Play the ball.Lay off the pervetin.
Play the ball.Lay off the pervetin.
What would the ramifications be if the Germans successfully took Stalingrad? Would they be able to take the Caucusus or would their lines be over extended to the point of easily being cut by the Red Army? How would this effect the war effort on both sides?
Ignore how they do it, just assume they somehow managed a victory.
I think Wiking argued that Baku was organized in such a manner that a protracted bombing campaign was not necessary. A few good bombings would make it a mess.Not that much actually changes for Russia, the Russian oil is still far away from the German lines. German airforce is not good enough to take out the Russian oil so the Russian oil is safe. Germany has a strong position on the Volga but its still a logistic nightmare for the Germans to supply Stalingrad. Okay, it might add a year to the war if we discount nuclear weapons.
Probably not, as the Germans may lie to themselves yet again and say after the failed 1942 counter-offensives the Russians are out of manpower. As we saw in 1943, USSR had one more good year of conscripting millions of men before having to resort to forceful conscriptions of formally Axis-occupied territories.my question would be what happens far away from USSR, having avoided Stalingrad do they double down on Tunisgrad? in some respects it would seem a good idea to stall the Allies from more defensible Tunisia, so the logic is still there, and here they are not facing crushing defeat in USSR.
The Soviets started the war in ‘41 as Germany’s rough equal, but the damage done by the German invasion knocked her down to about 60/70% of Germany’s position by the start of ‘43. After that, the Soviet economy started steadily recovering while the German economy first stalled and then shrank under the stress of mobilization, bombardment, and invasion. The Soviet economy was smaller then the German economy after the damage done too it in 1941/42, but it wasn’t incomparably smaller to the Germans and especially not to the point one could say the USSR was a "dwarf" next to them like was the case, for example, with the Japanese industry next to the American one.
What really happened, according to Adam Tooze, was that the Germans wanted to reserve resources for a later conflict with Britain and the USA and so did not go economically all out in the critical years of 1941 and 1942. The Soviets, on the other hand, whose war damaged economy was smaller-but-still-comparable to that of the Reich, and weaker in several key areas, committed everything for victory now, and so ensures they gained a decisive advantage before they turned to stabilizing the war effort. By 1943 and 1944 Germany had also committed all her strategic reserves of economic and industrial resources, but by then it was too late and the military balance had irrevocably tipped.
Unaware of that. The obvious solution would be to wait until later in December or even January for the ice to firm up, but then we run into the question of whether Stalingrad could hold out that long and whether Stalin would accept such delays.
Kuban didn’t restart production until the Germans were cleared out in October,
so it didn’t produce anything until 1944. Daily Caloric intake of the Soviet adult population increased by nearly 200 calories in 1943 compared to the previous year[1]. In terms of quantity consumed (as a percent when compared to 1940) bread and flour remained static from 1942 to 1943, but goats, legumes, and macaroni increased by 17.5%, Potatoes increased by 69.8%, vegetables and melons increased by 3.3%, milk and milk products increased by 9%, meat and meat products increased by 13.7%, animal and vegetable oils increased by 14.5%, and fish and herring increased by . Only in sugar and confectionary goods was there any decline, which continued into 1944.[3] It is thus undeniable that the Soviet food situation improved even though the harvest situation did not. That lend-lease food went towards the Red Army ignores the fact that freed up domestic food production for the home front. The focus on the quantity of deaths ignores the reality of how death from malnutrition usually works: "Mortality from starvation, however, reached its apex in 1943 and continued into 1944 even after the food supply improved. The year of greatest food shortage was not the year of greatest death. A lag existed between the shortages of 1942 and their subsequent impact. The lag is explained by the fact that food deprivation takes a slow and often irreversible toll on the human organism. There was thus a delayed reaction between the low point for the food supply (1942-1943) and the high point of starvation deaths (1943-1944)."[4]
[1]The Bread of Affliction: The Food Supply in the Soviet Union during WW2 pg 221, Hunger and War: Food Provisioning in the Soviet Union During World War II pg 23.
[2]Bread of Affliction pg 223.
[3]Hunger and War, Pg 24
Except the Soviet Union did make it through OTL 1942, 1943, and most of ‘44 (seeing as the food from the ‘44 harvest wouldn’t be available until the fall and indeed the Soviets didn't begin "refeeding" programs until the latter part of 1944) without such starvation, indeed the food situation improved during ‘43-‘44 well before the ‘44 harvest, which rather contradicts such a claim.
Although it could be argued that it was ww2 with its disruption of markets, most would call it incompetence. When the British did act, the solved the problem of the famine very quickly.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bengal_famine_of_1943
My understanding is that it was a crisis of shipping,
I think Wiking argued that Baku was organized in such a manner that a protracted bombing campaign was not necessary. A few good bombings would make it a mess.
The oilfields were not targeted, the refineries and railyards were. The bombing of the refineries did real damage, but the Romanians had an overcapacity due to declining production of oil, as they were trying to preserve their national resource; so while the bombing was effective in doing damage said damage did not result in a decline in fuel production due to the surplus of refining ability. It was somewhat similar to the situation with ball bearings; the bombing of production facilities did really bad damage to production, but due to huge stockpiles of ball bearings they were able to coast until production could be repaired and dispersed, which meant a limited at best impact on supply of ball bearings. In the case of Romania after the perceived failure of bombing the oil the moved on to bombing Bucharest and mining the Danube instead.In ww2 oilfields proved not easy to destroy eg the US bombing of the Romanian oil wells failed. Mainly because of the lack of long-range fighters.
In addition to the 10 refineries at Ploesti, which produced perhaps one-third of Germany’s oil, there was a wide network of targets like Giurgiu: storage facilities, transportation routes and shipment points.
The oilfields were not targeted, the refineries and railyards were. The bombing of the refineries did real damage, but the Romanians had an overcapacity due to declining production of oil, as they were trying to preserve their national resource; so while the bombing was effective in doing damage said damage did not result in a decline in fuel production due to the surplus of refining ability. It was somewhat similar to the situation with ball bearings; the bombing of production facilities did really bad damage to production, but due to huge stockpiles of ball bearings they were able to coast until production could be repaired and dispersed, which meant a limited at best impact on supply of ball bearings. In the case of Romania after the perceived failure of bombing the oil the moved on to bombing Bucharest and mining the Danube instead.
https://www.historynet.com/ploesti-the-rest-of-the-story.htm
Right...because the Romanians had spare refining capacity. Damage was done, but was rendered irrelevant by spare capacity.You were right that they were oil refineries but I dispute that after which the net output of fuel reduced, it was in weeks greater than before the raid.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Tidal_Wave#Result
The other point is that the US had heavy bombers.
Right...because the Romanians had spare refining capacity. Damage was done, but was rendered irrelevant by spare capacity.
Yes the US had heavies, as did the RAF, but if anything what was proven by the strategic bombing campaign was that accuracy was more important than tonnage capacity, as the majority of bombs by the heavies were misses, especially in 1943. Unless you're hitting an area target like cities or carrying really big bombs, tonnage capacity isn't necessarily a virtue. Range was the big benefit of the heavies compared to mediums. Ironically for the RAF the Mosquitos were far more accurate than the heavies, so achieved more with less in many cases.
He111s and Ju88s plus KG100:From the point of this POD, Germany does not have the heavies, she does not have Mosquitos and she does not have the accuracy so the Soviet oil will not be destroyed by the German airforce. The Russian were also very experienced in damage control according to reports the oil well frequently had problems including fires as well.
And historian Joel Hayward focused his studies on airpower in southern Russian in 1942 and actually looked extensively at the bombing of Baku's oil as an option; here is his paper on the subject:
https://ia600309.us.archive.org/13/...ersFailureInAugust/Too-Little-Too-Late.21.pdf
Long story short it was possible and very likely to do extensive damage that would have taken years to repair, but instead it was decided the Luftwaffe should be locked down as flying artillery for the army.
There is a reason the Allies planned Operation Pike after all.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_BlitzSo medium-weight tactical bombers crudely repurposed for strategic bombing raids. Didn't work over Britain, probably won't work over Baku.
Yep no effect at all.The military effectiveness of bombing varied. The Luftwaffe dropped around 45,000 short tons (41,000 t) of bombs during the Blitz, which disrupted production and transport, reduced food supplies, and shook British morale. The bombing also helped to support the U-boat blockade by sinking some 58,000 long tons (59,000 t) of shipping and damaging 450,000 long tons (460,000 t) more.
In aircraft production, the British were denied the opportunity to reach the planned target of 2,500 aircraft in a month, arguably the greatest achievement of the bombing, as it forced the dispersal of the industry, at first because of damage to aircraft factories and then by a policy of precautionary dispersal.[11] In April 1941, when the targets were British ports, rifle production fell by 25 per cent, filled-shell production by 4.6 per cent and in small-arms production 4.5 per cent.[11] The strategic impact on industrial cities was varied; most took from 10–15 days to recover from heavy raids, although Belfast and Liverpool took longer. The attacks against Birmingham took war industries some three months to recover fully. The exhausted population took three weeks to overcome the effects of an attack.[11]
Though militarily ineffective, the Blitz cost around 41,000 lives, may have injured another 139,000 people, and did enormous damage to British infrastructure and housing stock.[2]
If the defender cannot stop them, they have free reign to conduct a sustained campaign against the target if the choice is made to do so. We can debate the likelihood of that, but the point is it was possible had the choice been made. The sustainability of the bombing was possible not just because of the lack of defenses, but rather because of the actual historical record of the enormous sustained efforts the air units attached to AG-South and it's successors throughout 1942.At no point does the linked too paper make the claim that the damage would have taken years to repair. It talks about the inability of anti-aircraft forces to halt a bombing raid, but the real metric in strategic bombing is the ability for the attacker to conduct a sustained campaign (and the Luftwaffe's record on sustainability is very poor) as opposed the defender to conduct damage control, mitigation, and repair. Neither is addressed.
On 10 October, Richthofen hurled almost every operational bomber his air fleet possessed against the Grozny refineries.52 Bomber units, like those of the other aircraft types, were now in poor shape. Richthofen had started Operation Blau with an impressive force of 480 bombers, of which 323 (a reasonable 67 percent) were serviceable.53 Now he had only 232 bombers, of which a mere 129 (55 percent) were serviceable. They could still deliver reasonable blows to single targets, however. The damage they and dive-bombers inflicted on Grozny reminded Richthofen of attacks on Sevastopol during June 1942; huge flames leapt from shattered fuel tanks and burst pipes, and dense clouds of smoke rose high into the air.54 He was delighted, joyfully noting in his diary the following evening that smoke clouds were still 5,500 meters high. He repeated the attacks two nights later, with equally pleasing results.55 These raids on Grozny's oil refineries, though, marked the sum total of Luftflotte 4's "strategic" attacks on Soviet industry in the Caucasus.56
Richthofen simply could not spare aircraft from the Stalingrad sector to carry out further such raids. He certainly had no chance of conducting the "massive attacks" on Baku's oilfields, for instance, that Hitler ridiculously ordered on 22 October.57 By that stage, Richthofen's bomber strength had risen slightly to 186 airworthy He 11ls and Ju 88s,58 but Hitler's own illogical prioritising, and its consequent impact on the employment of those bombers, offset this small gain. Even after ordering the "massive attacks" on Baku and Astrakhan, Hitler still insisted that the destruction and capture of Stalingrad remained his highest priority. Thus, Richthofen felt unable to commit his bomber forces to attacks on the oilfields. In fact, he could only temporarily reduce the bombardment of Stalingrad and send bomber forces south when bad weather at Stalingrad curtailed operations there.
.......
With the benefit of hindsight, it is now reasonable to argue that Richthofen's air fleet could have dealt the Soviet economy a major blow, from which it would have taken at least several months to recover, if it had unloaded as many bombs on Baku as it did on Stalingrad. Heavy damage to that oil metropolis, which alone accounted for 80 percent of all Soviet production, was possible during August and early September. Richthofen still possessed a strong bomber force and airfields within striking range, Greim had many other bombers he could have transferred south for such a mission, and the Red Air Force's presence in the Caucasus was still relatively weak. By October, when Hitler finally ordered attacks on oilfields, Richthofen's bomber fleet was much reduced, most forward airfields had been badly damaged by Soviet air forces, which were now far stronger, Baku was no longer within range, and Richthofen was desperately trying to stave off the looming Soviet counterattack at Stalingrad. The opportunity had been missed.
In terms of the overall consequences of their bombing sure, but the target was highly vulnerable and susceptible to bombing damage..Because they were in a period of strategic delusion.
If the defender cannot stop them, they have free reign to conduct a sustained campaign against the target if the choice is made to do so.
We can debate the likelihood of that, but the point is it was possible had the choice been made. The sustainability of the bombing was possible not just because of the lack of defenses, but rather because of the actual historical record of the enormous sustained efforts the air units attached to AG-South and it's successors throughout 1942.
The output of oil in the Caucasus IOTL took nearly a decade to recover after WW2, so bombing of Baku is likely to make that situation far worse than it was IOTL.
Also OTL raids on Grozny from Hayward's paper:
In terms of the overall consequences of their bombing sure, but the target was highly vulnerable and susceptible to bombing damage..
It is a vague term which depends on meanings. 41k killed and another >45k wounded isn't exactly ineffective, nor is forcing the dispersal of military production. Of course an oil field is a very different target than industrial production.Your very own quote declares the blitz to be "militarily ineffective". That rather sums it up nicely.
Where does it make it clear that the PVO and/or VVS could have inflicted those losses prior to the establishment of forces in the region? Despite in October the Soviets having said forces in the region they couldn't stop multiple attacks on Grozny's oil facilities despite the Luftwaffe choosing to use further afield bases for maximum safety.Incorrect. What affects the attackers sustainability is not whether the defender stops them (which is impossible: the Germans didn't manage to outright stop a single one of the Anglo-American air raids) but their ability to absorb losses which are inevitably taken in the course of executing their raids. Given that the paper makes entirely clear that the VVS/VPO would be able to inflict serious losses over Baku and the record of the Luftwaffe in being able to sustain their campaign in the face of losses is extremely poor, we can expect that the campaign would not be sustainable. The necessity of basing forward even to bring Baku in range would only exacerbate this problem as, as the paper observed, these bases were extremely vulnerable to counter-air raids by the VVS.
Soviet counter air only started later in the year as noted in the linked paper and in Hayward's book, starting in September-October. If anything it is the Soviet losses that proved prohibitive and they had to virtually cease air operations until the Luftwaffe was worn down by so many missions and having to cover such a massive amount of space.As Fall Blau began the Luftwaffe wiped out the strong contingent of VVS forces and were instrumental in disrupting supply lines and destroying enemy troop and vehicle concentrations. By 19 November, 2,846 Soviet aircraft were destroyed.[60] In an unwelcome turn of events for the Luftwaffe the Soviets started to operate large numbers of British lend-lease aircraft like the Hawker Hurricane. In the opening month the Luftwaffe lost 251 aircraft but the advance was in full swing and the Germans looked set to take the Kuban food producing region and the Baku oil fields.
Due to appalling losses Soviet resistance in the air was radically reduced in August.[61]
The Luftwaffe had, by October 1942 flown over 20,000 individual sorties but its original strength (in the shape of Luftflotte 4 with 1,600 aircraft) had fallen 40% to 950 aircraft. The bomber units had been hardest hit having only 232 out of a force of 480 left.[65]
The Luftwaffe's Sturzkampfgeschwader made maximum effort during this phase of the war flying 500 sorties per day and causing heavy losses among Soviet forces losing just an average of one Stuka per day.[66]
Hayward, Joel S. (2001), Stopped at Stalingrad: The Luftwaffe and Hitler's Defeat in the East 1942–1943, University Press of Kansas.
Established in July on paper, but the facts on the ground were grim for the Soviets; it wasn't until September or even October that defenses could be said to be strong.The paper you linked to does not say there was any lack of defenses. Quite the contrary, it states the antiaircraft defenses were strong, fighter defenses were established by July, and they were reinforced as the year progressed.
Furthermore, the historical record of the air units attached to AG-South and it's successor in terms of sustainability is, contrary to your assertion, extremely poor. The Luftwaffe couldn't even keep up it's tempos in the face of the routine wear-and-tear of their sorties, much less losses from actual combat.
How much of this was Soviet production? At best 30% and even that number was a function of the fall in production in the Caucasus. Given that the central Russian fields were closer to sources of material production and the Caucasian fields had messed up infrastructure and were far away it was easier to focus on the smaller production region; still that only reinforces the point that actually getting the Caucasian fields back online would be a lot tougher than just trying to max out the fields in other regions, which even at max were still substantially less than that of Baku. It isn't an excess in capacity, rather an effort to try and max out something rather than dealing with the headache of repairing a peripheral resource over shitty infrastructure that was torn up by the war.The paper attributes the decline of oil production at the time and the long recovery period to a prioritization of non-Caucasus oil fields. Given this excess in capacity, that renders the end part of this sentence rather unlikely.
Could be, but given the historical effort by the Soviets to wait for the end of the war and focus on the central Russian oil fields instead, that would require years to repair, as was proven by the Maikop output, which took until 1950 to recover (IIR the year C).Notably, the provided quotes says that the disruption would be measured only in several months, contrary to your claim of several years, which is more then enough to be covered by Soviet reserves.
Industrial targets aren't oil targets. When the bombs connected they did real lasting damage as proven by the Allied attacks on German facilities in 1944 when they were actually able to hit them. Even the Romanian refineries were seriously damaged and it was only the excess capacity that prevented output from dropping until the major repairs were done. Still 46% of production was damaged even if temporarily. Not bad for a single raid against the most well defended facilities in the world.Still not demonstrated. The history of actually bombing industrial targets shows that even supposedly "highly vulnerable and susceptible" targets prove far more resilient then expected.