We Require no Protection - A Romania TL

[Richthofen]

PROLOGUE
SHORT HISTORY OF THE ROMANIAN PRINCIPALITIES (1595-1824)​

After defeating the forces loyal to Sigismund Bathory in 1599 and sucessfully claiming both the Transylvanian and Moldavian thrones the same year, Mihai Pătrașcu, also known as “the Brave” reached an agreement with Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, to acknowledge his rule as legitimate and to establish a dynasty to rule the three Principalities in personal union under the protection of the emperor. The Prince was, however, assassinated in early 1600 by rogue elements of the Transylvanian administration and was succeeded by his son, Nicolae in all the Principalities. The Transylvanian aristocracy, however, did not follow through and elected Sigismund Bathory as their own Prince. After receiving no support for his throne in Transylvania from Rudolf II, Nicolae Pătrașcu renounced Habsburg overlordship and sought to normalize relations with the Ottomans who planned to mount an offensive to return the two Principalities to Ottoman suzerainty.

Carefully navigating Polish and Ottoman interests, Nicolae managed to secure peace in the two Principalities he still controlled and his long rule (1600-1655) cemented a tradition of personal union between the two realms. Mihai’s inability to pass the law to bind Wallachian serfs to lands controlled by boyars in 1595 meant serfdom would not be codified as the law of the land and without official enforcement, the practice had essentially vanished in the Principalities by the late 1600s. As a consequence, a class of wealthy peasants that would bud into a small middle class emerged. This meant that the population of the Principalities greatly rose (est. 7.5 million ~ 1710; 16 million ~ 1818) and the Prince could now establish his own retinue for protection against local rebellion by the boyars or against foreign interests.

Following the growth and consolidation of princely power, the Ottomans reacted and starting the early 1700s they began nominating Phanariotes for office in the Principalities. The tradition of having the thrones united in a personal union was, however, upheld along with the Prince’s retinue, which would later form the basis of the Romanian standing army. The Ottomans kept these two institutions simply for the better protection of their interests, as the Principalities could now mount a strong defence against Russian or Habsburg aggression. During the Phanariote rule reforms were established, although many were meant to further Ottoman interests.

The boyar class remained strong, although it was constantly threatened by the growing power of the Prince who, now having an army at his side, could impose his will easily. As such, the Phanariotes established the Court, summoning most boyars to serve at the Prince’s pleasure in the capital, further weakening their influence. This made the formation of organizations in the territory easier, as the constant armed surveillance of the boyars was now gone, and several anti-boyar, anti-Ottoman and anti-establishment groups were formed, spawning a culture of disobedience against the corrupt rule of the Phanariotes. These groups were highly supportive of the French Revolution and the establishment of the French Republic.

In 1806, Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire, looking to annex Moldavia and further consolidate its border on the Danube. While highly successful in the Caucasus, the Russian campaign faced a strong defensive on the Dniester which resulted in a stalemate between the combined forces of the Ottomans and the Princely Retinue. Facing invasion by the French Empire, the Russians signed an armistice in 1812 and Moldavian territorial integrity was preserved.

After 1814, the Greek organization Filiki Eteria was infiltrated in the Principalities by the Phanariotes and formed a new wing, promoting Greek independence, but also the emancipation of the Principalities from Ottoman suzerainty. The Eteria rivaled several pro-independence local organizations from both Wallachia and Moldavia, with the former promoting maintaining of the personal union under a Phanariote Prince, while organizations such as the “Cărvunarii” or “Frăția” supported the idea of a Romanian republic, citing the examples of the American and French republics. Others supported the idea of a constitutional monarchy with an elected Romanian Prince for the new country that would be named the United Principalities, others wanted a foreign Prince to become the sovereign of the new country. As the ideas diversified and the political climate changed decidedly in favour of nationalism, Wallachian and Moldavian societies became more and more accustomed to and supportive of the idea that they should pursue their own national destiny and secure independence from the Porte.

In 1818 the Eteria launched two concomittent revolts against the Ottomans: in Greece what would be known as the Greek War of Independence turned out to be sucessful and a Greek state was formed in 1821. In the Principalities, however, the lack of support for the Phanariote rule proved decisive when the Princely Retinue refused to obey the orders of Prince Michael Soutsos and instead joined with the leader of another uprising in Oltenia, Tudor Vladimirescu.

After evidence of Soutsos’ betrayal of Eteria by siphoning information of the uprising to the Sultan surfaced, the Eteria entered an uneasy alliance with Tudor Vladimirescu. Supported by a large paramilitary faction (the Panduri) and by the Princely Retinue, Vladimirescu had become the de facto Prince of Wallachia and Moldavia. His ties to Russia and his alliance with the Eteria, who was still seen as the avatar of Phanariote interests, however, made him deeply unpopular in the circles of the Wallachian and Moldavian intellectuality although the peasantry and many of those supportive of a constitutional Romanian monarchy continued to reluctantly support him. By late 1821, after conceding to Greek independence due to Russian, British and French pressure, the Ottoman army found renewed strength and pushed towards the Danube, clashing with the united defence of the Panduri and the Retinue.

Tudor Vladimirescu, Prince of Wallachia and of Moldavia (1822-1824)​

Vladimirescu’s legitimacy and support rose when he declared independence from the Ottoman Empire and refused Russia’s aid in exchange for the cession of the Moldavian territories of Cahul, Bolgrad and Izmail. In 1822, Vladimirescu was crowned Prince of Wallachia and Prince of Moldavia while the war still raged on the border. In order to secure his fronts in case of a Russian invasion, Vladimirescu split his Panduri army in three, sending a moderate force on the Dniester border, a larger force to counter-attack in Dobrogea and a smaller force was kept to fight together with the Retinue. In early 1823, the Panduri force in Dobrogea managed to break through the Ottoman defence and secured decisive victories at the Battle of Hârșova (29 January) and the Battle of Megidia (6 March). Vladimirescu incorporated Dobrogea into his Wallachian realm, afterwards.

The tensions between Vladimirescu and Eteria continued to grow, however, reaching their boiling point in 1824 when the Prince accused them of conspiring with the Sultan to quell the revolution and reinstate Phanariote rule after several Greek regiments that were incorporated into the Panduri following the alliance between Eteria and Vladimirescu defected and fled to Greece. The remainder of the Greek forces clashed with the Panduri and the Retinue, and after weeks of fighting were defeated and either driven out of the Principalities or executed. Wary of another Russian intervention and hoping to take advantage of the skirmishes between the Eteria and the Romanians, the Ottomans launched a succesful counteroffensive at Silistra and sent an envoy to discuss peace terms with Vladimirescu.

The negotiations in Bucharest in late 1824 proved difficult as the Ottomans adamantly refused to accept the Principalities’ independence but were compliant about ceding parts of Dobrogea that were held by the Panduri. Vladimirescu announced the Ottoman delegation that return to suzerainty was unacceptable and that the war would resume if they would not reach an agreement on the immediate end of Ottoman overlordship. Elements of the Retinue and even some of the Panduri did not see Vladimirescu’s stubbornness as wise and in order to not lose what was gained during what would be later called „The First Revolution” (1818-1824), they staged a coup, forced the Prince to abdicate and escorted him to the Russian border. Vladimirescu spent the remainder of his life in exile.

The Danubian Principalities during the First Revolution
Purple - Wallachia; Brown - Moldavia
Purple diagonal - occupied by Wallachia during the First Revolution, remained within the principality after the first Treaty of Bucharest (1825)
Red diagonal - occupied by Wallachia during the First Revolution, returned to the Ottoman Empire​

The Treaty of Bucharest, signed in 1825, formally returned the Principalities to Ottoman suzerainty, ceded the northern part of Dobrogea to Wallachia. The Panduri were incorporated into the Retinue and the Ottoman Empire nominated Grigore Ghica, a non-Phanariote to take the two thrones. The political climate in the Principalities, however, continued on its course and even though it did not achieve its full scope, independence and union, The First Revolution was to become a strong turning point for the development of Romanian nationalism and statehood. The scandal-ridden rules of Grigore IV and his successor, Alexandru II would make calls for the removal of Ottoman influence, abolition of absolutism and removal of the corrupt system of Boyar assemblies even stronger than before.

 

[Richthofen]

CHAPTER I
THE REVOLUTION HAS NOT FADED FROM OUR MEMORIES (1840-1843)​

Three main groups were at the forefront of Wallachian and Moldavian politics in the early days of 1840. With wings in both the principalities, the Frăția (eng. Brotherhood) was a radical and liberal organization that sought to replace the Ottoman suzerainty and “corrupt monarchy of the boyars” with a democratic republic. Led by general and former revolutionary Gheorghe Magheru in Wallachia and by writer Gheorghe Asachi in Moldavia, Frăția sought to subvert and promote a lively opposition to Prince Alexandru’s rule. By the latter’s decree in 1835, however, all political organizations not part of the assemblies of either Principality were illegal. The assembly was composed entirely of people of boyar descent named by the Prince for lifetime terms. The more moderate organization, seeking to replace the current Absolute Monarchy with a constitutional regime, the Cărvunari (inspired by the Italian Carbonari) was led by writer Ionică Tăutu but only maintained a presence in Moldova. Finally, the assemblies formed the backbone of the conservative agenda in the Principalities. They were filled by moderate conservative and reactionaries all from the high ranks of the boyars.

Alexandru II & V, Prince of Wallachia and Prince of Moldavia (1834-1843)​

Tensions between the Frăția and Prince Alexandru reached their boiling point when the latter signed a decree (1842) through which all publications by “anti-state organizations, be they tied to an ideology of reckless nationalism or not” were to become illegal and punishable by law. Frăția, who had already been deemed subversive and banned and only survived by publishing the Gazeta Republicană (Republican Gazette), although in a severely censored form, was now unable to communicate with the Romanian public.

Gheorghe Asachi, Leader of the Second Revolution (1843) in Moldova​

Meeting in secret in Feburary 1843, the Moldavian and Wallachian wings of the organization conspired to start a series of peaceful manifestations in both Iași and Bucharest. After weeks of planning, the Frăția led protests and manifestations started in April and were met with high support from both unaffiliated members of the intellectuality and the citizenry of both cities. In short time, the revolutionary fever swept both Principalities and calls for the removal of Alexandru II became more and more prominent. A number of the Gazeta Republicană, published illegally during the protests that now turned into a full-fledged revolution, read on its first page “The Revolution has not faded from our memories, Your Grace” alluding to Tudor Vladimirescu and the hopes of the Panduri to break free from Absolutism and the Ottoman suzerainty and making a direct statement to the Prince.

Leaders of the Frăția protesting in Bucharest, 1843​

In the early days of May 1843, Alexandru II, pressed by both assemblies to abdicate so that the “liberal revolutionaries would not break both the spirit and body of these two Principalities” travelled to Constantinople to seek support from the Porte. The Sultan advised Alexandru to abdicate since he believed the uprising to be entirely because he sat on the throne. Alexandru returned to Bucharest and immediately addressed the Assembly of Wallachia during which he announced his abdication. The Prince’s abdication was met with enthusiasm among the revolutionaries, but the Revolution did not subside in any way, in fact it grew stronger with more and more people joining to take their part in the peaceful struggle for “unity, constitutionalism and love of motherland„.


Looking to end the crisis in the Principalities fast in order to avoid a Russian intervention or another forced war with the Principalities, the Ottoman Empire named Gheorghe Bibescu, a boyar with liberal sympathies and who had expressed his support for a full union between the Principalities as well as a Constitutional Monarchy, to take the thrones in Bucharest and Iași. The revolutionaries, however, did not endorse the new proposal with both Magheru and Asachi calling Bibescu a “lukewarm liberal, fully commited to boyar and Ottoman interests” and continued the protests.


Before the new Prince could take his thrones, the Lieutenancy that was to govern the two countries in the aftermath of Alexandru’s abdication, composed of several high ranking boyars, resolved to violently repress the revolutionaries and ordered the Retinue to engage the masses in Bucharest. The order was not carried out by the Retinue and the Panduri regiments in its ranks immediately defected to the Revolution. In June 1843 the rest of the Retinue joined the revolutionaries and by the end of the month the governments of the two Principalities had been toppled and replaced by a common ”Revolutionary Government of Romania”. The members of the lieutenancy fled to the southern border and escaped to Constantinople.


In Constantinople, the Sultan finally understood the gravity of what had happened in Bucharest, Iași and sought to invade the country and return it to Ottoman overlordship. The Revolutionary Government, anticipating a move by the Ottomans started a program of conscription and the members of Frăția and the Cărvunari collectively formed a body to give the new country a liberal constitution. In late 1843, the Russian Empire issued a proclamation of protection for “the new Government in Bucharest and all the Orthodox Christians of the Danubian Principalities”. Fearing a combined counteroffensive from the Russians and the new Romanian government, the Ottomans resolved to let the situation unfold and intervene at the right moment. In September, the leaderships of Frăția and Cărvunarii agreed on giving the new country its first political party and coalesced the two organizations into the Partida Națională (eng. National Party). The Constitutional Convention would start later that month.

 

[Salvador79]

Always good to see someone giving some love to Romania.
So "party" is a feminine noun in TTL´s Romanian? Any other linguistic changes brought about by the divergences so far? THe 19th century was one of intense, let´s say, linguistic discussion and transformation in Romania...

 

[The Professor]

Interesting.
I'm assuming there's a parallel to OTL with a move to the Latin alphabet and replacement of (perceived) Slavic loanwords with French/Latinate ones?

 

[Richthofen]

Always good to see someone giving some love to Romania.
So "party" is a feminine noun in TTL´s Romanian? Any other linguistic changes brought about by the divergences so far? THe 19th century was one of intense, let´s say, linguistic discussion and transformation in Romania...

"Partida" is actually an archaism and was used in OTL as well. TTL Romanian has already evolved in the direction OTL evolved during the late 19th century due to the higher level of literacy and the more open culture.

Interesting.
I'm assuming there's a parallel to OTL with a move to the Latin alphabet and replacement of (perceived) Slavic loanwords with French/Latinate ones?

Yes. In fact, because of the more open nature of Romanian society, the flow of ideas and nationalism, the purge of Slavic loanwords has already started during late 18th century. The Latin alphabet will be adopted right around the time of the Convention, as the constitution will be written using it.

 

[aegis03florin]

Interesting. I will follow you.

HOWEVER, a POD in 1600 which led to a stable unification of the two countries would alter significantly the geopolitics in the region and of Europe in general.
Not mentioning that it will butterfly the Tudor Vladimirescu person... For example, the Pandours (pandurii) were an irregular corp (very effective) created firstly by the Austrians when they briefly occupied Oltenia.

 

[Richthofen]

HOWEVER, a POD in 1600 which led to a stable unification of the two countries would alter significantly the geopolitics in the region and of Europe in general.
Not mentioning that it will butterfly the Tudor Vladimirescu person... For example, the Pandours (pandurii) were an irregular corp (very effective) created firstly by the Austrians when they briefly occupied Oltenia.

There was no stable unification, it was just a personal union. The Austrians occupied Oltenia in TTL, but did not annex it. Basically, I was looking for a series of changes that would alter the political landscape as little as possible in order to not butterfly the people of OTL.

 

[Richthofen]

CHAPTER II
THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION (1843-1844)​

The Constitutional Convention began on 17 September 1843 and was planned to be divided into 12 sessions spanning 6 months. The administration of the country was decided to be performed during this time by a provisional government with limited powers formed by members of the Partida Națională. The provisional government was composed of Christian Tell, a Transylvanian-born officer from Wallachia, Ștefan Golescu, a low-rank boyar, and Gheorghe Magheru, the leader of Frăția from Wallachia. All three of the men were ardent liberals and had been members of liberal organizations since the rule of Grigore IV.

The first session did not start without difficulties as at the moment the two delegations of the Partida Națională, one from Moldavia and the other from Wallachia began discussion on who would preside the session, a number of the members of the former Assemblies of Wallachia and of Moldavia led by Gheorghe Bibescu, the Prince-to-be selected by the Ottomans stormed the room demanding to be allowed to participate in the drafting of the constitution.

„You know they are looking. The Ottomans, the Russians. Even the Austrians. The moment they sense a line has been crossed here they will cross the borders from all sides and impose the harshest conditions possible on this country. You think these thirsty empires will tolerate a liberal stronghold here, in the heart of the continent? They will not, and I assure you, the army and resources we have may be able to bring about a stalemate against the Turks, but in no way can it withstand the combined might of even two of these empires.” Bibescu started his address in a calm and collected tone.

Nicolae Bălcescu, one of the young Wallachian revolutionaries, considered by many to be the future of the liberal movement in the former principalities stood up and responded with a calm demeanour:

„And you propose what, that we sit on our knees in front of these empires so that they will not destroy us? We will not concede the Constitution!”

„I propose that you let us take part in the drafting of this Constitution. I know you believe it to be so, but we are not your enemies. Let us work together to bring this together, we will moderate your excesses and make it so that the final work that comes out of here is not radical enough to alienate the Great Powers.”

Most of the members of the liberal delegation accepted Bibescu’s reasoning and realized that if the new political construction wanted to survive, it needed to make allies of its former enemies, even if they were looking to save the little that remained of their privileges. A minority of them however, the radical republican side, notably, continued being distrustful of the conservatives and treated their every proposal with either contempt or indifference. The first session ended on 1 October and the members of the two delegations were hardly able to decide on the first article on the Constitution. The original delegation that consisted of members of the Partida Națională were themselves split on whether the new country shall fully devote itself to republican values or elect a constitutional monarch.

The republican faction within the Partida Națională delegation consisted of the young Nicolae Bălcescu, Mitică Filipescu (both of whom had been staunch critics of Alexandru Ghica’s regime), Ionică Tăutu (the former leader of the moderate Cărvunarii, who now joined the republican side of the party), Eftimie Murgu (a Transylvanian-born attorney that had left the Habsburg Empire in order to join Frăția in the 1830s) and Alexandru Golescu. The republicans themselves were split on whether the Constitution should favour parliamentarism over a strong presidency or the reverse. Some of them were decidedly in favour of a Constitution similar to that of the United States of America, a republican experiment that had been largely succesful since its inception at the end of the 18th century. Others preferred a more parliamentary republic in which power would be held by the legislative who could firmly control the activity of the executive. Nevertheless, the republican group was the most cohesive and Ionică Tăutu and his Cărvunarii group had already created a constitutional draft before the Revolution that was intensely debated during the first week of the Convention.

The moderate faction initially consisted of Gheorghe Asachi, Gheorghe Magheru (the leaders that had been at the forefront of the Second Revolution and strong critics of the princely regime), Christian Tell (a Transylvanian-born officer in the Retinue), Ion Heliade Rădulescu (a writer and journalist), Constantin Bosianu and writer Costache Negruzzi. By the middle of the first session, however Asachi, after a series of conflicts with the other members of his party defected to the conservatives on the ground that the radicalism of the group will doom the future political construction. Asachi, a monarchist and a supporter of the personal union, did not expect that even the members of the moderate faction would ultimately accept the compromise of a republic and was further outraged when members of the liberal delegation refused to even consider the idea that the Principalities should remain separate, united only by the personal union. The moderates supported a constitutional monarchy, but they clashed on whether the monarch sould be a native Romanian from a low-ranking Boyar family, untainted by the interests of the high Boyardom and the cooperation with the Porte or whether a foreign prince from a European dynasty would better serve the interests of the young Romanian state. The argument for a native Prince was that the interests of the nation would be better served by someone that had lived in the Principalities and had known and understood the nature of Romanian society. The supporters of a foreign Prince argued that obtaining the support of a Great Power would cement the independence of the nation and would stop any meddling by the Russians or the Austrians.

The conservative faction consisted of several high-rank Boyars as well as a few intellectuals that favoured the status-quo and claimed the current state of affairs in the Principalities was the best possible, and liberal radicalism would only plunge the countries into chaos and invite foreign intervention. Led by Gheorghe Bibescu, the main faction was made up by two members of the Catargiu family, Barbu and Lascăr, Apostol Arsache (an ethnically Greek conservative that had supported the independence of Greece previously and was accused by many to have had ties with the Eteria) and was later joined by Asachi. They mainly supported the status-quo but understood that the driving force behind the Constitution would be the liberal faction so they decided they would accept the liberal nature of the act, but would work to moderate anything they believed to be in excess. During the first session they mainly opposed the inclusion of an article that would fully and completely separate the Church from state and worked actively to have it removed. Being a main point of contention and fearing a continued debate that would take up time, the liberals decided to not include the article and have it on the Amended Constitution when the time was right. A smaller faction, made up by the reactionary wing of the conservatives and composed of boyars Teodor Călmașu, Ioan Cantacuzino and Gheorghe Movilă furiously opposed any idea of republic or constitutional monarchy and the abolition of slavery and they voted negative on every article of the Constitution. They were ironically nicknamed by Bălcescu “Partida Boierească” (Boyar Party).

At the end of the seventh session on 12 January 1844, the republican faction had already decided on the support of a Constitution based on and inspired by that of the United States and the first half of it was voted, article by article by all members of the Convention. Members of the Partida Națională were unanimously in favour of most of the articles with several members of the moderate faction voting against articles that they believed were not appropriate (mainly the Parliamentarism vs. Executive Presidency dispute). Members of the Conservative faction generally voted in favour of the articles they had influenced by debate but rejected those that were too radical for their tastes and after they realized there was no chance that the Constitution would not be republican, they generally supported a strong executive presidency so much that the liberals accused them of wanting a four-year term King. Ultimately, at the end of the 12th session on 25 February 1844, the second half of the Constitution was voted, and the delegates signed the Constitution of Romania that would enter effect the following week. The three reactionary members of the Conservative faction refused to vote any of the articles or sign the final draft of the Constitution. Asachi considered not signing the final act, but finally decided to do so after careful consideration. The first round of elections was scheduled to start the very next week.

 

[Richthofen]

PREAMBLE​

We, the people of Romania, united in spirit, history and language, henceforth proclaim this Constitution to be the fundamental law of our land, so that we can better protect our freedom, preserve our national integrity, establish justice and general welfare, by right of self-determination. The observance of this Constitution is mandatory for all citizens of the Republic. RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

ARTICLE I
STATE AUTHORITY, CITIZENSHIP, DEMOCRACY AND SOVEREIGNTY
​

Romania is a revolutionary and national republic, born of desire for liberty and love of motherland. As such, the republic is independent, sovereign, unitary, indivisible, democratic and will forever uphold the ideals of the Revolution. The national sovereignty shall reside within the people, whom shall exercise said sovereignty by means of their representatives, resulting from free, periodical and fair elections. Said elections will be held in accordance with the stipulations laid down by this Constitution in further articles. (1) RL (7) ML (6) C (0) R (0)

The territory of the Romanian Republic is inalienable and is organized administratively into communes, towns and counties. No foreign power may colonize or displace foreign populations on the territory of the republic. (2) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

Romanian citizenship is acquired by birth on the territory of the republic or by naturalization. The legislative power must adopt a statute regarding naturalization by which it will prescribe a uniform law to be used as such. An individual born of Romanian parents who shall make proof of his lineage and renounce the protection of any foreign power can receive Romanian citizenship by a motion adopted by the legislative power. (3) RL (7) ML (6) C (3) R (0)

There is not and shall never be any class or race distinction in the Romanian republic. All citizens are equal before the law and this Constitution and must adequately observe them. The Romanian Republic does not recognize any noble titles or aristocracy. Individuals with sworn allegiances to foreign powers may not hold any office, elected or otherwise. Indentured servitude, slavery or other such practices are forbidden in the Romanian Republic and their practice will be punished in accordance to the laws, regulations and codes laid down by Parliament. All individuals indentured or enslaved by the previous regime shall be freed automatically at the moment this Constitution is adopted. (4) RL (7) ML (6) C (1) R (0)

This Constitution guarantees every citizen of the Romanian republic the right to communicate and publish their ideas through speech, writing or press. Any misdeamenour by the press shall be judged by appropriate press jury. The activity of the press cannot be censored or prevented, and the state has no authority to sanction the release of any article or journal. Authors are responsible for their writings as are their editors or endorsers. (5) RL (7) ML (6) C (1) R (0)

Any Romanian citizen is guaranteed the right to convene in a group or political party with the condition that their activity be peaceful, without the use of arms. Organic laws and regulations shall be enacted by the legislative power, in accordance with this Constitution to formulate a uniform law regarding the creation of political parties and non-governmental groups. (6) RL (7) ML (6) C (1) R (0)

ARTICLE II
LEGISLATIVE POWER​

The Parliament of Romania is the sole legislative body of the country. Parliament consists of two assemblies: the Assembly of Deputies and the Senate. In order to become law, a proposal must be approved by both chambers with absolute majorities and must be signed by the President of Romania. A law that has fulfilled both requirements is considered adopted. The President of Romania reserves the power of legislative review, which Parliament may override by a final vote of two-thirds in at least one of the assemblies. The other assembly may choose to uphold the override tacitly or consent to the president's review by another vote of two-thirds. (1) RL (7) ML (6) C (2) R (0)

After being adopted, a law must be published in the Monitorul Oficial in order to take effect. Following adoption, the law must be published within three days. (2) RL (7) ML (6) C (2) R (0)

Laws regarding budgets, conscription and the enlargement of the Romanian Army are also the subject of debate by the Executive Power and its bodies. (3) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

Parliament may amend this constitution however it sees fit with but no amendment shall pass without the vote of two-thirds of each assembly. The repealment of amendments shall only pass with three-fourths of the vote of each assembly. (4) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

Both assemblies are to be elected by universal, equal, direct, secret and free suffrage for a four year term. Pariamentary elections shall occur quadriennially from the moment the first election is held onwards. Deputies shall be elected in circumscriptions pertaining to territorial divisons set forth by both assemblies with absolute majorities. Senators shall be elected on lists from each political party, each list pertaining to a historical region. If vacancy of a seat occurs, Parliament with its united assemblies shall direct a special election to fill the vacancy. A member of one assembly may not be member of the other or exercise state authority under any other power, be it executive or judicial. A person is eligible to be elected deputy or senator only when they concomittently meet the requirements:

(a) they are a natural-born citizen of the Romanian Republic or have attained citizenship at the time of the adoption of this Constitution.

(b) they have attained the age of twenty-five years for deputy; thirty years for senator

(c) they have not been prosecuted for any misdeameanour under the laws of the Romanian Republic

(d) they have lived on the territory of the Republic for the 7 years prior to their election

A candidate is declared deputy-elect when they achieved a majority of the ballots in the circumscription in which they have run. A candidate is declared senator-elect when their regional list has achieved sufficient ballots to award them a seat in accordance with the number they have on said list. (5) RL (7) ML (4) C (4) R (0)

The Assembly of Deputies shall elect a Speaker from among its members to lead the works of the chamber. The Vice President of Romania shall preside the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. (6) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

Parliament shall have the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay debts, to regulate commerce with foreign nations, to coin money and regulate its value. It shall have power to constitute tribunals inferior to the Constitutional Court and to declare war upon other nations when it shall see fit. (7) RL (7) ML (4) C (1) R (0)

A deputy or senator of Romania shall not, without the consent of the assembly they are part of, receive any present, emolument, office or title, of any kind from any King, Prince or dignitary of a foreign power. A person that has already received such a gift, title or office may not hold office, elected or otherwise, unless given permission by the united assemblies of Parliament. (8) RL (7) ML (4) C (4) R (0)

The United Assemblies have the sole Power of Impeachment. (9) RL (7) ML (4) C (0) R (0)

ARTICLE III
EXECUTIVE POWER​

The executive power shall be exercised by the President of Romania, Vice President of Romania and the cabinet formed by the ministers and secretaries of state. RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

The President and the Vice President shall be elected together by universal, equal, direct, secret and free suffrage for a term of four years. Presidential elections shall occur quadriennially from the moment the first election is held onwards. A person is eligible to be elected President or Vice President only when they concomittently meet the requirements:

(a) they are a natural-born citizen of the Romanian Republic or have attained citizenship at the time of the adoption of this Constitution;

(b) they have attained the age of thirty years;

(c) they have not been prosecuted for any misdeameanour under the laws of the Romanian Republic;

(d) they have lived on the territory of the Republic for the 7 years prior to their election;

After their election and upon the start of their term, the President shall take an oath to the Romanian People, the Constitution and the Republic. Further laws and regulations regarding the Presidential Election shall be discussed and adopted by Parliament however they see fit. A candidate is declared winner of the election and, thus, President-elect when they have achieved a majority of the ballots cast nationally. (2) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

The President is the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and of the Navy (3)

The President shall have the power to sign treaties with other nations with the consent of two-thirds of the Senate, shall direct and establish the foreign policy of the Republic and shall appoint Ambassadors, Consuls, Judges of the Constitutional Court and Territorial Prefects whenever that is required. All such appointments shall be subject to Senate review, which shall express consent or lack thereof by vote of majority. (4) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

The President together with his Cabinet shall direct internal policy and general governance. (5) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

The President shall address Parliament in its united assemblies at the start of each parliamentary year to give information on the act of governance, make recommendations on measures and laws that he shall judge as necessary and expedient. (6) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

The President’s cabinet shall be formed by ministers and secretaries of state. Ministers and ministerial positions are to be decided for each presidential term by the President with the consent of a majority of senators. Secretaries of state shall be appointed by the ministers with the approval of the President and shall serve at their pleasure. The scope of each ministry shall be decided by the President with the consent of the majority of the Senate, but shall not infringe upon any of the articles of this Constitution or any other law that is in effect. (7) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

While in office, the President cannot be tried, unless they are impeached by Parliament. Impeachment of the President can be achieved with the consent of two-thirds of the united assemblies of Parliament. Following sucessful impeachment, the President shall remain in office to perform his duties and shall be tried according to his accusations by the Senate. Removal from office after impeachment shall occur with the consent of two-thirds of Senate. Following removal, the former President may be tried by other Tribunals and Courts in accordance with the nature of his crimes. (8) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

Upon the resignation, death, removal or permanent inability to perform the duties of office of the sitting President, the Vice President shall assume the duties of the office thereof until the end of that President’s term. (9) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

Upon the temporary inability to perform the duties of office of the sitting President, the Vice President shall assume the duties of the office as Acting President thereof until that President is able to return to office. (10) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

Upon the resignation, death, removal, permanent inability to perform the duties of office or elevation to the presidency of the sitting Vice President, the most senior member of the Senate shall assume the duties of office thereof until the end of that Vice President’s term. (11) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

The compensation for the President’s, Vice President’s and their ministers’ and secretaries’ services shall be set forth by a special law voted by Parliament and shall not be diminished or increased during their terms. (12) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

ARTICLE IV
JUDICIAL POWER​

The judicial power shall be exercised by the Constitutional Court of Romania and the inferior Courts and Tribunals established by Parliament. (1) RL (7) ML (6) C (4) R (0)

The structure of the Constitutional Court, as well as the number of its Justices shall be decided by the united assemblies of Parliament. Individual Justices shall be selected by the President of the Republic for lifetime terms in accordance with the internal code of procedure of the Court. (2) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

The Constitutional Court shall direct laws and regulations adopted by Parliament to ensure their compatibility with this Constitution (3) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

The trial of all crimes shall be done in accordance with the laws and regulations established by Parliament through a clear and comprehensive Judicial and Penal Code. (4) RL (7) ML (4) C (5) R (0)

ARTICLE V
NATURE OF THE CONSTITUTION​

This Constitution shall consist of two bodies: the Organic Constitution (Preamble, Articles I, II, III, IV, V and VI) and the Amended Constitution. (1) RL (7) ML (6) C (2) R (0)

Articles, sections, parts or sentences of the Organic Constitution may not be repealed under any circumstance, neither by the legislative, executive or judicial powers nor by any body of the State. (2) RL (7) ML (6) C (1) R (0)

Articles, sections, parts or sentences of the Amended Constitution may be repealed under the provisions laid down previously.

New amendments that shall be deemed to contradict, replace or in any way undermine articles of the Organic Constitutions shall be automatically considered repealed. (3) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

The Constitution takes precedence before any adopted law. The only body that is abilitated to interpret the Constitution is the Constitutional Court. An adopted law that has been deemed unconstitutional by the Court through appeal shall immediately be repealed. (4) RL (7) ML (6) C (5) R (0)

Legend - RL: Radical Liberal, ML: Moderate Liberal, C: Conservative, R: Reactionary (the number of members of the respective faction that voted for the article)

 

[Richthofen]

CHAPTER III
ELECTION TROUBLE​

The end of February 1844 came with many hurdles for the provisional government of the young Romanian republic. After the Constitution was finally adopted on the 25th, a provisional administrative map of the country had to be drawn up in order to have clear electoral circumscriptions for the Parliamentary Elections that were scheduled for the second week of March. The Convention had given no deadline for the Presidential elections since it was to be decided by members of Parliament once they were elected and sworn into office. As the date approached, it was decided that each of the forty-seven counties that were redrawn as the new administrative divisions of the country were to be split into three electoral circumscriptions according to population while the capital and the city of Iași would each have five. The only exceptions were the two counties that were obtained after the First Revolution, which because of the lower population and due to the high number of ethnic Turks that lived in them were only given one circumscription. For the Senate lists, it was decided that there would be two lists, one for the territory of each former Principality consisting of thirty senators. In the end, that would total 208 members of Parliament.

The leaders of the Partida Națională wanted to take advantage of the liberal fever that still swept the country and decided to have the elections as soon as possible to minimize possible conservative gains. The conservatives themselves quickly reacted to the new political landscape and formed the cadre of a party during the first days after the Convention. Although magnitudes of order less cohesive than the liberals, the conservatives managed to finalize their lists for Senate and ready candidates for most of the competitive circumscriptions.

Positioning themselves not as the party of the interests of the rich, but rather the party of cold pragmatism against the hot-bloodedness and radicalism of the liberals, the new Partidul Conservator (Conservative Party) managed to win quite a few of the undecided voters with their rhetoric of temperance and careful consideration of the geopolitical realities that surrounded Romania. After news of an impending Ottoman invasion reached Bucharest during the first days of March, the electoral campaign and debates that followed were dominated by this problem. The liberals’ general stance to a potential invasion by the Ottomans was one of vigorous resistance. Some of the more radical candidates even advocated a pre-emptive invasion of the Ottoman Empire, claiming the newly formed Romanian Army and Navy were more than enough to fight an Ottoman Army that was decidedly weaker on the defence than on offence and that this Republic had a moral responsibility of spreading the Revolution to neighbouring nations that were still under the Turkish yoke. The conservatives, on the other hand, rejected any kind of military action against the Turks, arguing that such a rash action would most definitely trigger a combined response by the European Empires to contain the young Romanian state and gave the the example of how the French Revolution turned out.

Many expected violence on 7 March when the first ballots were cast, but everything was surrounded by a feeling of eerie as the nation undertook its first democratic exam. At the end of the election on the 8th, and after the subsequent counting of votes, the Conservatives managed to defy all odds and obtained a number of seats much higher than they had expected – with 37% of the vote in the Senate and forty-nine circumscriptions won, they tallied 71 of the members of Parliament. Even if they had won more than what everyone expected, the Conservatives would be, however, unable to influence policy enough during the next four years, as the liberals had obtained absolute majorities in both chambers of Parliament. The first Romanian Parliament took office on 10 March 1844 and its first official act was to schedule the country’s first presidential elections for 15 May 1844. During the period of time that was still left, the two parties were to nominate their presidential candidates and those two individuals would then engage in debates and discussions until election day.

Result of the Parliamentary Election of 1844 - majorities by county​

Both parties held their primaries in April, with delegations from each county coming to Bucharest to make their nomination. The candidates for the liberal nomination were initially Gheorghe Magheru, Ștefan Golescu and Christian Tell with the latter exiting the race just before the party’s National Convention. After a rather uneventful series of debates, Magheru received the party’s nomination for President unanimously, while Golescu, the only other candidate was nominated for the Vice Presidency. Both men accepted their nominations and both of them had little doubt that they will be elected.

On the conservative side the debates were much more intense: for the presidency, the frontrunner was considered to be Bibescu who was mockingly named by Gazeta Republicană on one of its front pages “the Prince who wasn’t now wishes to be the President who wouldn’t” alluding to Bibescu’s foreign policy view that Romania should carefully ponder its ties to the international community. Asachi, who had now joined the conservatives also announced his candidacy but many voices from within the party were highly critical of him for his former ties to the Partida Națională and several organizations from within the country attempted to have him removed from the party. After all attempts failed, members of the reactionary faction of the party attempted to assassinate him during the first days of April. Both assassination attempts failed, but they left Asachi deaf on his left ear. After a number of intense debates, Bibescu was nominated for the presidency but the party refused to nominate Asachi for the vice presidency and Bibescu himself refused a potential run with Asachi due to his deep unpopularity within the conservative movement. Finally, Bibescu convinced Barbu Catargiu to run together with him, despite the latter’s reulctance to do so because he considered the party unelectable at the current time and wishing to not tarnish his potential political career.

Nevertheless, Bibescu and Catargiu ran on a moderately conservative platform, wishing to steal as many independents as the could as well as convert the few borderline liberals and managed to achieve an overall better result than the party did at the Parliamentary elections.

Result of the Presidential Election of 1844 - majority by county​

On 15 May, Magheru was elected the first President of Romania with 61% of the vote and Bibescu graciously conceded the election and vowed to mount a vigorous opposition to the new liberal establishment. Magheru and Golescu were sworn into office later that week.

 

[Unknown]

Good start so far; hope Romania avoids some of its OTL troubles...

 

[Sceonn]

Well, since they are liberals and have already implemented conscription (or are about to) and are aware of the US/West, then Industrialization is the next step. Quite frankly population wise they can compete with both their neighbors, Ottoman and Hapsburg, and neither could implement Levee en masse due to their nature.

 

[Richthofen]

Well, since they are liberals and have already implemented conscription (or are about to) and are aware of the US/West, then Industrialization is the next step. Quite frankly population wise they can compete with both their neighbors, Ottoman and Hapsburg, and neither could implement Levee en masse due to their nature.

Yes, the significantly higher population than that of OTL, the freer economy and now that the ties have been completely cut with the Ottomans will mean industrialization will start rather soon.

 

[Sir Omega]

Yes, the significantly higher population than that of OTL, the freer economy and now that the ties have been completely cut with the Ottomans will mean industrialization will start rather soon.

The Russians, the Ottomans and the Austrians would watch like hawks for weaknesses. The Great Powers were not shy to intervene military for keeping the status quo, and after the French Revolution (and the 1848 wave of revolutions) 'Republic' became a very dangerous word. Romania's neighbors may yet decide that the Polish solution (partition and annexation) would work just as well, or even better then the current state of affairs. For the good of all, of course.
Romania will need allies fast.

 

[Sceonn]

Circa 1844
OTL Romania: 3,578,900
Poland: 4,769,800
US: 17,069,453
Britain: 19,240,000
Ottoman: 26,000,000
Germany: 33,610,000
Austria-Hungary: 34,900,000
France: 34,911,000
Russia: 62,000,0000

Partition will work about as well in Romania as it would in France, not at all. Romania is a fairly homogeneous highly populous nation that has never gone through serfdom. It is serfdom along with low population that allowed Eastern Europeans to be so easily dominated left and right by.

No, what they would do is force an absolutist Monarch on them supported by Russian and/or Austrian force because neither would let the other annex it. Of course Russia is the only one in any shape for a major confrontation if Romania defeats the Ottomans.

 

[Sir Omega]

Partition will work about as well in Romania as it would in France, not at all. Romania is a fairly homogeneous highly populous nation that has never gone through serfdom. It is serfdom that allowed Eastern Europeans to be so easily dominated left and right by.

Well, France had (or will have, some 25 years in the future) Alsace and Lorraine taken by Imperial Germany for 45 or so years, and it took the First World War to get them back. And Poland, a regional Power was partitioned by Russia, Austria and Prussia between themselves not 50 years ago (for the third time, I may add), and will be IOTL for 70 years more. And in 1848 the most Great Powers of Europe worked in Concert to squash the Revolutions that took place, helping each other with troops to dash the revolutionary movements.
For the moment Romania is lucky that its own Independence movement was against the Ottoman Empire, which hasn't got any friends in the region - but I can easily see Austria (worried that the Romanians from Transylvania will rise up) and Russia, inching down towards the Slavic-inhabited region south of the Danube and Constantinopole (which, as you may recall, was its OTL strategy for Europe) sharpening knives and waiting for a reason to pounce - Austria for Wallachia, and maybe parts of Moldavia, and Russia for Moldavia and Dobruja.
So no, I don't think a foreign 'intervention' is off the table for Romania yet.

Austria-Hungary: 34,900,000

Also, there's no Austro-Hungary yet, and there won't be for the next 25 years or so. The Hungarians are still subjects of the Austrian Empire, and their own Revolution will be squashed in around 4 years time, by armies from both Austrian and Russian Empire.

 

[Sceonn]

Well, France had (or will have, some 25 years in the future) Alsace and Lorraine taken by Imperial Germany for 45 or so years, and it took the First World War to get them back. And Poland, a regional Power was partitioned by Russia, Austria and Prussia between themselves not 50 years ago (for the third time, I may add), and will be IOTL for 70 years more. And in 1848 the most Great Powers of Europe worked in Concert to squash the Revolutions that took place, helping each other with troops to dash the revolutionary movements.
For the moment Romania is lucky that its own Independence movement was against the Ottoman Empire, which hasn't got any friends in the region - but I can easily see Austria (worried that the Romanians from Transylvania will rise up) and Russia, inching down towards the Slavic-inhabited region south of the Danube and Constantinopole (which, as you may recall, was its OTL strategy for Europe) sharpening knives and waiting for a reason to pounce - Austria for Wallachia, and maybe parts of Moldavia, and Russia for Moldavia and Dobruja.
So no, I don't think a foreign 'intervention' is off the table for Romania yet.

In the french case a significant number of the population of Alsace-Lorraine spoke German. French was very much the underdog in the area. Poland could not compete with anyone in the neighborhood with only 4 million souls living in such a huge territory as played out historically.

Yes, Romania is lucky, but all of it's enemies are so fraught with problems that a military solution is very much available. 16 million Romanians in 1816 means somewhere around 19-22 million mid century as there were no major war, plague or famine. Romania is as populous as the entire Ottoman Empire, this is big. Wars in this era are decided by manpower and Romania could mobilize more man than all the others combine.

They can't coordinate with one another nor could they hide troop movement from the Romanians. The Ottoman will be defeated for sure and then forced to deal with rebellions breaking out in their Balkan territory. Any new attack could only include Austria and Russia who would face a numerically superior enemy and should they break through an extremely hostile populous.

Also, there's no Austro-Hungary yet, and there won't be for the next 25 years or so. The Hungarians are still subjects of the Austrian Empire, and their own Revolution will be squashed in around 4 years time, by armies from both Austrian and Russian Empire.

Yes, but it matters little since the Austrian Empire encompasses the same area that Austria-Hungary rules. It was simply an internal reorganization. The combined population of what will be Austria-Hungary was the same.

 

[Richthofen]

CHAPTER IV
DON'T SHOOT THE MESSENGER​

The summer of 1844 was a torrid one both in terms of weather, but also in terms of politics. The newly instated Magheru Administration was finally able to take their first executive measure in the beginning of June: the President ordered a census to be completed no later than the end of September. The census had a twofold importance for the new administration: first, it was important to have a clear image of the demographics if there would be need to start a program of conscription. The Romanian Army stood at 120 000 in the first line with another 15 000 reserves and if the new Ministry of War’s estimates were correct, it easily outmanned the Ottoman Army which stood at less than 90 000 but had a larger number of reserves. The more important problem, however, regarding potential military engagements were the Habsburgs and the Russians both of whom could have intervened to quash the liberal regime in Bucharest. The Habsburgs were suspiciously silent regarding what had happened in the former Principalities, while the Russians had not retracted their “declaration of protection” for all Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire and the Danubian Principalities. The Danubian Principalities, however, were no longer and Russia was still a conservative empire with little love for liberals, revolutionaries and republics. Second, the census was also the first step in the ambitious project of electoral reform brought forward by the radical faction of the Partida Națională. The electoral lists used in the previous elections were mainly those that had been drawn up by the Church with the support of the former boyars, which meant that conservatives would have been over-represented demographically since Roma and Jewish populations were not included (the former had been enslaved, while the latter were denied citizenship). The radicals wanted to extend suffrage to these groups, but were faced with strong opposition from both the Conservatives and other moderate and conservative factions of the Partida Națională. Electoral reform together with secularization were the two big reform projects that the radical liberals had wanted to achieve by the end of Magheru’s presidency. Nevertheless, support for the electoral reform was limited only to the radical faction, while secularization was a polarizing issue for most of the moderates as well. President Magheru, himself a moderate, supported a limited secularization plan in which the Church would retain national symbolic status, but would be treated equally to other cults.

During the middle of June, the Assembly of Deputies finally organized itself according to the Constitution and through a compromise with both moderates and conservative liberals to preserve party unity, Bălcescu was elected Speaker of the Assembly. On the other side, Bibescu, still a strong voice in the Conservative Party became Minority Leader. The parties themselves adopted statutes with regard to internal organization during the same month, with most historians agreeing that this was the moment the First Romanian Party System had begun. The leadership of the Partida Națională was to be composed of the Speaker of the Assembly or Minority Leader, if they were to find themselves in such a position, who would act as the de facto leader of the party, the most senior Senator belonging to the party as well as the heads of the major organizations within the territory, those of Wallachia and of Moldavia. The President of Romania wouldn’t have a major statutory role in the leadership of the party, but he was still named as part of it. It was rather clear, however that such a strong office in the Romanian state would most definitely influence the direction of the party as well as the main legislative agenda.

1st Parliament of Romania (1844-1848)
Speaker of the Assembly: Nicolae Bălcescu
Opposition Leader: Gheorghe Bibescu
President of the Senate: Ștefan Golescu
Partida Națională

Radical Liberal Faction

Moderate Liberal Faction

Conservative Liberal Faction
Partidul Conservator

Moderate Conservative Faction

Reactionary Faction
​

The Conservatives organized themselves similarly, although territory organizations were much weaker and dominated by vicious factionalism with reactionaries being opposed to most of their peers almost as aggressively as they were to liberals. The entrenched factionalism and lack of communication between the two sides of the party, as well as the perceived unelectability in a country that was fairly liberal altogether, made the Conservatives unable to pursue any legislative agenda except that of passive resistance to any liberal project.

Gheorghe Magheru, 1st President of Romania​

The Magheru administration’s cabinet composition and structure had been validated by Senate at the end of May after a short process of interviews and hearings:

President: Gheorge Magheru (ML)
Vice President: Ștefan Golescu (ML)
Minister of Internal Affairs: Alexandru Cantacuzino (RL)
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Ioan Voinescu II (CL)
Minister of War: Ioan Odobescu (Independent)
Minister of Finance: Dimitrie Petru (ML)
Minister of Justice: Camil Iorgulescu (ML)
Minister of Culture and Public Works: Ion Heliade-Rădulescu (CL)​

Several public works were commissioned by Magheru’s administration after they received Parliamentary consent: the future residence of the President which was to be built in Bucharest on the Spirii Hill and would be ready around 1849; The palace at Curtea Nouă was to be renovated and rebuilt to become the new meeting place of Parliament; an Arch of Triumph reminiscent of the one in Paris was to be built in Bucharest’s centre in honour of both revolutions.

Iorgulescu, the Minister of Justice was tasked with drafting an internal code of procedure for the Constitutional Court that was to be sent to Parliament for their vote and to draft a shortlist of potential candidates to fill the Justices seats.

During late August, a letter from Russia was sent to the presidential administration asking for a meeting with the Romanian President. The Russian General Pavel Kiseleff was to be sent as a representative of his Imperial Majesty to discuss the furthering of bilateral relations between the Romanian Government and the Russian Empire. President Magheru agreed to meet Kiseleff on 28 August, although the administration in Bucharest understood that the reason the Russians sent a general and not a diplomat was to signal that an invasion was still not out of cards if the new Romanian authorities wouldn’t behave properly in the eyes of the Great Powers.

“Ah, Your Grace.” Kiseleff stepped in the office of the President and vigorously shook his hand and Voinescu’s with a stern look on his face.

“I am no aristocrat or prince, General, I am a President, so no need to address me with such titles.”

“Don’t let too many people hear such things. Where I come from that word is poisoned. But I will humour you, Mr. President. Nevertheless, I am here to bring his Imperial Highness’ message to the new Romanian Government. Our offer of protection for your government still stands and we are also willing to share the knowledge we have on both the Ottomans and the Habsburg Empire, which, mind you, have been coordinating rather well and subtly lately. The Emperor is willing to allow your liberal regime to continue if you’ll consider our offer of protection. It will, however, require an amendment to your Constitution. Nevertheless, I’m not here to negotiate anything, just to bring the news of His Imperial Highness’ wishes. You may act upon it however you’d like.”

 

[Zagan]

Watching this with interest. I am always glad to read an AH about my country.

While the writing is quite good, there are some issues. If you prefer to be left alone to focus on the writing, I would not bother you with that. It's your call.

 

[Richthofen]

Watching this with interest. I am always glad to read an AH about my country.

While the writing is quite good, there are some issues. If you prefer to be left alone to focus on the writing, I would not bother you with that. It's your call.

I'm always happy to listen to advice or constructive criticism.

I realize the PoD is a bit too early and that many of the people of OTL could have been butterflied, but I've tried my best to make the changes significant enough to make for an interesting story, but less so to prevent the butterflying of several of historical figures that I wanted to be in this TL. It would have been boring for me to write and for people to read, perhaps, about people that have never existed IOTL.