What if the French Revolution never happened? | Fraternité en Rébellion

[mapperific]

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

CHAPTER 19, PART 7

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1870-1880: The Boshin War​

By late 1879, the tensions reached a critical point. The last time the southern daimyo had paid their taxes and sent the required envoys to Edo was 1869. It was already a decade of undeclared hostility between the shogun and the southern Tozama Daimyo. Furthermore, Emperor Komei refused to annul his “Expel the barbarians” decree, and the shogunate was faced with increasing complaints from the Westerners of breaches of treaty. In September 1879, an incident in Kyoto would trigger an open confrontation. The Kinmon rebellion, as it would be called, reflected the widespread discontent felt among both pro-imperial and anti-foreigner groups, who rebelled under the Emperor’s edict. Thus, the rebels sought to take direct control of the Emperor to restore the Imperial household to its position of political supremacy. Samurai from the Choshu domain attacked the imperial palace, but were ultimately beaten back and defeated by the shogunate forces in the city. Tokugawa Yoshinobu assembled his forces, calling on the domains to supply forces as well, and proceeded to march south in a punitive expedition against the Choshu. However, the Choshu were not standing alone. In Kyushu, Shikoku and the southern tip of Honshu, the domains of Satsuma, Saga, Tosa and Choshu had assembled a pro-Imperial united front and stood together against Tokugawa’s advancing forces. Tokugawa had the support of the main domains of the north: Kaga, Aizu and Sendai, besides the token assistance provided by smaller loyal daimyo.

The shogunate forces had better infantry weapons and drill than the imperial ones, and they had the benefit of having their French advisors march with them. That was true only of the central army of the shogun however, as many of the allied domains sent their troops to battle with antiquated weapons. The imperial forces on the other hand were superior in artillery, fielding many of the modern British Armstrong breech loading guns. The forces met for the first time at the battle of Toba-Fushimi, near Kyoto, which ended in an imperial victory, thanks to their well-used artillery advantage. The shogunate forces, under the field command of French attache Jules Brunet, retreated to Osaka Castle. After what seemed like a devastating blow to the Tokugawa’s army, Emperor Komei declared his support for the restorationist alliance, urging more daimyo to take up arms in the name of Sonno Joi. Tokugawa Yoshinobu was campaigning with his army, and as such no action was taken against the emperor in Kyoto. His call had somewhat of an impact, with a few daimyo in central Honshu switching allegiance to the imperial cause. However, the powerful domains of Kaga and Aizu remained staunchly pro-shogun, and the Tokugawa’s main army was a powerful asset in its own right. Furthermore, the Shogunate controlled the seas, hampering communication and transport between Shikoku, the homeland of the Tosa, and the mainland. In the ensuing siege of Osaka, the imperial forces ended up losing. Being harassed by Shinsengumi units (loyal shogunal gendarmerie) and then having to fight the assortment of the pro-Tokugawa daimyo armies, by the time the core of the imperial forces started engaging the elite Denshutai and Shogitai of the shogun, they were disorganised and severely fatigued. Yoshinobu’s forces, under the direct leadership of Brunet, ended up routing the besieging forces. In anticipation of their retreat, the Aizu used the superior shogunal navy to land their forces behind the frontlines, cutting their retreat towards Choshu. Trapped with enemy forces on both sides, the imperial forces suffered a catastrophic defeat. They attempted to break through the Aizu forces at the battle of Himeji, which was a bloody and brutal encounter which however ended in the further defeat of the imperials. Many of the Satsuma soldiers committed seppuku rather than be captured. The Satsuma leader, Saigo Takamori, managed to escape the encirclement and reach friendly forces later on.

After the disaster at Osaka-Himeji, the prospects of the imperial faction were bleak. Choshu and Tosa lost the bulk of their forces together with their modern equipment acquired over the past decade with so much difficulty. Saga had to abandon most of its artillery pieces, which were now in the shogunate’s hands. Satsuma fared the best, losing only about a quarter of its forces in the campaign and retaining most of its leadership and heavy equipment. Nevertheless, by this point they would be unable to fight Tokugawa’s forces on an equal footing. Before long, the shogunate’s forces attacked and overran the Choshu domain, and their leader, Mori Motonori, was forced to commit seppuku. The Shogunate’s navy, including their newest acquisition, the ironclad Kotetsu built in France, shelled Tosa coastal lands without respite. When offered clemency, the Tosa daimyo, Toyonori Yamauchi, switched allegiances and re-accepted the shogun’s overlordship. Satsuma and Saga were now isolated in central-southern Kyushu against the incoming shogunate onslaught. However, the British did not fail to notice that riding at the top of Tokugawa’s military success was none other than Jules Brunet, officer in the service of His Majesty the King of France.

Not willing to be bested in yet another theatre by the eternal rival, the British Republic ordered its Kagoshima garrison to march out and offer assistance to the Satsuma at once. The Republican Navy’s Japanese Squadron was also deployed, and fought a successful battle against the shogunate navy, forcing it to withdraw with the loss of two gunboats and the Kotetsu seriously damaged. The conflict had escalated. Tokugawa Yoshinobu requested military assistance from France, but it would be months before it could be assembled and deployed to Japan. At the same time, the loans he took from France were reaching their payment deadlines and the shogunate was nowhere near capable of repaying them, as most of the money had been sunk into military and industrial procurements. The prospects were clear: the shogunate would have to default, and the price for that was none other than the port of Yokosuka. Other great powers started showing interest in the developing situation in Japan as well: the Dutch were displeased with the perturbation in trade, and the Russians wanted to guarantee the status quo in order to protect their concessions from the shogunate. There was also the situation in which Britain and Portugal already had exclusive territories on Japanese soil, while the Dutch were actively negotiating to gain the same privileges and the French were about to gain a port through economic pressure. Russia wanted to gain an exclusive treaty port too, and the rest of the Western trading powers demanded generalised negotiations on the situation.

Under the generalised competition created by the situation, France and Britain agreed to de-escalate. The Boshin War had ended with a ceasefire enforced by the Westerners. The subsequent Treaty of Edo (1882) would enshrine the status quo in Japan for the coming decades:

1)The signatory powers shall recognise the Shogun and the Tokugawa administration as the sovereign leaders of Japan. All treaties concerning the Japanese state shall be concluded with the Tokugawa Shogunate.
2) All erstwhile rebel daimyo would return to the de jure sovereignty of the shogun. (However, Britain negotiated for Satsuma to maintain wide autonomy, only owing an annual tribute tax and accepting Tokugawa’s overlordship in international affairs. Satsuma was free to maintain its own military forces (under some restrictions) and administer its own economy. (The backdoor that was the British port of Kagoshima would also prove to be useful in illegal dealings circumventing the treaty). Tokugawa Yoshinobu had to accept the pardoning of the rebel daimyo, and to allow a return to the pre war status quo. No clans were to be demoted or removed from their domains.)
3)The shogunate ceded the specified treaty ports to Western jurisdiction and recognised their sovereignty over them. These concessions would operate under the terms of a 100 year lease. The treaty ports and territories specified were: Kagoshima- to the British Republic; Yokosuka- to the Kingdom of France; Shimoda- to the Russian Empire; Hirado & the Goto Islands- to the Dutch Republic; Tanegashima & Yakushima Islands- to the Portuguese Empire.
4)The port of Nagasaki and all the surrounding lands, including the Nomo and Shimabara peninsulas, and all territory south of the Shiota and Sonogi rivers, shall be ceded to a condominium formed of the signatory parts, who shall promise to establish an international trading settlement, where all current and future signatory parts shall be able to establish trade missions for the purpose of trading with Japan. Besides the signatories with exclusive treaty ports, Spain, Austria, Denmark-Norway and Sweden would have the right to claim concessions in Nagasaki and/or the neighbouring designated area.
5) Japan shall annul all edicts: prohibiting foreigners from freely entering and/or leaving the country; prohibiting foreign and/or Japanese subjects from freely practicing their religion, whichever that may be; prohibiting foreigners from engaging in any trade with Japan and on Japanese soil.

 

[mapperific]

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

CHAPTER 19, PART 8

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1882-1913: Solidifying Control​

The Treaty of Edo brought further humiliation to Japan. Now, the foreign barbarians directly owned Japanese land. However, there was little that the Shogun could do. At the very least, the Western intervention had secured his grip on power and the Tokugawa Shogunate was recognized as the true representative of Japan. Emperor Komei died shortly thereafter, in 1884, although he had been confined to a Bhuddist monastery since the failure of the Boshin War anyways. It was rumored that the shogun ordered his poisoning as a means to silence the Sonno Joi movement. His son, Mutsuhito, followed on the throne, although the Shogun, Tokugawa Yoshinobu, made sure that the Emperor adhered to his purely symbolic role, relegating him to studying the arts secluded in his Kyoto residence. The shogun initiated the Meiwa Purges, eliminating former supporters of the imperial cause and the southern domains wherever possible. He was barred by the foreign treaty to kill the leaders of the southern domains, but he made sure that they were kept as far away from any real power and influence as possible. He also brought the Shogunate’s “secret police”, the Oniwaban, into modernity. Until then, it had largely been based on the continued traditions of the Shinobi of old, but under Tokugawa Yoshinobu they were reformed. They would serve as a spy and secret police agency, furnishing information on the daimyos and other important figures to the Shogun, and also act as an intelligence agency. Oniwaban agents were deployed in the legations of the Westerners to gauge the situation and establish networks.

Cooperation with France and the Dutch continued and expanded, while the shogun tried his best to limit the concessions to the British and Portuguese as much as possible. The Portuguese (and Spanish to a lesser degree) made a point out of their missionary proselytism, building missions all across Kyushu and sending priests to Honshu and Shikoku as well. France, Spain and Portugal even financed the building of a large cathedral in Nagasaki, commemorating the “Martyrs of Japan”. Beyond the symbolic defeat of Tokugawa’s policies, this upsurge also encouraged the emergence of a peculiar group. The Kakure Kirishitan (hidden christians) emerged in their tens of thousands in southern and western Kyushu, after the threat of Tokugawa repression was gone. They were remnants of the populations that converted in the early 1600s and had gone into hiding once the Tokugawa banned Christianity. While many of them had abandoned the formal Catholic canon by the 1800s, these communities did not have much love for the shogunate, and were welcoming of the Westerners. The re-proliferation of Christianity, the combination of autonomous domains and vengeful former enemies and the foreign treaty ports all made Kyushu into a patchwork over which the Shogunate held little more than formal suzerainty. The south was all but lost in practice; Tokugawa Yoshinobu decided that Edo’s priority for the future would be maintaining good relations with the daimyo of Northern Honshu and solidifying his powerbase in central Japan.

Yoshinobu was largely successful in these endeavours. He enacted some slight reforms to the Roju (the council of state), enlarging the number of seats and granting permanent advisorship to the Kaga, Sendai and Aizu daimyo among others, his main supporters in the north. He also raised the status of the Matsumae clan, owners of the Hakodate fief, and encouraged them to extend Japanese control over Ezo. He did not furnish them with any funds or military forces to assist however, and as such the situation remained largely the same. With the help of the French, an industrial base started appearing in central Honshu: Hiroshima, Osaka, Kyoto and Edo all had nascent production centres and were linked by a brand-new railway. The French and Dutch assisted the Shogunate in building modern dockyards in Yokohama (next to the French concession of Yokosuka) and in Kure. An artillery arsenal was set up in Osaka, and the Koishikawa Arsenal, specialising in small arms, was opened in Edo. Its first task was to produce licensed Chassepot rifles.

The great powers once more became involved in Japanese affairs in 1888, when the Naha Affair took place. France had exhibited some interest in the Ryukyu Kingdom ever since their first voyages to attempt and open Japan in the 1840’s. In the process, their Catholic missionaries helped establish a French cultural presence. Ryukyu was formally a tributary state of the Chinese Empire, and a vassal of the Satsuma Domain. After the Peking Protocols in the 1860s, the tributary relationship with China was relinquished, but the Ryukyu Kingdom remained formally a subject of the Satsuma. During and after the upheaval of the Boshin War, Satsuma stopped enforcing its tribute requests to Ryukyu, and also stopped engaging in trade there. The French, seeing how Satsuma and the south of Japan were drawing closer to Britain, saw in this distancing an opportunity and offered the Ryukyu protectorate status. Before negotiations could be completed however, the British had informed the Satsuma of this development and “loaned” them ships from the RN Japanese Squadron and modern artillery, and the Satsuma re-established itself in Okinawa in force, with a military occupation. Given the situation of Satsuma after the Boshin War, the Shimazu, rulers of the domain, decided to incorporate the Ryukyu directly into their possessions, and the Ryukyuan royalty was adopted as a junior branch of the Shimazu clan.

In 1893, following its acquisition of the Mexican treaty ports of Veracruz and Acapulco and the Central Mexican Railway, the Fraternal American States (FAS) became involved in East Asian trade. Joining in time to be recognized the rights to a Chinese treaty port, they were however too late to the Japanese Archipelago. Their lobbying to be granted an exclusive treaty port in Japan was denied, but they were eventually admitted with full membership to the Nagasaki International Settlement, and were granted a concession and a chair on the decision board of the commission in 1895.

In spite of the streak of modernisation, the general situation was far from great. The shogun was too fearful of inciting another rebellion to undertake major reforms, and key pillars of the old feudal society that kept Japan stagnant proved too hard to remove. One of them was the samurai privileges system. Under the caste system of the shogunate, the samurai had various rights, including the right to kill on the spot peasants and merchants who “failed to render proper respect”. In the context of capitalism being rapidly imported from the West, the Chonin, the urban merchant and craftsmen class, started prospering from the massively increased volume of trade, demand and capital flow. Some of the more enterprising from this class were even becoming Japan’s industrial barons of tomorrow. This increase of wealth translated into increased social influence, something the samurai were unwilling to accept. The daimyo were rather concerned with wealthy tradesmen and early industrialists gaining too much gravitas within their domains, and killings were not uncommon. In turn, these Chonin would hire private guards and even militias to guard themselves, their assets or to extract vengeance. Many times, these guards would be Ronin (wanderer-i.e. masterless) samurai who had supported the imperial cause in the Boshin War, Kirishitan converts who despised the Tokugawa, or even samurai of rival clans being “lent” by their daimyo. This lawlessness was clearly counterproductive to social stability and economic growth, but the shogun was powerless to put an end to it, as curtailing samurai privileges would incur the wrath of many domains, domains on which the Shogun’s continued authority rested. However, after the 1910s, as the last generation which knew the old order slowly withered away, the intensity of this social conflict regressed, and it evolved more into the realm of political intrigues, as the daimyo became army generals and influential politicians, while the wealthy merchants became industrial barons. The richest and most influential of the Chonin would go on to found the basis of Japan’s first modern corporations: the Zaibatsus. Already by the early 1900s, names like Sumitomo and Mitsui meant more than simple shops on the cobbled streets of 19th century Japan; they became large, vertically-organized monopolies.

When Tokugawa Yoshinobu died in 1913, he left the shogunate in as decent a shape as he could have. Japan was being economically exploited by the Westerners and Kyushu was slowly but steadily drifting away from Edo’s grip; the heritage of the feudal caste system was still being felt and the shogun was powerless to completely reform it. Nevertheless, Japan now had the beginnings of an indigenous industry, Japanese soldiers were equipped with modern weapons, some of them built in Japan, the Japanese navy had modern warships, and perhaps most importantly, the Tokugawa shogun was recognised to be the de jure and de facto ruler of Japan by the outside world.

 

[mapperific]

The Tokugawa Shogunate​

CHAPTER 19, PART 9

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1913-1933: The Modern Shogunate​

After Yoshinobu’s death, the shogunal seat passed to Tokugawa Iesato, then 50 years old. Emperor Mutsuhito had died the previous year too, and was succeeded by his son Yoshihito. Just as in the previous generation, the Shogun made sure that the Emperor maintained his purely ceremonial role, keeping all political involvement away from the Kyoto Court.

Industrialisation continued, albeit in the same manner as before, meaning that the Westerners (especially the French) reaped more benefits from their investments than Japan itself. Attempts by Iesato to formally abolish the caste system were immediately shot down by the various conservative daimyo in the state council, but he was successful in abolishing the samurai’s right to summarily execute “disrespectful” peasants and merchants in 1917. Instead, they were now allowed to bring them to court for those “offences”. In the economic sphere, Tokugawa Iesato finally managed to reform the taxation system into something more modern. Up until the 1870s, all clans paid their taxes to the shogunate in koku of rice, fixed amounts of the crops they had to give on a yearly basis. This was also the main form of defining the clan’s property, as they did not have clear physical boundaries, and various forms and levels of property overlapped with each other. After the opening and the subsequent drive for modernisation and capital, the tribute payment became an unregulated mish-mash of traditional rice koku, currency, military equipment and/or military assistance. This needed a serious shakeup if the Shogunate was to become financially potent. Japanese administrators of the new generation, many of whom had studied in Europe, decided to take inspiration from the model of the HRE Mediatization of the 1830s and use it to modernize the political and economic system of the intricate web that was the shogunal state. Monastic lands were absorbed into daimyo territories, and enclaves and exclaves were exchanged to form geographically homogenous units. The lands directly owned by the Tokugawa were vastly expanded too, especially in central Honshu, forming the Osaka-Kyoto-Edo nucleus. The distribution took into account the classification of the old system, with the domains receiving as much land as deemed necessary to produce their previously listed amount of rice koku in one year. A nationwide census was conducted in 1921, and from then on the daimyo would have to pay the yearly tribute tax in currency, with the sum directly proportional to the number of adult inhabitants their domain had. This helped bolster the Shogunate’s finances and brought a degree of predictability to their revenue, helping with long-term investments. Nevertheless, this system was still comparatively decentralized and inefficient by European standards.

In terms of their military, the Tokugawa tried their best to maintain the forces as up-to-date as possible. This was partially achieved for the elite units, the Denshutai and the Shogitai, as contracts with French manufacturers ensured a limited amount of modern weaponry for the Shogunate’s créme de la créme. Modern rifles, machine guns, modern artillery pieces and even some armored cars found their way into the inventory of Tokugawa’s elite army core. However, the rest of the active forces used old equipment; most infantry used the single-shot Murata rifle, the Shogunate’s only indigenously built service weapon. It was obsolete, with it being little more than a glorified Fusil Gras 1874 licensed copy. Some of the daimyo militias even retained the French-imported black powder Chassepots from the late 1860s. Artillery was also antiquated besides the small modern companies attached to the elite divisions, with most of the pieces being French 90mm cannons from the 1880s. Navally, the Tokugawa Fleet lagged behind as the 20th century began. They were still using the ships commissioned after opening to the West in the 1870s, but those old ships were quickly becoming obsolete. Two pre-dreadnoughts were commissioned from France in 1900, one named Kotetsu in the honour of the now-decommissioned first ironclad, and another one Fuso. Unfortunately for the Shogunate, the ensuing Dreadnought Race meant that their freshly bought expensive capital ships became obsolete just as they were being delivered. Short on finances, Tokugawa Iesato nevertheless wanted Japan to possess at least one modern capital ship in these times of naval competition. Ordered from France and paid for with a loan, the Nihon Maru was practically a sister ship in the latest French class of super-dreadnoughts. Japan’s newest capital ship docked in Yokohama Port in October 1924, after having made the Brest-Yokosuka voyage under the French flag. For its fleet composition, Japan also ordered 6 modern cruisers from France, 4 light and 2 heavy, and 18 destroyers were built in Japan’s own shipyards, joined by 8 other used destroyers bought from the Dutch Republic.

In terms of its politics, the modern shogunate is in an unstable balance. The main problem remains the daimyo, with their autonomy. The shogun has to listen to their interests and try to appease their differing views because Tokugawa’s power and legitimacy depends on the majority of daimyos remaining loyal to him. In the southern island of Kyushu, the problems are most obvious. Ever since the Boshin War, Satsuma has been practically independent. Sure, they have to pay the yearly tribute tax as everyone else and their armed forces are under certain restrictions to make sure they don’t grow too powerful, but it is obvious they have no intention of ever growing back closer to the Shogunate. Their British protectors also make a takeover by force impossible. Using their preeminent position in Kyushu, the Satsuma also keep influencing their old comrades in rebellion: the Saga, Tosa and Choshu. In a way, things have changed little, since these outsider domains had loathed the Tokugawa for centuries before, but in other ways, the situation is untenable now: With the emergence of the Westerners and the forced opening of Japan, things are not as stable and predictable as they were under the Sakoku. Hostile daimyos are dangerous, because they can establish partnerships with outside powers and risk to overthrow the Shogunate, as the Boshin War painfully showed. If he wants to reverse the trend of distancing prevalent in Kyushu, Tokugawa Iesato will have to find ways in which to win over his ancestral rivals to his cause. This is likely to be a nigh-impossible task, but embracing political westernisation and granting them positions in the reformed administration may be just enough to placate them. On the other hand, there are the northern domains of Aizu, Kaga, Sendai and Matsumae: While these had been largely loyal in the Boshin War, they are also characterised by staunch conservatism and some have chafed at the modernisation of the Shogunate, seeing it as bringing unwanted Western influence and challenges to their traditional monopolies of power. Beyond the struggle of the clans, the social problems of Japan’s society persist. The caste system gives privileges that many consider outdated, with the divide between the martial Samurai and the enterprising Chonin hindering healthy economic development. The Kirishitan resurgence, spurred by the proselytism of the Catholic Iberians, is another issue. While Tokugawa was forced to repeal the ancient anti-Christian edicts, the shoguns have done their best to ensure that foreign religions are kept away from positions of power, and informal ostracisation is still widespread. This is creating yet another divide in Japanese society, one that the Shogunate cannot really afford. Furthermore, the Westerners are not blind to the political implications of their religious offensive. The Kirishitan loathe the Tokugawa, and are willing to rise up in widespread revolt against him, if given the chance. There are also those who have not renounced Sonno Joi after the Boshin War; what is worse is that under the provisions of the Treaty of Edo these radicals have found safe havens in the domains of the south, and from there they kept preaching their doctrines. Indeed, many in Japan still want to expel the barbarians and revere the Emperor. Emperor Yoshihito died in 1926, and was succeeded to the throne by his son, Hirohito. He too, like his father and grandfather before him, was largely secluded in the Kyoto residence, where he immersed himself in the study of marine biology. However, in a bid to appease the southern domains and the Sonno Joi supporters, shogun Tokugawa Iesato relaxed his isolation from political affairs, allowing daimyos to meet him. Some have speculated that Hirohito is growing fond of the Sonno Joi movement, but in the current state of affairs the Shogunate seems to be secure enough in its monopoly of authority in Japan...

 

[mapperific]

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The Russian Empire​

CHAPTER 20, PART 1

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Introduction​

Head of State: "Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias, of Moscow, Kiev, Vladimir, Novgorod; Tsar of Kazan, Tsar of Astrakhan, Grand Duke of Lithuania, Tsar of Siberia, Tsar of Tauric Chersonesus, Tsar of Georgia, High Patron of the Russian-American Company; Lord of Pskov, and Grand Prince of Smolensk, Volhynia and Podolia; Prince of Estonia, Livonia, Courland and Semigalia, Samogitia, Białystok, Karelia, Tver, Yugor, Perm, Vyatka, Bogar and others; Sovereign and Grand Prince of Nizhni Novgorod, Chernigov, Ryazan, Polotsk, Rostov, Yaroslavl, Beloozero, Udoria, Obdoria, Kondia, Vitebsk, Mstislav, and Ruler of all the Severian country; Sovereign and Lord of Iveria, Kartalinia, the Kabardian lands and Armenian province: hereditary Sovereign and Possessor of the Circassian and Mountain Princes and of others; Sovereign of Turkestan, titulary Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, Stormarn, Dithmarschen, and Oldenburg, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera, Tsar Nikolai II "

Quick description of Russia in the 20th century​

The 19th Century has not been kind to Russia. A succession of pyrrhic victories and dishonorable failures, a century of Tsars unable to resolve the current situation and move Russia into the modern age, a century of instability, vulnerability and volatility. In the 20th century it would seem that few things changed: Tsar Nikolai II, tried passing a number of reforms during his reign and even tried making peace with the revolutionaries, yet to no avail. Immediately after installing new power upon the Duma, Nikolai found that the latter would rarely listen to his wishes and instead engage in senseless squabbles and delirious deliberations. After 3 years of semi constitutionalism, the Tsar hamstrung the Duma in 1923, relying on the army to do so. While this brought temporary peace to the political scene it would not last: as the radicals and revolutionaries engage in all forms of protest, the moderates find themselves unable to work with the current government, and even the military is starting to doubt the Tsar. Russia is walking on a tightrope, and only God may know what fate awaits the empire to come…

A quick description of the current Parties in the Duma​

The Social Reformists​

The biggest radical party that was in the Duma, the SR, is a big tent composed of different socialist and revolutionary movements. United during the reforms of Nikolai, the party made a solemn oath to refute the use of revolutionary terror. However after the installation of the military dictatorship, the party thought itself to be betrayed by the Tsar with most members encouraging political violence against the tyrannical regime, a fact for which it was quickly thrown out of the Duma. Despite this turbulent history the party managed to keep most of its members and its position as the main revolutionary front in Russia. Of course, this does not mean that the party is fully united, on the contrary the number of factions and movements are a microcosm of Russian politics. We can however identify 3 main factions within the party.

The first are the Narodniki or the Neo-Narodnik as they are sometimes called. This particular brand of socialism looks to the peasants of Russia as the true Martyrs and revolutionaries, citing the struggles of the recently liberating Serfs as the greatest injustice in Russian lands. Willing to compromise with Tsarist authority when Nikolai officially abolished Serfdom, the Narodniki are now calling for a complete overhaul and overthrow of the current system in order to replace it with some form of direct, parliamentary democracy emanating from local peasant councils.

The second wing of the SR is similar yet drastically different. The Tkachevtsi (or weathers) are a faction of socialists, taking the teachings of Pyotr Tkachev for their gospel. A mix of Marxism and Utilitarianism, the Tkachevtsi idea, stipulates that the common people of Russia, poor victims of centuries of slavery and obscurantism are incapable of truly freeing themselves from the shackles of Tyranny, therefore requiring a revolutionary vanguard which would guide them towards a brave new world.

Finally, the 3rd faction is the black sheep of the family: The Freieists. Born in the Berlin clubs of emigres and exiles, the Freieists look upon the Republic in awe and a hint of jealousy. Despite not being a proper socialist ideology these radicals have nonetheless managed to find common ground with the revolutionaries after the shunning of the Duma. Arguing for a Freieism with Russian characteristics, they are also the only faction that receives a constant stream of cash and weapons from Berlin.

In short, the front is united only by their hatred of the current status quo. Should the two headed eagle fall, it is likely that the next enemy of the SR-Front, shall be itself…

The People’s Reprisal​

There are reformists, there are Revolutionaries, there are murderers, and then, there is the People’s Reprisal party. Without a doubt the biggest boogeyman in modern Russian politics, the PR party finds its roots in the life and death of Sergey Gennadiyevich Nechayev, a revolutionary without an equal. For Nechayev, a revolutionary is a doomed man, he must ally himself with the savage word of the violent criminal; the only true revolutionary in Russia. He must be merciless to his enemy, the current order and must love only one thing: the revolution. Founded by Nechayev himself, though disbanded and destroyed many times during the last 50 years, the PR takes this credo to heart and is one of the biggest actors on the bloody scene of revolutionary terror. Although their numbers are small (for most revolutionaries are unwilling to stoop to their level), they were identified by the Ohranka as the primary internal threat. That said, much like their more tame comrades, the PR isn’t truly unified, with 2 main factions within the group. The first are the so called Nechayevshchina, members of the PR who not only embrace the violent means of Nechayev but his final vision of a society as well. An organised and meritocratic society, called barrack communism by its detractors. The other part of the PR is the Khlebovoliya , united with the Nechayevshchina in terms of means but disagreeing when it comes to end. Taking some inspiration from the teachings of Kropotkin, the Khlebovoliya believe that the new order must be that of a true anarchy, a society of the truly free, unshackled from any and every sort of tyranny. For now, the ends matter little for the People’s Reprisal for as long as the old order stands, it must be taken down by any means. Brick by brick, stone by stone, corpse by corpse.

The Novembrists​

Harkening back to the Novembrist rule during the reign of Emperor Konstantin, the Novembrists search to implement a Constitutional monarchy in Russia. The main moderate reformist party in the Duma, the party has gone a long way since its inception and is now well established in most intellectual circles. Like most Russian parties, the Novembrists are internally divided between those who want to implement the original version of Muravyov’s Constitution, which gave substantial power to the Tsar, while others want to create a unicameral Parliament that would effectively elect its own executive, thus making the Tsar a figurehead.

The Union of September 25th​

Originally a party formed to support Nikolai’s reforms, the party is now effectively another part of the opposition, if not by action then by the simple fact that it exists. With the majority of its members having migrated towards the Novembrists or the Moderates, nowadays the party is a conglomeration of industrials, newly minted bourgeoisie and progressive conservatives wishing to restore the Reforms of 1919.

The Moderates​

The Yes men of Nikolai, the moderates are the main party in the Duma, guiding it alongside the Tsar wishes. Its members are fully aware of their positions as pawns of the executive and have different justifications for it, ranging from blue-eyed idealism to pure political interests.

And with that, let us move on to the history of the Russian Empire from the 18th century to 1933.

 

[mapperific]

The Russian Empire​

CHAPTER 20, PART 2

---

Ekaterina II​

Throughout the 2nd half of the 18th century, Russia was ruled by the firm hand of Ekaterina II. Considered by many to be an enlightened ruler, she followed the steps of Peter the Great in bringing Russia into the modern age; a modern army, a modern administration, a modern church. Stilling herself as an Enlightened Ruler, Ekaterina’s court was often home to many different thinkers and philosophers such as Voltaire or Diderot. However, her rule was not without its hurdles: the serfdom, a backwards economic system comparable to slavery, was entrenched under Ekaterina, court favouritism and therefore corruption was at an all-time high. Additionally, Ekaterina never paid attention to her heir, Prince Pavel, which would cause consequences down the line. Furthermore, Cossack revolts, one of the causes of enforced serfdom, were playing out in Western and Central Siberia, slowing down Russian expansion in the region.

Yet, it would be unfair to talk about this period of Tsarist Autocracy without mentioning what is perhaps the greatest achievement of Ekaterina: the complete and total elimination of one of the most ancient Russian rivals, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Partition of Poland is a long affair of scheming, plotting and interfering in Polish affairs. The Commonwealth, already a de facto puppet of the Russians, was subdued and split between 3 black eagles of Europe, who immediately started bickering over it’s charred remains. The Russians, despite being the de jure overlords of all of the Commonwealth, only got the LIthuanian sections, a vast piece of land certainly, but not as prosperous as the new Prussian lands of central Poland or even the Austrian territories of Galicia and Lodomeria. This perceived slight would only lead to increased tensions between the Great Powers and inevitably an escalation in the years to come. Ekaterina the Great, however, would not live to see another Great European War.

Bozhe, Tsarya khrani.

 

[Josthefang4]

The Ancestral Rivalry
History of the British Republic and the Kingdom of France
​

Part 1: France
The Ancien Regime

While the illustrious history of the Kingdom of France could be dated back to the Age of Charlemagne or even the Franks, it is perhaps best to recount the events which led to its golden 19th century (Les Soixante Glorieuses), its eventual decline, and the rough entry into the 20th century.

The era of the enlightened monarchy arguably started with Louis XVII, the “Dawn King”. Ascending the throne in 1775 after the brief reign of his brother (who died of smallpox in October of the same year), the young king undertook colossal efforts in order to rescue the falling economy. Eventually, his work culminated in the great assembly of the Estates-General of 1785, where the soon to be named “Roi D’aube” managed to change the fortunes of the kingdom.

By giving double representation to the third estate, he managed to crush the nobles and remove their tax exemption privileges. This political manoeuvre was a resounding success and Louis not only managed to get France out of debt, but also established a reputation as an enlightened monarch among the populace, though at the cost of alienating the nobles. Louis XVII still managed to intervene in the American War of Independence and started a naval build-up in the late 1790’s, for war with Perfidious Albion loomed on the horizon. The spark that would ignite a new great European conflict would however come from the New World, as American excursions into British Canada escalated into a full-scale war. Sensing an opportunity to avenge the disastrous defeat of the 7 Years’ War, Louis XVII declared war on Britain in June 1822. He would however not live to see the end of the war, as he would die in September 1826.

The brother of Louis XVII, Charles X, would conduct the rest of the 9 Years’ War. The biggest conflict fought in the modern times so far, this war would span across 3 continents and involve every world power under the sun. And yet, against all odds, France stood victorious. Against the dastardly Teutons on the green fields of the Holy Roman Empire, against the proud Turks in the white sands of Algiers, against the deceitful Brits in the jungles of India and the forests of Quebec, against them all, France stood victorious, its head held high, and a war bounty reaped plenty. The Prussians offered significant monetary compensation and, just as importantly, gave the Kingdom a new flag born from the blood of the King’s Own Regiment during the battle of Hoya. The Ottomans gave France Algeria and Tripolitania. But it would be Britain who would offer the biggest spoils to the victor: The colonies lost in the 7 Years’ War, Quebec and French India. They were returned to their rightful owner in 1831. And like a phoenix from ashes, France was once more ascendant as it rose from the smoke of war, setting course for a bright new era.

With the death of Charles X, his son Louis XVIII would reign during the most prosperous years of France. A commander during the 9 Years' War, he was beloved by his people, but he would not sit upon the laurels of conquest. During his reign, he spearheaded France into the Industrial Revolution, creating railways, factories and jobs. By 1844, France was the 2nd most industrialised centre of the world, quickly catching up to Britain, with a new resurgent class of industrial bourgeoisie. His reign would however be brief, and “le Roi Soldat” died in 1846.

Henry V was the next in line, and under his long reign, France would see the greatest expansion of its colonial empire. Indochina, Siam, Chingtao, Madagascar, Senegal and many more would become part of the French holdings. After a war against the savage Russian bear and rapprochement with the Ottomans in the late 1850s, a canal in Suez was planned and completed. During the same period, Paris itself would undergo a metamorphosis and become truly worthy of being the world’s capital. France, it seemed, was on the top of the world. And from there, the only way was downwards. In 1870 a grain plague, combined with a recession, devastated the countryside. While the rest of the country recovered, the rural areas never truly caught back, and a growing rift between the capital and the provinces became apparent, a division only worsened by the disgruntled rural nobles and the regional separatists. Despite the efforts of the king, this division was never truly solved and would plague France up to this day. Henry V died in 1882, having no sons or close relatives. The French crown would pass to the Spanish side of the Bourbon line, a hard pill to swallow for many nationalists.

Luckily, the new King, once the count of Montizon, now King Jean III of France and Navarre, was a charismatic individual; a truly enlightened monarch some would say. For it was under his rule that the phrase “for the people, just not by the people” earned all its gravitas. Once seated on the throne, he would immediately start a grand series of social reforms, culminating in one of the world's first welfare states. The reforms were in a way revolutionary and included health insurance, pensions, accident insurance and a minimum wage. Moreover, Jean’s ascension to the throne marked the beginning of an even closer relationship with the Kingdom of Spain. And while France was blooming, the North American powderkeg was once again on fire. As Britain and The American Republic waged war, France and its colonial empire remained on the sides. That however would not last.

With the death of Jean III in 1888, his son Charles XI assumed the throne. A stern ruler, he immediately adopted a more aggressive posturing. Yet he would ultimately hold back, a cowardly move for some. The Canadiens wouldn’t wait for the Metropole though, and in 1891 they entered the Great North American War, wishing to regain their "ancestral territories" east of the St. Lawrence. Outflanked, outgunned and now with a threat of a direct French intervention, Britain had no choice but to withdraw, and soon Acadie became part of French Canada. Yet the reign of Charles XI would not be remembered by his conquests, but rather his failures. In 1901, a giant money laundering scheme involving multiple members of the State Cabinet was uncovered. Furious, Charles XI started the so-called "anti-corruption crusades", a de facto purge of the Kingdom's civil administration.

Eventually, the purges started turning against any potential enemy of the Crown, and France became a police state ran by Charles and his secret police, “La Cagoule”. Fear took hold of the economy and a depression on an unprecedented scale shattered the French economy in 1905. Finally, in 1917 Charles passed away and the Cagoule died with him.

The son of Charles XI, Jaime de Borbón, styled Jacques I, was coronated in early 1918. Trying to fix the faults of his ancestor, Jacques restarts the economy, however the recovery is slowed by the Dreadnought Race between France and Britain and, by the end of his reign in 1931, the Kingdom's finances are still looking bleak.

And with this we arrive into modernity, the 1930’s, and the coronation of Alphonse-Charles, styled Charles XII. A benevolent ruler, he now has the difficult task of mending the social and economic wounds of the French nation. Even more concerning however is his poor health, for should he pass away, the succession laws will be in disarray...

The Internal Situation of France

Entering the 1930’s, it is clear to everyone that the golden century of France is over. The anti- corruption crusades destroyed the fragile social balance of the Kingdom and its economy. France is now more than ever dependent on the financial support of its colonies, who are none too happy about the massive increase in taxes and tariffs. The rift between the central, urban areas of France and its more rural and culturally distinct provinces grows ever larger, with multiple revolts taking place during the 1920’s. Yet perhaps the most worrying of all is the matter of succession: Should Alphonse-Charles pass away, the next in the Bourbon line is Alfonso XIII, none other than the king of Spain. Yet France cannot have a foreign ruler according to its fundamental laws, as well as the Treaty of Utrecht. Alfonso recognises this and has already renounced his claim to the French throne, passing it instead to his second son, Jaime. His candidature is... questionable at best, as he lived most of his life in Spain and does not possess the necessary charisma to make up for his cultural differences. Yet no matter the challenges and enemies awaiting the Kingdom, France will surely weather any storm. Vive le Roi, Vive la France!

The Foreign Relations of France

The Kingdom of France maintains the greatest colonial empire on the globe, rivalled only by the British and Spain. Stretching across the Canadian Prairies, the golden beaches of Haiti, the deserts of North Africa and the Jungles of the Indian Subcontinent, the French possessions are numerous indeed. Of course, with this great boon comes a great many burdens: the cost of maintaining and improving the possessions of the Outre-Mer is costly and not all colonial subjects wish to remain a part of the empire.

The Kingdom of Spain is a long-time ally of France. Tied by the Bourbon blood and the blood spilled during the 9 Years' War, “Le Pacte de Famille” is a strong alliance indeed. As long as the Bourbon ties are intertwined, the Kingdoms will weather any storm together.

The Austrian Empire is another ally of the Kingdom. Perhaps not as steadfast as the Spanish Bourbons, the Austrian Habsburgs are still a valuable ally and a primordial piece of the HRE tapestry. More importantly, they will be the first bulwark against the inevitable Prussian aggression. If and when the belligerent Republic will start its Freieist Crusade against the world, Austria shall be the first to meet them on the battlefield.

Though the enemies of France are many, one is constant throughout all ages: Britain. Be they a Monarchy, a Republic, a Union of Crowns or a Congregation of Parliaments, it matters not. For Albion is always perfidious, always scheming, always plotting against France. The Kingdom responds in kind and so the ancestral rivalry continues. During the last great clash between the European powers, the Brits lost, and now, a hundred years later, the islanders yearn for revenge. The Dreadnought Race, the North American intervention, and constant embargoes: a new conflict approaches, it is as evident as the sun rising in the East.

» The Ancestral Rivalry - Part 2: The Beacon of Democracy (Britain)
« Introduction
☆ Back to Table of Contents​

This looks great! It's a mod for Hoi4 right? if yes I'm definitely downloading it when it can be

 

[mapperific]

This looks great! It's a mod for Hoi4 right? if yes I'm definitely downloading it when it can be

Yep! You can check us out on our Discord and subreddit where we have also posted a few gameplay teasers that of course don't belong on an alternate history forum.

 

[mapperific]

The Russian Empire​

CHAPTER 20, PART 3

---

Pavel, the First and Only​

The full weight of the burden of absolute rule is often forgotten by the people subjected to it. Behind the abundant opulence of palaces and the gold plated veneer of royal privileges hide a myriad of mechanisms, strings and keys, all necessitating paramount attention by the ruler less the realm falls into ruin and the monarch with it. Should one go against the will of the machine without first removing rebellious cogs and oiling the rest, he will inevitably be crushed and removed from his lofty throne. For in the end, the divine mandate is just as earthly as the rest of the earthly laws: the holiest of causes is always the one with more rifles. Alas, it is a simple truth that Tsar Pavel was unfortunately, never taught.

Always ignored by his mother and isolated from court politics, Pavel grew up despising his Mother and her court. His admiration for Prussia (one of the many things he shared with his late father) as well as rumours regarding Ekaterina intending to pass the crown directly to her grandson, only deepened the chasm forming between the two. Is it really that surprising then that most of Pavel’s policies revolved around opposing that of his dear mother? And is it really shocking that his reign was as short lived as his father’s? Immediately after his coronation in 1797, Pavel passed a male primogeniture law banning female rulers in Russia. While this did indeed prevent a more chaotic succession line, its real reason was as clear as day. The rest of Pavel’s reforms were similar in nature: a restriction of the powers of the nobility and small concessions to the serfs; most of these measures were designed to centralise power, but also to go against Ekaterina’s style of rule. Yet Pavel's largest reform was a military one; Pavel’s military reforms were groundbreaking in some way (Pavel was the first one to introduce medals and military honors), yet they were also draconian and heavy handed in others. The officers could not marry without the Emperor’s approval, Prussian battle drills were enforced with an iron will, soldiers who committed even the slightest of errors during exercises could be demoted and even sent to Siberia. Like his father, Pavel was absorbed by the external looks of the military affairs: discipline and parades were paramount. The Tsar wanted to make the Northern Bear march in Prussian goose step, even if that meant turning all of the army against him.

And thus conspiracies began to form, real and imagined. The first notable example was the Smolensky's circle, formed in 1798 and discovered and proscribed just a year later. But Pavel has antagonised far too many people, including his own son Alexander. Alas, the grumbling did not go unnoticed, and Pavel began suspecting everyone of treason. He moved to his newly constructed Castle Mikhailovsky in the year 1800 and rumours about imprisoning his wife and sons started to circulate. The fact that he invited his cousin Duke Eugen of Württemberg and was granted the rank of corporal upon his arrival only reinforced said rumours. Tensions were mounting, it’s apogee reached, when the Tsar named Count Rostopchin, a loyalist, as the grand marshall of the army and sent Alexander away from Petersburg. A new plot was hatched. The official plan was a bloodless coup, removing Pavel from power and installing Alexander on the throne. The unofficial plan by the organisators (chief among them General Governor Pahlen) was to eliminate the Tsar, not just the current one, but forever.

In March of 1802, the plan was set in motion. The loyal Preobrajensky battalion was rotated out of Mikhailovsky and replaced by the Semionovsky Regiment. Pahlen, whom Pavel trusted, managed to convince the ruler to sack his most loyal officers and close all of the secret exits leading out of the royal chambers. The night of March the 20th, at about 1am, a group of officers snuck into Pavel’s bedchambers. What happened next is unclear, stories differ from everyone present, some say that the officers were drunk and tried to kill Pavel, others say that they only tried to force him to sign his abdication. All we know however is that Pavel and his domestic servant, Ivan Kutaysov, managed to escape through a secret tunnel which the Tsar either forgot or purposefully didn’t seal. The whole castle would descend into anarchy as the conspirators and loyalists scrambled and Pavel disappeared from the Castle. An hour later, after the Conspirators secured Mikhailovsky, it became clear that the Tsar escaped to the Winter Palace where he called upon Rostopchin and Württemberg to crush the traitors. Württemberg however didn’t show up, more worried about his aunt who were still in Mikhailovsky. In the end Pavel only had half of a brigade to hold down the Palace as the Semionovsky Regiment encircled the Palace and made it impossible for any message to get out. An uneasy stalemate was taking place: the conspirators weren’t sure what to do next, knowing that they were running out of time yet also not wanting to storm the palace and kill the Tsar in the process, which wouldremovie any sense of legitimacy that the coup could claim. By dawn, however, they could not wait any longer. The headstrong General von Bennigsen took command of the Regiment and stormed the Palace. The fighting was brief if bloody, the loyalists were hopelessly outnumbered yet they managed to barricade the most of the north-western wing of the grand dwelling. However, it was all in vain.

As the sun illuminated the concert hall, the last of the Tsar’s men fell prey to the bloodied sabres of the regiment. Palin and Bennigsen stood closely behind the officers as they charged into the Jasper Room of the Winter Palace where they were greeted by a corpse, and Kutaysov the domestic, sobbing in the corner. At least, that’s the official version. The official version also stated that it was Rostopchin and Kutaysov that kidnaped and murdered Pavel while the “loyal” Semionovsky Regiment tried valiantly to defend the Autocrat, but unfortunately were too late. Of course, as conspiracies go, this was more of an open secret. A whole regiment as well as the Tsar’s family and a lot of Petersburg inhabitants knew or at least suspected what really happened. Yet no one said a thing. No one loved Pavel enough to care, in fact most applauded his death. The naysayers existed of course, though they disagreed with the handling of the whole affair, not it’s righteousness. Yet the event left an impression, a sour taste in the Russian society. It left something even more on the young heir: a scar that would never heal. Alexander would take the crown in the spring of 1802, and with him, the great Empire of the North entered the 19th century.

Bozhe, Tsarya khrani.

 

[mapperific]

The Russian Empire​

CHAPTER 20, PART 4

---

The Harlequin Tsar: Alexander I​

In many ways, Alexander was a personification of his country. A liberal and a mistic, a reformist at one time and a traditionalist at another, a commander who loved his troops and military drills all while being an ardent pacifist, and an insightful erudite who gained fascination with different subjects yet could just as quickly lose all interest in them. As Pushkin would later write about the autocrat: “Used to contradictions, his highness was a Harlequin in body and soul”. Above all however Alexander aimed to please and cajole his entourage. He learned to be loved by everyone, a social skill his father could never hope to master.

His first words upon taking the throne was to distance himself from his late father and appease the officer corps by promising that he’ll be just like his Grandmother, a truly enlightened ruler who listened to his subjects. The short reign of his father would quickly be forgotten by most people as a brief and tragic error in a line of great Romanov monarchs. Yet, the spirit of Pavel never truly left Alexander. Perhaps for that reason the young Tsar rarely spent more than a month per year in Petersburg as both the Winter Palace and Castle Mikhailovsky reminded him of the past. Instead the Tsar formed an itinerant court, never staying in one place of his empire. The Tsar wanted to see all of his domain for he had great plans for it.

Alexander had many liberal reforms in mind; a new constitution, the abolishment of serfdom, free and obligatory education, an entrenchment of the individual rights and so on. While Alexander had a whole clique of liberal minded statesmen, the driving force behind the reforms was without a doubt, the count Mikhail Speransky. The two of them got to work wanting to create a new modern Russia, similar in more ways than one to Glorious Britain. New universities, new ministries, the possibility to buy your way out of serfdom. However, the biggest change would come with the Reform of 1810. Speransky’s masterpiece would include the separation of state powers into three different branches, the recognition of the political and civil rights of the russian citizens, the creation of a legislative senate and provincial governments. If the reforms were to pass, Russia would effectively become a constitutional monarchy. But unfortunately for Speransky, his ideas were too much to swallow for the more conservative members of the court. The proposal was met with unanimous suspicion by the court and while some parts of the reforms managed to be implemented (the legislative senate and a full reform of the civil service), the rest of the reforms were forgotten. Speransky however, would not be so easily stopped and tried another approach. If his reforms could not be implemented on a national scale, he would start in a single region; a dry run of the system. For that Speransky chose the former lands of Lithuania for the implementation of his project. These territories were distant enough from the grasp of the conservative nobles and who kept their local Statutes of Lithuania a set of legal codes which had a lot in common with Speransky’s reforms. However the special status of Lithuania would need to be formalised. And thus on behalf of his Chancellor, Alexander recreated the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, an administrative entity different from the rest of Russia.

However, the experiences of Speransky would soon come to a close. The Tsar interest in the reforms was falling and the opposition to the reforms was only growing. Their supporters existed true, yet they were few and far between and often considered them to be too tame. In 1815, Speransky would be demoted and replaced with a more conservatively minded Chancellor. This change in course coincided with the change in Alexander’s life. During one of his trips to Petersburg, the Tsar stayed for a night in the Winter Palace. After this, he suddenly started expressing a particular interest in all things mystical and spiritual. After visiting his old friend prince Golitsyn, he would begin reading the bible, with particular interest to the sections mentioning parricide and rebirth. The same year, the two of them, alongside count Kochelev, would found the Bible Society in Russia, dedicated to finding and translating other versions of the bible, notably the more esoteric ones. This fascination would carry on for the next 10 years, much to the dismay of the Moscow Patriarchate.

In another turn of fate parts of the officer corps became to look upon Alexander with disdain. In 1819, the Semionovsky regiment, Alexander’s favorite, rebelled against its new commander. The Tsar's seeming apathy towards the event as well as his failure to deliver his promised reforms to the country after 20 years of rule, started to create discontent. Secret societies were formed within the officer corps with the expressed interest in pushing Russia towards a new age. While decentralised and insignificant at first, the societies would continue to grow, waiting for the opportune moment to change Russia’s destiny.

And perhaps, the time of change would come sooner than anyone expected. In 1820, a new European war was blooming on the horizon. Instigated in the New World, the conflict quickly spilled onto the mainland? and soon all the major powers were involved in the bloodshed. All, except Russia. Alexander was cautious, as both sides had antagonists to Russian dominance, notably Prussia and Austria. Moreover, the Russian army had only 400 000 men, a mighty force indeed, yet one that would have to be split in order to face all the possible threats. However, the Tsar understood that if the delicate balance of powers was threatened, Russia would have no choice but to intervene. Such a time would come in the autumn of 1822; the balance of powers seemed to be collapsing, with Clausewitz breaking through Austrian lines and on the verge of taking Vienna, Alexander knew that the time was now or never, and declared war against Prussia, Britain and the Ottomans pushing the empire into the Nine Years War. The repercussion of his decision would be felt throughout the rest of the century.

 

[mapperific]

The Russian Empire​

CHAPTER 20, PART 5

---

The Harlequin Tsar: Alexander I [II]​

The first months of the war seemed promising; the Russian army moved into the Balkans and Poland, thus saving the Austrians from an encirclement. However, Lady Fortune soon abandoned the Tsar and his troops. Following Russian entry into the war, the Swedes, honoring their alliance with Prussia, entered the war. Though small in number, they opened a new front and could theoretically take the capital. However Alexander did not want to divert the troops from what he considered to be the biggest threats and was content with putting a few divisions on the border - a crack in the armor that the Swedes took full advantage of. The first defeat was at the sea as the Swedes destroyed the Baltic fleet near the Baltic coast. This was unfortunate, indeed, but the worst was yet to come.

In August 1823, the Swedish army stormed the Russian lines near Vyborg and moved in to threaten St Petersburg. The City prepared for the siege but no one actually expected the Swedes to be so bold, most generals and Tsar called it a bluff. The capital was not prepared for the attack. In a span of just a few days, the enemy occupied the entire city with the exception of Peter and Paul Fortress. The crack had, alas, shattered the armour. The army tried desperately to regroup, however with the Ottomans moving through Moldavia and the Prussians threatening to encircle the 1st corps, as well as the Persians entering the war in order to retake parts of the Caucasus, it would take the Russian High Command a 3 long months to assemble a new corps and devise an offensive to retake the capital. During that time, Alexander was in a state of anguish, sometimes even bordering on suicidal depression.

According to a confidant, he was caught saying the following: “Truly I’ve mastered the art of involuntary parricide. First I condemn my father, then my Motherland.”

But when the time for the offensive came, he insisted on being on the front of the marching troops. The following should’ve been a chivalrous tale of glorious reconquest led by the Tsar himself, but the Swedes, knowing that they would soon be outnumbered, sacked the city and retreated. And so as the Tsar entered the city, yet instead of triumph, he would taste only ash, and see only the battered walls of the Winter Palace.

The next few days were strange and conflicting. It is said that the Tsar was residing in Castle Mikhailovsky (one of the few structures still standing in the capital) in a state of deep apathy, not reacting to any news. Some say that he was sick with a high fever but refused to see a medic, while others claim that he was in a perfectly healthy state. In any case, on the 9th of November (Gregorian calendar), the Tsar reportedly died due to a sudden sickness. Many refute this claim and proposed that the Tsar used a body double in order to fake his own death to start a new life as a Siberian hermit, in order to repent for his past sins. Whatever may be the case, the death of the monarch created a new problem for the overburdened nation: one of succession.

Bozhe, Tsarya khrani.

 

[Admiral Matt]

Am I missing a map anywhere in here? I looked for a reference to help picture things and skimming turned up nothing.

 

[mapperific]

Am I missing a map anywhere in here? I looked for a reference to help picture things and skimming turned up nothing.

There are maps of each country in 1933 at the start of each chapter, however we unfortunately do not have any war or battle maps.

 

[Admiral Matt]

There are maps of each country in 1933 at the start of each chapter, however we unfortunately do not have any war or battle maps.

Huh. Not one showing up on either phone or desktop.

Wouldn't happen to be embedded links to a site banned in certain countries, would it?

 

[mapperific]

Huh. Not one showing up on either phone or desktop.

Wouldn't happen to be embedded links to a site banned in certain countries, would it?

Now that you mention it, might be. Is Reddit and Imgur banned in your country? I embed links instead of uploading images due to file size issues.

 

[mapperific]

The Russian Empire​

CHAPTER 20, PART 6

---

The Interregnum of 1823 and the Novembrist Coup​

Tsar Alexander had no male primogeniture. His 2 daughters died early in his reign and he had no children since. This meant that the crown should pass to one of his brothers, Konstantin and Nikolai. While the crown should have passed to the eldest, Konstantine never wished to take the burden of Emperor, and in fact just two months before the unfortunate death of Alexander wrote a secret resignation of his inheritance, known only to the Tsar. Therefore Nikolai, the younger brother, was to inherit the crown, a fact that would not sit well with the more reformist members of the officer corps, as Nikolai was well known for his conservative views. But Nikolai had no wishes of inheriting the crown either. This unwillingness from both Princes would create a chaotic atmosphere of absolute uncertainty.

At the moment of Alexander’s death, Nikolai was in Moscow administering the formation of new regiments, while Konstantin was commanding troops on the Prussian front. Nikolai was the first to receive the unfortunate news and under some pressure from count Miloradovich, refused his rights to the throne, unaware of the fact that his brother had already done the same thing and swore an oath to the latter. Once Konstantin received the news, he made his declaration public and refused to leave the front despite the fact that most of the court made an oath and proclaimed him to be the new emperor. The following confusion persisted for two more weeks, during which more and more people swore oaths of loyalty to Konstantin while he himself refused to return to the capital. Finally, Nikolai decided to act. He moved to the half-destroyed St Petersburg, intending on making the court swear a new oath of loyalty; if his brother was unwilling to take action in this time of crisis, he would do it himself. (it should be noted that there was never any bad blood between the two: for Nikolai couldn’t blame Konstantin for refusing the throne for he had made the same decision).

After arriving in St Petersburg, he proclaimed his decision seeking to make himself the Tsar the next day. However Nikolai failed to take into account one key factor - the reformists. With the confusion of the interregnum and multiple oaths to muddy the situation, the reformists decided to act and take advantage of the chaos.

It is important to establish that what would become known as the Novembrists were not a homogenous group. They were a collection of different secret societies formed within the officer corps. All of them had different ideas on what Russia should be with different ideas clashing and intermingling. However most of them agreed on two basic fundamentals: the abolishment of serfdom and containment of the Tsar's power within the limits of a constitutional monarchy. While they stayed quiet during the first few days of the interregnum content with Konstantin, they knew that they would not get a better chance at seizing the reigns of power.

And so, the next day, following Nikolai’s arrival in the capital, 2 grenadier regiments led by the conspirators stormed the half-destroyed Senate house with the intention of halting the new oath and imprisoning Nikolai if need be. This coup was relatively bloodless (with the exception of count Miloradovich who was wounded by a bayonet then he tried to stop the conspirators), however, most of the Senate refused to comply with the Novembrists and were arrested, while the rest voted on the disbanding of their own legislative chamber. In one fell swoop, a clique of officers managed to seize power, claiming it for a man that never wanted it. A new modern Russia rose from the ashes of the war, and the only question left unanswered, would be whether it could withstand the coming storm.

 

[Admiral Matt]

Now that you mention it, might be. Is Reddit and Imgur banned in your country? I embed links instead of uploading images due to file size issues.

Just checked imgur, wasn't familiar.

Both blocked by the Great Firewall, looks like. Lost Reddit a couple years back.

 

[mapperific]

Just checked imgur, wasn't familiar.

Both blocked by the Great Firewall, looks like. Lost Reddit a couple years back.

That sucks. If I ever have time I'll try to replace them with compressed file uploads. Didnt know the Great Firewall allows ah.com, haha

 

[pls don't ban me]

@mapperific is the mod available or do we have to keep waiting? an alpha release might help with bug issues.

 

[mapperific]

@mapperific is the mod available or do we have to keep waiting? an alpha release might help with bug issues.

We'd love to haha but we're not as far in as we'd like to be into in-game dev due to a shortage of developers right now, if youre interested you can always apply!

 

[mapperific]

The Russian Empire​

CHAPTER 20, PART 7

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Tsar Konstantin the Uncrowned​

When Konstantin heard the news of the coup, he was not pleased. Despite being praised as a liberal, he never was one. True, Konstantin was not an iron handed traditionalist like his brother, but he was neither the blue eyed reformist as Alexander was in his youth. Konstantin was the middle; he was a bright intellectual, bound to sudden mood swings, called a boundless romantic by Pushkin. He was a good tactical commander, popular with the troops. But his merits stopped there. He never took an interest in politics or ruling nor did he want to. He was perfectly content with his position and was terrified of taking power, especially after the murder of his father, Pavel. In short, he had the potential of being a perfect figurehead, as long as he didn’t rule.

Therefore it is not surprising that upon hearing the news of the coup, Konstantin was furious. After all, the conspirators imprisoned his brother, took the capital, and claimed that it was all in his name. Outraged Konstantin was now faced with a choice - He could abandon the Prussian front and return to St. Petersburg where he could eliminate the Novembrists and free his brother. However, he knew full well that it would mean abandoning the front and leaving the Prussians to roam free in the countryside, potentially even encircling and destroying the entire southern army. Moreover, he could not ignore the true strength of the conspirators, after all, if they could take power that easily, they could easily infiltrate the entire army and possibly even the entire high command. He could feasibly win, indeed, but at what cost? A civil war in the middle of a war that they were losing? That would not do. So what else was possible? Konstantin could denounce the conspirators personally or through a letter, taking away their legitimacy and turn most of the public against them, but what would be their response? Konstantin ignored their intentions and supposed morals - they could take the life of his dear brother as retribution or even try to abolish the Monarchy entirely. No, that was too risky as well. Konstantin could on the other hand accept it - as much as he hated the idea, he could declare himself to be the monarch, take the crown and make bread with the reformists. But that was too much for him; they imprisoned his brother, violated the sanctity of the Tsar’s authority, ignored his will and used his name to justify their barbary. No, a compromise was impossible.

And so, with a similar thought pattern in his mind, Konstantin arrived at the only solution that seemed logical to him - willful ignorance. Konstantin would not acknowledge, nor deny his title as the Emperor of all of Russia, he would ignore all decisions coming from the Novembrists yet he would not directly oppose them. He would simply concentrate himself on the matters of war and deal with the traitors at a later date.

But who were the traitors' leaders? As mentioned previously, the Novembrists were divided in their ideas, yet they did manage to agree on choosing a cadre of leaders which itself was led by Prince Trubetskoy, who quickly laid foundations to a new system of governance based on a constitution made by his close friend, officer Muravyov. This document itself was modeled upon the english system of a constitutional monarchy. A separation of powers would be created: with a bicameral independent legislative Parliament (a veche) being on par with the Emperor, who would still hold the executive power. At least, that was the plan.

In reality, with the Emperor being absent, the new regime found itself without a leader. Therefore a new temporary body was created: the “Vsenarodni Sobor”, or the National Assembly (a name which harkens back to the Zemsky Sobor of the old Tsardom). This Assembly would elect a temporary Grand Knyaz of the Assembly that would rule in absentia of the Tsar (though according to the new laws, his decisions could be overruled by both the Tsar and the Assembly). Unsurprisingly, Trubetskoy became the new Grand Knyaz.

The new government got to work: the first law to be passed was the official abolition of Serfdom, no more would the peasants of Russia be slaves of the nobles. The following laws were just as ambitious: freedom of speech, equality under the law, limited land redistribution. While the detractors would call them radically revolutionary, the Novembrists themselves claimed to act in the spirit of the Speransky’s reforms which were still enforced in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Of course, despite claiming to be national, said laws were only applied to territories that were under control of the Novembrists, namely St Petersburg and its surroundings. Other parts of the Empire ignored it or were too preoccupied with the war to truly pay attention to the Sobor’s decrees. Namely, the Moscow Governor Scherbatov decided to ignore St. Petersburg decrees and continue assembling the new army.

And he was not wrong, for the war waits for no man. After the sacking of St. Petersburg, the Swedish army started a new campaign, landing in the Baltics and setting the countryside aflame. This new threat, both to the Russian Hinterlands as well as Konstantin’s army needed to be stopped, both for strategic reasons and in a spirit of vengeance. In that goal both St. Petersburg and Moscow started preparing a campaign in order to reinforce Konstantin’s army and beat back the Swedish threat. Scherbatov was the first to accomplish this and in the summer of 1824, managed to successfully stop the Swedish expeditionary force, for which he received praise from the Tsar himself.

But luck for the Novembrists seemed to be running out. Exactly a year after the coup, Petersburg experienced the greatest flood in all of its history. The city, still recovering from the Swedish invasion, was once again devastated. In the aftermath of the flood, Trubetskoy decided to temporarily move the Sobor to the ancient city of Novgorod, which was spared from the horrors of war and had a venerable history of Republicanism. Detractors of the new regime would accuse the Novembrists of abandoning the inhabitants of St Petersburg and betraying the Emperor (since the early Tsardom was opposed to Novgorod). This event did little to help the legitimacy of the new regime and the following years would prove to be even more devastating.

In 1825, Scherbatov managed to beat back the Swedish army and was on his way to Poland where he would reunite with Konstantin. In doing so however he also managed to clear an open path to Petersburg, a fact no one missed. While it is improbable that Konstantin would order a march on Petersburg, Trubetskoy nonetheless wisely decided to reinforce the city, and in a spirit of collaboration with the Tsar, sent the newly formed Novembrist regiments, lead by colonel Pestel, a more radical but competent officer, in order to reinforce the Prussian front.

Yet before Pestel could reach his destination, a new threat arose. The Prussians, ever trying to gain an edge, funded Lithuanian rebels within the Russian lands. In late 1825, the perfidious plan bore its fruit when Scherbatov’s army was ambushed near Līksna by Lithuanian insurgents. The story of the Lithuanian rebellion led by Emilia Plater, “The Lithuanian Joan of Arc" is a grand tale on its own, here however we only need to know its impact upon the destiny of Russia. Taken by surprise, Scherbatov's army was forced to retreat towards Smolensk and Konstantin found himself surrounded once again. This also had repercussions on the political level: the Novembrists were laying their reforms upon the tracks spearheaded by Speransky, yet now the only region where said reforms were fully implemented was rebelling against Rodina, proving itself to be the weakest link in the chain. Was it not proof that the grounds of the reforms themselves were rotten, that the structure upon which the reformists were relying was treacherous? The Novembrists were not blind to such accusations and therefore it was in their best interest to quell this revolt.

The year of 1826 would open with actions in Lithuania. Konstantin, surrounded and devoid of supplies, decided to retreat and managed to break through the rebels and secure Minsk. Pestel, having won a few skirmishes against the rebels, considered that move cowardly and instead of linking up with his sovereign decided to surprise the Prussians by assaulting Warsaw. While successful at first, he overextended himself and was crushed by the Prussians. Another humiliating defeat for Russia and another strike against the legitimacy of the Novembrists. Trubetskoy lost his military pawn in the most humiliating way, serving as yet another stain on the Novembrist reputation.

The Prussians, however, were running out of steam. With the French war machine relentlessly pushing through the HRE and the Ottomans signing a peace treaty, Konstantin saw a chance of knocking out the Teutons for good. First, he ordered Scherbatov to encircle and destroy the Lithuanian rebels. After the hinterlands were secured, the Tsar army invaded Prussia, pushing relentlessly into Poland and even reaching Danzig. At Bromberg the final duel between the two black eagles was decided. And while the Russian bear was successful, the Tsar would not live to see it. Perhaps it was fate, or perhaps it was his plan, but during the final hour a rogue bullet hit the uncrowned Emperor in the chest. It was rumored that upon his death, he uttered one last phrase:

“Perhaps my death will be more useful than my life.”

Perchance he was correct.

Bozhe, Tsarya khrani.