triggered an avalanche of repression, depression and paranoia; crowned by the “anti-corruption crusades” of Charles XI, a de facto purge of all internal enemies. And even if Charles XI’s body is buried 6 feet under, his spirit still haunts the French society.


In 1933, the two Titans stand at a precipice: Britain is at a crossroads, forced to choose between splendid isolation or internationalism, especially as the struggling British economy is incapable to keep up with the voracious Dreadnought Race and the voters once again look to the more radical option in the upcoming elections. France's current situation wholly depends on the newly coronated Charles XII. The king is well liked and can reconcile the fractured nation. Yet if he falls, the throne will pass to Dauphin Jacques, the son of the Spanish monarch. At best, he is young and inexperienced; at worst, a puppet of his father and a Spaniard through and through. The ancient laws are clear in that “no foreign prince can wear the French crown”. Jacques has indeed renounced his formal claims and ties to the Spanish Throne, but whether he is truly independent deep down remains to be seen...


Nonetheless, should the two behemoths reign in their internal situations, their gazes will inevitably meet. A century has passed since the last joust and both fencers know that a new round is unavoidable. The drums of war grow ever closer and in the Modern Age, war cannot be restrained to clean cabinets and surgical professionals. No, in the Modern Age, war will be total, ruthless and unforgiving. The next decade will decide the course of the 20th century, which power will dominate it and which one will wither away. Both the King and the First Minister know it very well. In the eyes of the beholders there is but a single question left to answer: Who will blink first?
 
CHAP 24 PART 3 - Europe in 1933: The Holy Roman Empire, The Great and Ambitious

The Holy Roman Empire, Part I: The Great and Ambitious​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 3



An empire which still claims to be holy and Roman in 1933 is certainly an interesting sight. After all, Central Europe has only ever known the Empire since 962, and already some more enthusiastic minds are planning for the millenary celebrations of this ancient behemoth. They should not get ahead of themselves, though, for the internal situation of the HRE is far from ideal, and external threats also loom in the distance. The Emperor still rules over a largely disunited realm, but efforts have been made throughout the 19th century to bring the Empire and its institutions into the modern age. Caught between the shackles of the old order and the fervor of the new ideals, the space of Central Europe is at a crossroads.


The recent history of the Empire has been decidedly marked by the destructive Austro-Prussian rivalry. Austria emerged triumphant from the clashes of the 19th century, cementing its hegemony over the HRE and its status as a foremost Great Power of Europe. Following the Franco-Austrian victory in the 9 Years’ War (1830), a wide reorganisation of the HRE was put in action, under Austrian guidance (and French requests), meant to consolidate fewer, bigger states to serve as a stronger deterrent against Prussian expansion. Church territories were reduced, most of the Free Imperial Cities were annexed into neighbouring polities and enclaves and exclaves were exchanged for a streamlining of state boundaries in a process that became known as the “HRE Mediatization”. Licking its wounds, Prussia would not give up so easily though. Greatly destabilized by the defeat in the 1867 Austro-Prussian War and the subsequent 1878 Revolution, it took Prussia until the turn of the century to truly get back on its feet. Now emboldened by the success of the 1914 North Saxon Revolution, the Prussian Republic is eager to export the Freieist Revolution throughout the HRE, much to the dismay of the Austrians and their supporters.


Elsewhere in the Empire, spirits are also uneasy. In Bavaria, King Rupprecht struggles to maintain the semblance of stability as underground movements grow in popularity and strength. The centuries-old and little-understood Illuminati haunts the minds of clergy and noblemen alike, and rumours of far-reaching conspiracies abound in the chambers of Bavarian high society; the fact that Austrian support for the electorate is waning does not help improve the overall outlook. Nevertheless, the quest of further HRE integration under an absolutist ruler has not been abandoned by the Kaiser, and Austria will continue to sponsor Bavaria in this endeavour for the time being. Whether the Bavarian society at large will take on this tremendous task remains to be seen, however.


In Hannover, near-chaos had engulfed the electorate in the 1920’s as Prince Edward of Saxe-Coburg, self-styled Edward VIII, then-claimant of the abolished British Throne, led a putsch attempt which ended with his death. Since then, his younger brother Henry has held the formal leadership of the Saxe-Coburg loyalists and their associated “Royal Union” militias. In 1933, the situation is rather dire. Ernest Augustus III is a man with little political talent, tossed in seas of conflict which demand that sides be chosen. It is his wife that provides the backbone for his rule. The Queen-electress Victoria Louise is one of the last Hohenzollerns left in the HRE following the Prussian revolution. She maintains a reputation of a liberal, going out of her way to engage with the lower classes of Hannoverian society and encourages Augustus to do so as well. To Prince Henry of Saxe-Coburg, it is clear that Ernest Augustus III is not fit to lead. He has been infected by the poison of liberalism and has forgotten his true duty to God and to the Kingdom. Through noblesse influence and the hard power of currency, Saxe-Coburg sympathisers hope to make their way through all levels of government, opening doors for the Royal Union Militia to crack down on all opposition. The Leviathan has awoken, and the final Clash of Kings is imminent in Hannover.


In Saxony, things are not how they once were. Saxony benefited heavily from the 1830’s Mediatization, rivals as they were with Prussia, and thus became one of the strongest HRE members. Then came the 1878 Prussan Revolution which rocked the Empire, and Saxony bore the brunt of the side effects. Tens of thousands of anti-republican emigres settled in the electorate, forming a strong nucleus of reactionary clubs. Things turned for the worse in 1914, when Saxony became the first victim of Prussia’s Freieist proselytism: the North Saxon Revolution took more than a third of Saxony’s lands and population away. After one year of instability and street brawls, the commander of the nationalist branch of the anti-Freieist militias Oskar Hergt launched the infamous March on Dresden, occupying the city and much of the surrounding countryside, before forcing Frederick III von Wettin to install him as the new Chancellor of Saxony. Since then, Hergt has effectively made himself Dictator of Saxony through a drastic reduction in royal power and the employment of his own loyal army of nationalist militias. Soon after his country's humiliation by the Prussians, Oskar theorized that the only way to truly defeat Freieism and Prussiandom was to unify all of Germany against them. Yet the strength of Saxony’s resolve shall be tested. By 1933, fractures have appeared in Dresden. With the electorate's government split between different branches of the original nationalist militias, their commanders are now infighting instead of unifying under Oskar’s vision. Furthermore, the newly crowned Elector of Saxony Georg II intently watches in the hopes of reclaiming his family's honor and true rulership over the electorate. Now divided once again, it is yet to be seen whether Saxony will be able to unify the HRE under the banner of pan-German nationalism or if they will fall prey to factionalism…
 
CHAP 24 PART 4 - Europe in 1933: The Holy Roman Empire, The Small and Capricious

The Holy Roman Empire, Part II: The Small and Capricious​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 4



The Duchies of Anhalt and Brunswick anxiously sit between giants: they may be reluctant to accept it, but they are hardly more than mere pawns in the Hannoverian-Prussian Great Game for Northern Germany. Looming succession crises in both lands threaten to throw the HRE into conflict, as Saxony and Austria also watch the situation with interest. The Duchy of Mecklenburg, unified since the Mediatization, is only slightly better off. Eyed by republican Prussia as a potential gateway to a larger Baltic presence, its only hopes for continued peace lie in either Scandianvian guarantees or the Emperor’s protection. In a sort of mirrored situation, Oldenburg is threatened by Hannoverian ambitions of North German dominance. Only time will tell if the Holstein-Gottorps will manage to maintain their rule.


On the shores of the Baltic and North Seas, the last three remaining Hanseatic Cities of Hamburg, Lubeck and Bremen have seen better days. The League itself has been practically dead for more than two centuries now, as the Scandivanian empires of Denmark and Sweden have monopolized northern trade. Nevertheless, the protection of the Emperor means that, at least de jure, the League and its core three cities have persisted into the modern day. However, in their struggle to survive and maintain financial solvency, they have resorted to less “honourable” endeavours. Besides being a gate for imports into the Zollverein market from Scandinavia and North America, they are now also a center for money laundering, debauchery, smuggling and a myriad other illegal activities. Some say that the only reason why the Emperor hasn’t clamped down on this den of sin yet is that the Hanseatic burghers make sure to give the Imperial prelates their own “share of the pie”. These loosely associated cities must go through a period of radical reforms if they wish to reclaim economic hegemony and with it, the Crown of the Baltic.


Still on the north shores, there are lands of the Empire which do not belong to German princes: the Duchy of Holstein and swathes of Pomerania are under the rule of the Danish and Swedish Crowns, respectively. This Scandinavian meddling into Imperial affairs has been perpetuated since the end of the Thirty Years’ War by the titles that the kings from Copenhagen and Stockholm hold. Perhaps it is time that all the fiefs of the HRE shall be brought under the rightful rule of German sovereigns?


In the west and southwest lie the vestiges of eccleseiastical power, the few remaining bishoprics and archbishoprics of the HRE: Mainz, Trier, Munster, Koln, Wurzburg, Paderborn, Liege. The magnates of the Catholic Church still hold princely prerogatives over these states, which complements their spiritual authority over the larger eponymous dioceses of the Empire. However, time waits for nobody, not even the Holy Church, and the leadership of the bishoprics faces tough challenges ahead of them. The population at large clamours for reform and unrest is mounting. Some see the Church authority as a relic of the past that must go, while others are upset at the perceived decadence and weakness of the Catholic institutions and are calling for a “renewal of the faith”. Overimposed is the status quo, maintained by Franco-Austrian force and Papal leverage. The odd-one-out of the Rhineland is none other than the Prussian Rhineland province. Even more radical than its Brandenburgian overlord, the Rhinelanders are the first polity to have experienced a materialist revolution as described by German socialist Karl Marx. Under the leadership of the Liebknechts and their Prussian Socialist Party, the Rhineland has seen substantial changes since the 1880s. The Rhineland is granted permanent representation in Berlin, but relations are growing cooler between the constituent republics of the Federation, as the Brandenburg Freieists attempt to strong-arm both the Rhineland and the Warsaw Republics.


To the south lies the large pro-Austrian Catholic power base of the HRE: Baden, Wurttemberg and Bavaria are three strong states, Bavaria an electorate no less, and all are regarded as generally supportive of Vienna’s hegemony over the Empire. The ruling Bavarian Wittelsbachs also hold the hereditary rights of the Elector Palatine, and as such the lands of the Palatinate are in effect ruled as subject territories from Munchen. The Electorate of Bavaria is (albeit at some distance), the third most powerful state of the HRE, after Austria and Prussia. Its mutually beneficial partnership with Austria has been a principal reason for the successful maintenance of the status quo in HRE for over one century.


In Central Germany, the Landgraviate of Hesse is treading carefully across the political scene of the Empire. Traditionally an ally of the British-Prussian sphere, the republican revolutions in both of those nations have left Hesse devoid of its old partners. As such, it has had to engage in dual-purpose diplomacy, building connections with the Austrian sphere, while maintaining the semblance of cordiality towards Prussia, lest the Freieists from Berlin would consider the Landgraviate a target for republican expansion. Its neighbours, the duchies of Nassau and Westphalia, largely toe the line set by Hesse and act in unison, as Hesse is the main guarantor of their security. The Hessian Army, rigorously drilled and boasting a rich and proud history, will certainly be a welcome aid to whichever side manages to win them over.


To the east, the fiefdoms of Thuringia are threatened from all sides: Saxon irredentism, Hannoverian dynastic claims and the Prussian call to revolution have cornered the small duchies of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Saxe-Meiningen and Saxe Weimar. Perhaps by putting aside their difference and courting the Emperor’s support, a revitalized Thurinigia will be able to weather the storm; however the pretenders will surely not let go easily, given the strategic location of the duchies.


The westernmost lands of the HRE are home to the Austrian Netherlands, a province which has been under the Habsburgs for centuries now. Largely content with the benign neglect of Vienna, the ports of the Lower Netherlands are also one of the main bases for the Austrian worldwide trading and colonial network. Among others, the Austrian Ostend East India Company is headquartered in the Lower Netherlands, and the k.k. Marine also has several warships permanently stationed there. However, the lax rule of the province also comes with downsides: radical ideals have disseminated among the provinces, and some fear that in a moment of Austrian weakness, the Lower Netherlands may choose to cut the ties with Vienna and build its own independent future.


Finally, there are the remaining Free Imperial Cities of the interior. Lucky to have been spared from the Mediatization, these vestiges of the pre-modern HRE have had to adapt to the new paradigm in order to remain relevant. Nuremberg and Frankfurt have been the luckiest, as the reorganization of the HRE in the 1830s granted them a special status in the Empire: Nuremberg is the home of the Imperial Diet (Reichsrat), while Frankfurt hosts the Imperial Supreme Court. As “unofficial” capitals of the HRE, these Free Imperial Cities and their bureaucracies actually hold significant sway in Imperial politics, at least relative to their small size. Ulm has since the 1830’s built a reputation as an academic center, being both refuge and a place to research for many intellectual exiles of the more conservative and absolutist neighbours. Endowed with the trickling academia of old universities such as Heidelberg and Tubingen, the University of Ulm is today one of the leading places for learning and research in the HRE. One of their renowned physics professors, Albert Einstein, has some interesting theories about the way the universe works... Lastly, the cities of Koln and Aachen have taken a more “Hanseatic” approach towards their modern survival: they serve as the prime entry points of French goods and capital into the Zollverein market, and as such have developed around maximising profits from this lucrative trading partnership, whether through legal or illegal means. As a matter of trivia, Aachen has also been lobbying (unsuccessfully so far) to regain the honour of hosting the Imperial Coronation Ceremony, a privilege lost to Frankfurt in the 16th century.
 
CHAP 24 PART 5 - Europe in 1933: The Lands of the Austrian Empire, In the Cage of the Doppeladler

The Lands of the Austrian Empire: In the Cage of the Doppeladler​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 5



The House of Habsburg is renowned for many things, among them their propensity to accaparate vast swathes of land throughout Europe. A German house though they may be, the Austrian Empire over which they rule is populated by a majority of non-Germans, in spite of the unpopular Germanization policies which have been going on for 100 years by 1933. Besides the German community favoured by the state, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Romanians, Italians, Ruthenians, Croats, Serbs, Poles, Ukrainians all live inside Vienna’s absolutist realm. Needless to say, with the advent of the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, the Empire’s stability has been hard to maintain. The forces of nationalist zealotry, political liberalism and republican radicalism all tear and shear at the fabric of the Habsburg Empire. The Empire has known two large insurrections in the past century, both led by the disgruntled Hungarians. Kossuth’s War of Independence and Klapka’s Rebellion were severely damaging, and the Empire-wide “Bloody Decade” that followed shattered any illusions the nationalities had about potential reform. Austria was to remain absolute in its leadership. With the dawn of the 20th century and Franz Ferdinand’s reign, things changed for the better in Austria, with the removal of most Metternich-era laws on censorship and political control. An economic boom in the 1890-1910 period also ushered in an era of general prosperity, as the Holy Alliance of Austria and France seemed to have successfully survived the “Long 19th Century”. No good things last forever, though, and in 1933 the Austrian Empire is at a precipice. The political liberalization of Franz Ferdinand has encouraged the nationalities to voice their wish for change once again. Publicly calling for increased autonomy and likely clamouring for full revolution in secret, these constantly growing national associations are a true Sword of Damocles poised above the Doppeladler’s heads.
 
CHAP 24 PART 6 - Europe in 1933: The Balkans, A Delayed Powderkeg?

The Balkans: A Delayed Powderkeg?​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 6



The Balkans are an often-forgotten corner of Europe, shadowed by the power and influence of the Sublime Porte itself. However, with the decline of the Ottoman Empire, new players have made their way into the region, and the new ideals surging throughout Europe and the world threaten to fatally alter the centuries-old balance of the region. Ever since the late 18th century, the Ottomans have been on the losing side of the regional wars, with the notable exception of the Crimean War where, with the help of an unlikely joint Anglo-French intervention, they managed to keep Russia in check. Seeing the accelerating decline of their realm, the Ottoman sultans of the 19th century attempted to reform. At first, these attempts were met with open hostility from many layers of the society, administration and military. This was made evident during the Nine Years’ War, when the Janissaries openly revolted against the reformed Nizam-i-Cedid Army, all in the middle of waging a war. The failure of the Sultan to keep factionalism in check later led to the whole New Model Army defecting the empire, as their leader, Mehmet Ali, built a strong personal following among his troops. With grandiose plans for himself, Ali used his loyal legions to carve his very own realm in Rumelia, subject only on paper to the Porte. The Khedivate of Rumelia stands as eternal reminder to the Sultans that their rule must remain uncontested if they wish to maintain stability.


After the 1850s, the Tanzimat Reforms accelerated, and the Nizam-i-Cedid was replaced by the Mansure Army, even more modern and most importantly, directly controlled by Constantinople. The 19th century also saw the gradual loss of Turkish influence in North Africa to the ever-encroaching French. As 1933 dawns, the Ottoman Empire is struggling to maintain its internal cohesion, even within its core territories. For a few decades now, a faction of reform-minded Pashas and other important officials, known as the “Young Turks”, have been pushing for more influence and in the late 1900s even managed to successfully carry out a “soft coup”, reducing the Sultan’s power and transferring some of it to the otherwise rump parliament which had been established under Tanzimat. The “Young Turks” are a loosely-affiliated grouping, with Freieist factions, liberal factions and materialists among others. Their only unifying goal is to remove the “obsolete” Sultan from power and reform the Ottoman Empire into something new.


In the Balkans, tensions are brewing. Forced by the victorious Russians in 1878 to grant a special “autonomous” status to the Balkan Vilayets populated by Christians: thus appeared the Atina Vilayet, the Sofya Vilayet and the Belergad Vilayet. Ottoman control over those areas has been weak at best since then. These devolved governments have total control over their internal affairs in practice, with only the security and military forces still being under direct Turkish control. They also have to pay a revenue tax to the Constantinople administration, but otherwise they operate with independent budgets. These vilayets are hotspots of radicalism, and nationalist factions can operate with relative impunity on their territory, which is of great concern to the Turkish authorities. Street brawls between Ottoman police and nationalist paramilitaries have become common on the streets of Athens, Sofia or Belgrade, and nobody knows for how long this fragile status-quo will be maintained.


In the west of the Balkan, Bosnia has been living under the Doppeladler since the Crimean War, when the European Intervention prompted Mehmet Ali to stand down from his attempt to attack the Ottomans, and in the process the Austrians occupied Bosnia, never to leave again. Although it is under Austrian control, Bosnia is technically not integrated into the Austrian Empire’s administration. Instead, it is run more like a military administration, having a governor-general and issuing separate documents to its inhabitants. These traits have led some commentators to describe Bosnia as an “Austrian colony in the Balkan Peninsula”. In the modern age, Bosnia has not escaped the tensions of radicalism either. The territory is actively claimed by multiple nationalist agendas, chiefly among them the Serbian and Croatian national movements. A nascent Bosniak independence movement is present too, although their preference for the Sublime Porte has made them prime targets both for the Serb and Croat paramilitaries and for the k.k. Bosnische Gendarmerie. Furthermore, the Khedivate of Rumelia under the Ali Dynasty has not forgotten the treachery of the Crimean War, and perhaps in a moment of Austrian weakness they will try to reclaim Bosnia.


To the north, the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia are poised as a crossroads between empires. The Austrians drew the lucky lot during the confrontations of the mid 19th-century, and after a short period of sharing overlordship with Russia after the Nine Years’ War, they attained supremacy over the principalities following the Crimean War. However, the fragile balance of the 1857 London negotiations meant that de jure independence had to be maintained: thus Wallachia and Moldavia became an unofficial buffer between the mighty empires of Austria, Russia and Turkey. The Treaty of London allowed for a “limited union” between the two states, as nationalist representatives from both countries lobbied for a unified Romanian nation-state, but that request was ultimately denied. The “Romanian Confederation” brought some benefits to Wallachia and Moldavia, chiefly among them an integrated economy which allowed for substantial economic growth.


Even though the treaty guaranteed de jure independence, in practice the Austrian dominance over most affairs was obvious. With the discovery and subsequent exploitation of oil in Wallachia, Austrian magnates proceeded to accaparate the majority of Wallachian industries; k.k. Armee units are permanently stationed in both Wallachia and Moldavia, for the purpose of “guarding the sovereign Romanian states from Ottoman and Russian aggression”. The Romanian Confederation, through Wallachia, is in practice the petroleum lifeline of the global Habsburg Empire. The Imperial Navy sails the high seas using Romanian oil, and thus the Austrians are “keen” to make sure that the Romanians remain firmly within their sphere. Having roughly half of the nation inside their borders proper also helps with “leverage”. The foreign domination has not gone unnoticed by the population, and by 1933 certain radical groups are growing in popularity, as they call for an end to “foreign exploitation” and rally the pan-Romanian nationalists to the cause of a unified nation-state.


However, the ruling elites and the established status-quo are more “tame” in nature. The boyars, long-time elites of the principalities, have reformed into a petty aristocracy modelled on European models, especially France. Since the mid-19th century, the middle and upper segment of Romanian society have sought to imitate France and French culture in any way possible, at times going into the ridiculous. The old princely families have become royals-lite after the removal of the Phanariote Greek domination in the 1820s: The Bibescu-Brancoveanus dominate Wallachia, while Moldavia is still split between the Ghicas and Sturdzas. Nevertheless, they too claim to desire a united Romania, although the boyar elites would rather see a French noble be crowned king, lest the old court intrigues continue. The friction between “nativists” and “bonjourists” within the middle and upper classes and the radicalism that some politicians are instilling in the peasantry all threaten the stability of the Romanian Confederation. It is clear that most political forces aspire for a deeper union, but their visions of a solidified Romanian nation-state are wildly different. Only time will tell what path the Romanian nation will choose.
 
CHAP 24 PART 7 - Europe in 1933: Empires of the Northern Seas; Russia, Scandinavia and the Netherlands

Empires of the Northern Seas: Russia, Scandinavia and the Netherlands​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 7



The Netherlands, or more formally the Dutch Republic, are one of the oldest continuously-existing Republics of Europe, and until the upheavals of the 19th century, were also the only Great Power to be governed by a republican government. In practice however, the Republic isn’t exactly as democratic or liberal as its younger British and Prussian counterparts. Many times, the Stadtholder ends up presiding over the States-General for life, and the vote is censused and in no way universal. The Netherlands are much more of a “Classical Republic” than a modern one, and in that way relations with the liberal republics of Britain and Prussia are not especially “brotherly”.


The Dutch Empire saw its explosive beginning in the 80 Years’ War which is also saw as their “War of Independence”. During that period the Dutch started making a name for themselves as skilled traders on the global markets, but also skilled soldiers and skilled sailors in battle. Defeating kingdoms and empires more powerful than them, such as the Spanish or the English, the Dutch had built a sizable empire for themselves by the 18th century. In the course of attaining supremacy in the East Indies, the Portuguese shaped to be their main rivals in the area. Competing for the spice trade of Indonesia and the opening of Japanese trade, Portugal and the Netherlands often found themselves at odds. This culminated in a full-blown colonial war in the 1860s, mainly fought in the Indian Subcontinent and the Spice Islands of Indonesia, and of course in the adjacent naval lanes. It ended in largely a status quo ante bellum situation, but this white peace came at a steep price for both Empires.


Nevertheless, the Dutch were quick to embrace the Industrial Revolution, and metropolitan Netherlands is one of the most prosperous areas of Europe. The military and especially naval might of the Dutch Armed Forces is substantial, as is the size of their colonial empire which they have maintained to this day. In more recent times, the Dutch leadership has been forced to grant gradual concessions of self-rule to Dutch South Africa, but the dominion still remains largely depended on the Fatherland. Pioneers of Japanese trade, the Dutch are also heavily involved in East Asian economic activities, being one of the leading countries both in the Japanese and Chinese areas of influence.


However, nothing can ever be ideal, and the Netherlands is no exception. After the death of the last appointed Stadtholder in 1890, the so-called “3rd Stadtholder-less Period” began. There were no male heirs in the House of Orange, and a successor could not be agreed upon with the political deadlock between different factions. What has ensued since then is extensive political turmoil. The Orangists have become a significant political force representing the interests of more conservative leaders, and wish to establish a Dutch Monarchy under a new Queen Wilhelmina. The Vrijists, radical republicans largely inspired by Prussia, want to start a grand new Republic aligned with the Anglo-Prussians, of course. The fate of the Netherlands seems to hang on a thin ideological thread...


An ancient Union of two Crowns since the 16th century, Denmark-Norway managed to stay neutral during the great conflicts of the 19th century and expand it’s colonial ventures in Africa and Asia. The kingdom’s internal situation stayed relatively calm, managing to live through a succession crisis without plummeting into instability, with the Sonderburg-Glücksburg branch of the Oldenburg dynasty inheriting the throne in 1860. Of course the Kingdom was not without its illnesses, by far the biggest one being the the matter of Schleswig-Holstein: the german majority regions were always a thorn in the side of Copenhagen, while Slesvig was fully integrated into the Kingdom, Holstein stayed a de jure member of the Holy Roman Empire. The tricky situation of different ownership nearly led to war after the Revolution of 1878 in Prussia and the rise of a Republican radical regime claiming independence for “Schleswig-Holstein”. The Modern ruler of Denmark-Norway, Chistian X, sometimes nicknamed the “Danish Louis XIV”, is bent on continuing the rule of absolute enlightened monarchy. Because of the internal situation, as well as foreing relations, the dual kingdom is slowly drifting ever closer to the French sphere of influence. Only time will tell if the kingdom can survive the 20th century or if it will fall to the ever growing tides of Teuton Radicalism.


The Great Lion of the North had certainly seen better days. The Kingdom of Sweden entered the 19th century by trying to regain lost glory in the 9 year’s war. While initially great gains were made, culminating in the sacking of Petersburg, the Swedish army could not sustain a long arduous war against the innumerable russian hordes. In 1828 after suffering a raid upon their capital, the Swedes were forced to sign a peace treaty with Nicholas I, the lion was once again defeated by the bear. The peace conditions while harsh weren’t outrageous: thanks to French intervention in order to keep the status quo, Sweden managed to keep a demilitarised Finland. The war however had a profound impact upon the Swedish society, forcing the king to give more power to the parliament and stopping most Swedish colonial ventures for a few decades. The rest of the 19th century was relatively peaceful, with Sweden entering the Industrial age following the steps of Britain. On the international stage Sweden, like its Scandinavian brother, toed the Neutrality line, though it tried forming closer economic relations with Britain, an effort hardly impeded by the mostly civil revolution of 1862. However after the bloody Prussian Revolution and growing pan-German Republicanism in Pomerania, Sweden was forced to recalculate it’s position, as now British interests were decisively more pro-Prussian rather than pro-Swedish. Even in 1933, Foreign relations are at the forefront of Johan Oxenstierna’s worries. In the coming years Sweden will have to choose between new regimes and old ones.


The 19th Century has not been kind to Russia. A succession of pyrrhic victories and dishonorable failures, a century of Tsars unable to resolve the current situation and move Russia into the modern age, a century of instability, vulnerability and volatility. In the 20th century it would seem that few things changed: Tsar Nikolai II, tried passing a number of reforms during his reign and even tried making peace with the revolutionaries, yet to no avail. Immediately after installing new power upon the Duma, Nikolai found that the latter would rarely listen to his wishes and instead engage in senseless squabbles and delirious deliberations. After 3 years of semi constitutionalism, the Tsar hamstrung the Duma in 1923, relying on the army to do so. While this brought temporary peace to the political scene it would not last: as the radicals and revolutionaries engage in all forms of protest, the moderates find themselves unable to work with the current government, and even the military is starting to doubt the Tsar. Russia is walking on a tightrope, and only God may know what fate awaits the empire to come...
 
CHAP 24 PART 8 - Europe in 1933: The Italian Peninsula; A Shadow of its Former Self

The Italian Peninsula; A Shadow of its Former Self​

CHAPTER 24: "Europe in 1933"
PART 8



Ah, Italy. What is there to say about it? An unstable backwater, its states and territories heavily influenced by their more powerful neighbors. It is indeed a mere geographical expression, for many. But there are the people who think differently: the fools, the dreamers, the Pan-Italianists, in their many shapes and forms.


Ever since the Genoese Revolution in 1862, a flame started burning throughout the “Boot”, one that already consumed Emilia, one that massively changed all of the countries in the region. The Action Party and their allies, in their many shapes and forms, stand at the forefront of these events. The Revolutionaries are bruised, battered, barely united, but they are nonetheless always present and always fighting for Unification, wherever they are and with whatever means they have. This doesn’t however mean that they are the only ones who wish for it, though. As the 19th century passed and made way for the 20th, a new current of Moderate Pan-Italianism developed, finding its home in Tuscany and Piedmont, arguing for an at least somewhat united Italy under a monarchy of some kind. If and when the right time comes, they are sure to act on those beliefs. These forces aren’t unopposed, however. the Old Order is always lurking, and the many enemies of Pan-Italianists won’t hesitate to make their voices heard: the Two Sicilies and Cispadania, dysfunctional though they may be, are not going to gently wither away. They will only be dislodged if something radical happens to them. There are also those who simply scream louder: the New Force, the “Torchbearers”, Marinetti and his devotees who have been ruling Genoa after corruption, scandals, and incompetence destroyed the Sixth Republic. Unstable as the new regime is, however, it is sure to bring change and yet-unseen ideals to the Peninsula. The Eternal City, with its lights ever dimmer, still stands as a beacon of stability in the Peninsula. Too much stability, in fact, and too much indecision, as the limbo of the Papal Conclave grows ever longer, and the Romans are getting ever more tired of this charade. Darker forces lurk in the background, and the next years are surely going to bring massive changes in the Catholic State, either way.


And, of course, there are always Lombardy and Venetia, although the degree to which they are even “Italian” anymore is debated by certain “Hertzogs” in Vienna. Lombardy and Venetia are truly “the Prodigal Son” and the “Serene Ruin” of the Austrians, respectively. The former is the beating economic heart of the Peninsula, powered by Habsburg capital; the latter a forcibly-kept agrarian backwater, discontent and unwanted. But Venice shall rise once again or die trying. As for Lombardy… whatever happens to it is in the hands of the Lombards themselves, and of the many characters who populate the Duchy. Thus stands Italy, its veins burning, like they are filled with nothing but gasoline; all it takes is a spark, and this spark will ignite the biggest fire the Peninsula has ever seen. It doesn’t matter whether one adds more fuel or tries to put it down, either way it’s going to burn brightly and hotly. Whether the hopes, the dreams, or even Italy itself survive the fire is going to be a whole different story.
 
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