Eparkhos

Banned
The Crucible Century

By Klara N. Kawakatus

Markus Sverre University, Stadakona Campus

12/18/2019

The course of the modern world was radically altered during the years between 1279 and 1426, often called the ‘Bloody Century’ due to the many deaths caused by the great political, social and occasionally geographic upheavals during the period, the latter being centered in Europe and the Middle East.

However, this is a misnomer as this century, while blood-soaked and gruesome, is not defined entirely by loss of life. If one were to compare the world in 1278, defined in Europe by the dominance of the Catholic Church and primitive infrastructure in both a physical and social sense and in the Middle East the dominance of Islam and the declining intellectual and physical holdovers from the Islamic Golden Age, with the world in 1426, they are as different as night and day.

Ergo, it is more apt to compare this one-hundred and forty-seven year span not to a century of blood, but rather a crucible century, taking the rough and unrefined cultures and states from before it and forming it into the foundations of today’s society.

To support this thesis, I will be giving a brief historical overview of the period to give the reader a full understanding of contemporary events. Nowhere is better to begin in a definition of this period than the first appearance of Laskaris’ Comet in December 1279.​

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Hello, and welcome to Under the Comet's Tail. This timeline will combine elements from Ruins of Rome and A New Alexiad, as well as some original ideas. The basic PoD is that of Ruins, but things quickly butterfly out from there.

I would also like to address the question that many of you probably have: Why am I not updating A New Alexiad? Quite frankly, I consider the quality of my writing in that timeline to be sub-par and I feel that it would be better to just do a full-blown reboot rather going back and re-writing it. The ideas from this TL are drawn heavily from A New Alexiad, and as such I feel that this will be a better restart than any others I can do right now.

So strap in, ready yourself for chaos and follow me...

...Under the Comet's Tail​
 
Table of Contents

Eparkhos

Banned
UCT Title Card.jpg


The Coming of the Hairy Star
I. The Passing of the Basileus Mikhaēl
II. The Foundation of Patrainitism
III. A Brief Overivew of Gothic History and the Beginning of the Gothico-Genoese War


Andronikos the Last
IV. The Beginnings of Andronikos' Reign
 
Last edited:
I. The Passing of the Basileus Mikhaēl

Eparkhos

Banned
I.

Michael_VIII_Palaiologos_(head)[1].jpg

Mikhaēl VIII Palaiologos, Basileus kai Aftokrator ton Rhomaion from 1259 to 1279


In the last month of the year called 1279 on the Anno Domini calendar, a great sign arose from the lands south of Arabia. From Rhapta[1] to Ultima Thule[2], thousands of people saw a great hairy star sail through the heavens, climbing farther into the stars as it made its way north. As it passed, learned men everywhere made the same prediction: Ill fortune came with it, demons and other servants of the Devil riding along beneath the comet’s tail.


Nowhere was this more true than in Italy and the Balkans. In 1274, Pope Gregorious X and Rhoman Emperor Mikhaēl VIII had agreed to mend the Great Schism via a Union of Churches. This was vehemently opposed by many churchmen from both groups, and Mikhaēl had to go so far as to sack his own Patriarch, Iosephos I Galesiotes, and replace him with the more pliable Ioannes XI Bekkos to prevent his own excommunication. Even with the newly-installed Patriarch backing the Union, there was still widespread discontent amongst the lower ranks of the clergy, comparable to the feelings of the provincial Orthodox during the Iconoclastic Schism. Mikhaēl VIII had already sown religious discord earlier in his reign by kicking off the Arsenite Schism, which severely undercut his support in Anatolia; This second one did little to boost his popularity in the Laskarid heartland.


As such, when the great hairy star first appeared over Konstantinoupoli on 12 December, the emperor quickly made his way to the Agia Sophia to consult with Bekkos. The men spent three days in isolated prayer, but after spending a comparatively long time away from the tools of government Mikhaēl grew uneasy and departed the church to return to the palace. However, while returning to Blakharnae, he and his bodyguards, the hetaireioi were met by a mob of angry anti-Unionists outside of the Agia Theodosia in the Petrion. They began throwing rotten fruit and rocks at the Basileus and his companions. The hetaireioi charged after the unruly Konstantinoupolitans and pursued them down to several streets, briefly leaving Mikhaēl entirely alone. An assassin ran up and cut his horse’s flank with a knife before fleeing, causing the animal to throw the emperor. The assassin is usually identified as the anti-Unionist priest Ioannes Drimys acting on the orders of Theodoros and Kyrillos Laskaris; However, recent evidence has suggested he was just in the wrong place at the wrong time and was simply used as a fall man, while the Laskaris were identified as the backers to build public support for a purge. The real backers have been identified as anyone from the deposed Ioannes II to Mikhaēl’s son Andronikos, whom the Basileus was planning to disinherit.


Either way, the fall left Mikhaēl laying in a pool of his own blood. Upon impact, his spinal column had snapped, simultaneously snapping his spinal cord and slicing through his internal jugular vein. By the time the first bystanders reached him about half a minute later, he was already dead. The hetaireioi were drawn back by the commotion and quickly surrounded the emperor’s body, pushing back the civilians. One of the guards, Isaakios Philanthropenos[3], tried to convince the others to turn him over to staunch any bleeding, while most of the others agreed that it would be best to wait for a doctor to arrive to even move the emperor. After Philanthropenos insisted on turning him over, one of the other guards, Loukas Kaballarios, slew him after loudly proclaiming that he, too, was an assassin.


A doctor arrived a few minutes later and announced that he was most certainly dead. The guards quickly conveyed him to the palace, where Mikhaēl’s advisors recessed and began to frantically debate over the succession.


Prior to his death, it was an open secret in the capital that Mikhaēl was feuding with his eldest living son and presumptive heir, Andronikos. Andronikos was vehemently anti-Unionist and was, to quote Georgios Akropolites’s Chronicle, “Not renowned for either his wisdom or his mental flexibility.” As such, Mikhaēl felt that he was a poor choice of heir and favored his third son, Konstantinos, as his heir. Konstantinos was both more competent and pro-Unionist. It could also be argued that he was more legitimate, as he was born in the Porphyrogennētē[4] of Konstantinoupoli while Andronikos was born in the Porphyrogennētē of Nikaia. The only thing that Konstantinos lacked that would keep him from being recognized as heir by the general Rhomaioi populace was his lack of military experience. As such, Mikhaēl had dispatched Konstantinos to Makedonia to gain combat experience under Mikhaēl Glabas.


Since Konstantinos was out of the capital, many members of the makeshift council were apprehensive of openly calling for him to supplant Andronikos. After several hours of deliberation, most of the late emperor’s advisors agreed to recognize Andronikos as emperor, however, a small group (led by Georgios Akropolites and Nikephoros Alyates) vehemently opposed the elder prince, going so far as to call for blinding him. They then stormed out at around four hours in.


On their way out, they happened to run into Andronikos. The young man had, upon learning of his father’s death, gathered a small mob of supporters and quickly made his way to the palace. Upon realizing that they had run into him, the former advisors turned and fled back up the hallways. Andronikos’ supporters gave chase catching all but Akropolites and holding them until they figured out what to do with them. Andronikos entered the council chambers and informed the councillors that he was ascending to throne. Most of them meekly agreed, and upon inquiry Andronikos was informed of what exactly the smaller group had been proposing. The young prince ordered them all to be blinded on the spot and sent men to track down Akropolites. Then, his father’s advisors in tow, he moved to the Agia Sophia. Andronikos publicly announced the deposition of Bekkos (which he did not have the authority to do, but the bloody footprints trailing after his makeshift force discouraged anyone from objecting) and the restoration of Iosephos Galesiotes.


In one of the unusual anecdotes that often pop up during regime changes, the small delegation of men sent to retrieve Galesiotes from his retirement just so happened to be on the same boat that Akropolites and his family were fleeing the capital in. For two hours, the extended Akropolites family, Georgios, his son Konstantinos and daughter-in-law, three grandchildren, two godchildren, Nikephoros and Alexios Phialnthropenos, and the family tutor Manouel Planoudes sat in terrified silence as officials of the new emperor milled about fifteen feet in front of them.[5]


When the ship docked in Khele[6] both groups were able to go about their business; the Akropolitoi fled south to Nikaia while Andronikos’ agents quickly retrieved the former Patriarch and returned him to the capital. On the 16th, Galesiotes was re-invested as Patriarch of Konstantinoupoli. He quickly repudiated the Union of Churches and called for the destruction of all Latin property in the city. The mob quickly descended upon the Italian trade ports on the Golden Horn, stealing everything that wasn’t nailed down and many things that were. The only thing that prevented a second Massacre of the Latins was that the paranoia of the Italians was so great that each trading family has pre-established evacuation plans and within half an hour of the proclamation most of the city’s Latins were either barricaded inside strong points or on ships in the Horn; those few who were not were lynched. On the 17th, the crowd, newly enriched with Latin gold, hailed Andronikos as Basileus kai Aftokrator while he rode from Blakharnae to the Agia Sophia. At exactly noon, Andronikos Palaiologos became Emperor Andronikos II. As he emerged onto the steps of the cathedral, the entire city seemed to chant his name.

Andronikos_II_Palaiologos_(head)[1].jpg

Andronikos II Palaiologos, Basileus kai Aftokrator ton Rhomaion from 1279...

[1] Believed to be roughly OTL Beira, Mozambique

[2] Either Iceland or Greenland

[3] The uncle of the more famous Philanthropenoi Brothers (Remember this)

[4] The Purple Chamber, where Imperial princes and princesses were born. As the Purple Chamber in Konstantinoupoli had been built over 500 years previous, those born in the Purple Chamber in the capital were considered to be of higher birth than those born in the room of the same name in Nikaia.

[5] Given the impact the latter three had on the history of the Rhomaioikratia, it is a fascinating ‘what-if’ to consider what would have happened if one of Andronikos’ men happened to turn around on that boat.

[6] OTL Şile, Istanbul, Turkey.
 

Eparkhos

Banned
Good start; interesting to see what happens next...

What's the PoD?

The PoD occurs ~700,000 years ago in the asteroid belt, when a small asteroid bumps into another asteroid and sends the second spiraling out into the inner solar system where it eventually forms a tail. In 1279, it passes so close to Earth that it appears as possibly the brightest comet in recorded history. The butterflies come from how the various states and their rulers react to the comet. For example, the death of Mikhael VIII can be directly traced to the comet. (Comet->Speak to Patriarch->Ride through streets with guard->angry mob fearing comet's 'omen' meets him->he's thrown and dies)
 
II. The Foundation of Patrainitism

Eparkhos

Banned
II.

Painting of Iames of Patrai.jpg

The romanticist painting Iames of Pátraí at the Time of the Foundation of the Church, 1758

An hour before the comet came into view in Konstantinoupoli, a young monk looked up from his meditation to see the great white-blue light pass above the mountains of Arkadia to the east. The young monk stood from his position on hands and knees, tears in the corners of his eyes, believing that God had given him the sign he had asked for. He stood and left the cell, knowing what he must do. Thus Iames of Pátraí[1] began his life’s work.


Iames was born in 1253 in Pátraí[2], the main seaport of the Principality of Achaea. His parents were Thomas of Ely, an English peasant Crusader, and a Greek peasant woman named Aikaterini. As he was their third son, he had next to no chance of inheriting Thomas’ weaving business and so became an Orthodox monk in 1270. However, after several years in the lower ranks of the church hierarchy, he began to grow unsatisfied with the doctrine of the Church. As he was a transcriber, he had ready access to copies of the Bible and began to compare the actual teachings of Christ as recorded in the Gospels to the teachings of the Orthodox Church. While the former’s flaws were less egregious than those of the Catholic Church, they still-at least in Pátraí’s view-were perverting the scripture for their own gain. The young monk took special issue with most sacraments only being administered by the priesthood, which he saw in direct conflict with the ministrations of the various disciples of Christ, whom he saw as being empowered only by God.


However, he was very pious and in September of 1279 he closed himself off to the world to meditate on what to do. He spent two and a half months in isolation, searching his soul and desperately crying out to God for a sign. That December night, he was given one. As the comet streaked across the sky, he finally left his isolated cell and met with another heterodoxical monk named Khristophoros of Paramythia. The two began writing out a series of pamphlets titled

“Láthi tis Ekklisías”[3] via a primitive polygraph[4] They scattered roughly fifty through the city in early January. These had little effect, due to their comparatively small number and poor choice of a distribution point. However, the next pamphlet series, “Epexergasía gia ta Láthi tis Ekklisías”[5], of which almost a thousand were distributed in both Pátraí and in Lepanto, across the Gulf of Korinthos in Aitolia. These were scattered outside churches in the poor parts of both cities on a Sunday, where the people were most heavily affected by tithes.[6]


The second series was much more effective, generating much more interest that the first. Roughly three dozen people showed up to the abandoned barn just outside the walls as specified at the bottom of the papers on 24 July, 1280. Most, captivated by Iames’ charismatic speaking, stayed for the duration of the sermon and twenty-one pledged to reject the Orthodox Church (after the others had left). Thus began the Patrainite Church. As one of the newborn faith’s believes was that dedicated temples were against Christ’s teachings, services were soon moved to the house of a local grain merchant named Ioannes Sebastianiades, as he was the only convert with enough space to hold meetings.


The religion began to spread rapidly through the lower classes of the city, who were drawn by its lack of tithe requirements and its openness. By April, it had already reached Andravida and Korinthos.


Basic Tenants of Patrainitism:


In terms of theology, Patrainitism varies from Catholicism and Orthodoxy in several principal ways. Intercession through either saints or icons is considered a mortal sin and mere possession of an icon is considered idol worship. Although not originally part of the doctrine, eventually complete images of any person are considered icons. As such, paintings, sculptures and other art depicting humans are never completed, usually with the neck being left blank.


All believers are able to administer the Five Sacraments after inviting the Holy Spirit to take over him/her. Reconciliation/Penance is not performed, as it is thought to be between the sinner and Christ alone. Holy Orders is not considered a sacrament for obvious reasons, and Baptism is not practiced as it is believed that all children are innocent and incapable of sin until age 9, when they are Confirmed.


In addition to not having a dedicated clergy, dedicated churches are also outlawed as they would require creating a group to maintain them, which Iames feared would lead to a priestly class. Instead, synadiasi[7] rotate through various members' homes to meet in. Each group is autonomous, but the practice of choosing one of their own by drawing lots to represent them at debates at doctrine will eventually become widespread.


Their masses center around the giving of the Eucharist, which is administered by randomly chosen members of the synadiasi. The agape[7], a relic sacrament from before the Third Council of Carthage, was revived and administered at the close of the ceremony.


In summation, the Seven Sacraments of the Patrainite Church are:


Eucharist[8]

Agape[8]

Anointing of the Sick[9]

Matrimony[9]

Confirmation[9]

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] Iames is a Rhomaioization of the English name James.

[2] Local name for Patras

[3] “The Errs of the Church.”

[4] From Rhomaioi Polygraphia, i.e. Many-writings. Used to duplicate writing via attaching several quills to arms on the side of the first pen.

[5] “An Elaboration on the Errs of the Church.”

[6] The Orthodox Church took a tithe of 10%, and the Catholic (state) Church took 10% off the original. The Patrainites instead asked their followers to give 10% of what was left of 80% (8%) and feed/shelter the homeless if possible; However, this was not enforced and entirely voluntary.

[7] Also called the lovefeast. The group brought food and ate together to show their devotion to their ‘family’; In some of the poorer areas, it was a way to ensure that everyone got at least 1 full meal every week.

[8] Called the kannonikioi, or “regular”, as they were given every Sabbath

[9] Called the peristatikioi, or “occasional”, as they were not given every Sabbath

 

Eparkhos

Banned
I decided to follow the major butterflies as the comet passes the planet before going down any particular chronological path.
 
Nice touch with the neck being deliberately left blank in the image- I thought it was just me who was seeing things.

And an Orthodox Reformation, this can't end well.
 
III. A Brief Overview of Gothic History and the Beginnings of the First Gothico-Genoese War

Eparkhos

Banned

III.


Huskarl Reenactor.jpg

A reenactor of one of Alexios II's huswache

In order to understand the impact that the sudden appearance of Laskaris’ Comet over Gothia on 13 December 1279, it is necessary to have at least a basic understanding of Gothic history in the 13th century.

After the collapse of the Rhomaion Empire in the years after the Fourth Crusade, the Gothic-speaking territories in the Crimea came under the rule of the Megas Komnenoi based in Trapezous. The distant rulers in Anatolia paid little attention to the Goths, essentially leaving them to their own devices in exchange for a (comparatively) yearly tax payment. However, all that changed in 1223, when the Seljuk Turks launched an amphibious assault on the peninsula, building the fortress of Soldaia to secure a foothold on the landmass. Luckily for the Goths, the main Turkish army fell back after a few months and the garrison was soon starved into fleeing.

As the Trapezuntines had proven incapable of defending them, the Crimeans nobles elected one of their own, Stefanos Gavras[1], as Prince of Gothia. Steffen was a fairly competent ruler, keeping the new state alive until his death in 1236; He had nominated his young son Alexios[2] as his successor before his death, and he was elected by a small group of magnates who acted without consulting anyone else. The result was the First Gothic Civil War, which lasted from 1236 to 1238, in which the revolting nobles asked the Mongols for aid. The Mongols complied, invading in 1238, executing Alexios and installing the leader of the noble faction, Theophylaktos Nomophylaxos, as Prince.


Theophylaktos reigned a mere six years before he took a crossbow bolt to the face while resisting a Genoese seizure of Cembalo. Another magnate, Aroonios[3] Kaulita, was elected as Prince; however, mindful of Alexios’ fate, he refused to take power until his reign was green-lighted by the Mongols. The Genoese used the interregnum to press their invasion, annexing the ports of Lusta, Soldaia, Kaffa and finally Galita, Aroonios’ own seat of power. With his own lands gone, a group of magnates raised Isaakios Enehanda[4], a well-liked and skilled general, as Anti-Prince. Thus began the Second Gothic Civil War, which lasted only two months in 1245, ending in Enehanda imprisoning Kaulita and asking Batu Khan for recognition as Prince. This was approved, and Enehanda was recognized as Prince in 1247.

Isaakios’ reign lasted from 1247 to 1278. He was able to consolidate the throne’s power and prevent the Cumans living in the north of the peninsula from migrating south into Gothia proper. However, he was unable to drive the Genoese out and, after a failed attempt to take Lusta at the Battle of Winostatz in 1259, he was forced to pay tribute to the Italians. This made him immensely unpopular, and in 1260 Aroonios Altfers[5] was elected as Anti-Prince and the Third Gothic Civil War began. This dragged on for six years, ending in 1266 with a truce in which Enehanda and his supporters agreed to recognize Altfers’ eldest grandson, Phalk, as Prince after Enehanda’s death. The remainder of Enehanda’s reign was quiet, the only major incident coming in 1275 after Phalk drowned while crossing a river. The Prince tried to revoke the previous succession agreement as the intended inheritor was dead.This nearly sparked a Fourth Civil War, but in 1276 Altfers’ other grandson, Alexios, was named as heir. When Enehanda passed in his sleep in mid-1278, the young man, only seventeen, was elected as Prince of Gothia, a decision which was soon approved by the Mongols.

Alexios, though an eager would-be reformer, knew that if he moved too quickly he would be dethroned. As such, he began making preparations for the one even distantly achievable accomplishment which would secure his rule; ending the tribute to the Genoese. To this effect he gathered 600 of the strongest and tallest men in the Princedom and formed a unit called the huswache[6] that functioned as a standing army. This made the magnates uneasy, as such a (comparatively) large force directly at the Prince’s command curbed their power. As such, one of the Enehandas tipped off the Genoese, blowing up the Prince’s plans from ending the tribute payments to reconquering the colonies.

Niccolo Zaccaria, the Genoese governor, reacted in a remarkably blase manner. He believed that the Goths were incapable of taking any of the colonies and stopping the invasion would be as simple as firing a crossbow volley from the first target’s walls.Giovanni Varazze, the governor of Galita, was of a similar outlook and believed that the Goths posed no real threat, at least as the situation stood. However, he was slightly concerned about the Goths being able to form an army strong enough to pose a threat, as well as being eager to improve both his family’s wealth and prestige. As such, he took the majority of his garrison, 500 crossbowmen and 100 heavy infantry, and departed the city on 24 November, marching west and intent on taking Mangup and putting the upstart Prince back in his place.

The Genoese advance at a snail’s pace. Varazze, believing that Mangup was absolutely loaded with gold, had brought along several dozen empty carts to carry the loot back to Galita. He ordered these to be positioned at the head of the column, as he believed that it would be best for the carts to trip any pit traps on the road. However, a series of heavy rainstorms had turned the road the Italians were using into a quagmire, resulting the carts getting bogged down several times a day and significantly slowing their advance. Meanwhile, Gothic skirmishers harassed the Italians at all hours of the day, lobbing projectiles at the Italians before they could load their crossbows and fleeing back into the hills. The Genoese soldiers began to grow discontent, so to avoid a mutiny Varazze ordered the column to pause twice to allow his men to pillage, rape and burn nearby Gothic settlements. The locals began burning the surrounding countryside to prevent the invaders from feeding themselves.

As such, the Genoese were more focused on wallowing in self-pity and wishing they had stayed back in Italy than keeping tabs on their surroundings and as such hadn’t noticed as the ground on either side of the road started to slope upwards into densely forested hills. All except the commander of the 50 spear and crossbowmen in the rear guard, Tancredi Saraceno, who began to grow nervous and slow behind the column. On the night of December 12, Laskaris’ Comet blasted out from behind a cloud and lit up the sky. Saraceno took this an omen of ill fortune and ordered his men into an abandoned mill to the left of the road, which they barricaded themselves in. Varazze, on the other hand, took this as an omen of good fortune and ordered his men forward, eager to reach the capital quickly and not noticing Saraceno’s group move away.


They walked straight into a trap. A half-mile north of the mill 1100 Gothic soldiers were dug in on the sides of the road, concealed behind fallen logs and ditches. As soon as the Italians were entirely within the pass, Alexios sprung. The battle, known as the Battle of Plutwaghen[7] due to the frantic last minutes, when the few Genoese survivors overturned their wagons in a desperate last stand, lasted a mere twenty minutes. The Italians-at least the lucky ones-were brutally hacked to death, while any prisoners were turned over to the locals to revenge themselves upon. Anything of value was stripped from the dead before they were burned in a mass pyre and the Goths equipped themselves with the crossbows.

The next day, Alexios and his triumphant army turned and marched back the way the Italians had came. Alexios detached a hundred irregulars to lay siege to Saraceno’s mill before continuing on the road to Galita. They, familiar with the terrain and with high morale, are able to drive to Galita in only three days. Enrico Saraceno, Tancredi’s brother and the commander of the rump garrison, mistakes them for the returning column and thus leaves the gate open. The Goths surge inside the city, burning several blocks of buildings before Alexios is able to bring them back under control. Varazze’s personal reserves are taken and sent back to Mangup, but most of the city’s Italian population are let go with only 5% of their wealth being taken. This only applies to those who swear oaths of fealty to Alexios; Those who do not are exiled and their property seized. News of the disaster at Plutwaghen and the fall of Galita reach Zaccaria at Soldaia on the 26th. A fine Christmas present indeed; the beginning of the First Gothico-Genoese War.

==================================================================================================================================================

[1] Greek form of his name; Gothic form Steffen Davitsen

[2] Greek form of his name; Gothic form Alexis Steffensen

[3] Greek form; Gothic form Erwin Calida

[4] Greek form; Gothic form Isaac the One-Handed

[5] Greek form; Gothic form Erwin the Old

[6] Lit. “Home Guard”; singular form “huskarl”

 
I am curious as to how the Turks will fare and if the Ottomans are going to play a big role in the future of Anatolia seeing as Osman himself would be 21 during the start of the Bloody Century...
 
IV. The Beginning of Andronikos' Reign

Eparkhos

Banned
IV.


The emperor Andronikos was a strange and troubled man. He often acted erratically, his personally changing so dramatically, quite literally night and day, that many historians speculate that he had a severe form of mental illness which was overlooked before he ascended to the throne.

He spent most of his days in prayer, and appeared to be-and, if you subscribe to the belief that he had Multiple Personality Disorder, was-one of the most pious men alive. However, all of this changed when the sun set, whence he seemed to become nearly insane and degenerated into a man ruled by his inner urges, going about drinking, gambling and whoring into the wee hours of the morning. He seemed to know that this was wrong, and it is supposed that his piety was due to guilt over his nocturnal actions. Prior to his coronation, this latter part of him wasn’t well known amongst the lower classes due to his isolation as Crown Prince; however, it quickly became an open secret after he became Basileus.


Now that his personality and mentality have been established, we can go about an exploration of the first four months of his reign, which are generally considered the least terrible of his reign. It is entirely possible that if events had gone even slightly different during this period the Kriti Expedition and the subsequent Second Fall of Konstantinoupoli could have been avoided.

After taking power, Andronikos ordered the anti-Unionists who had been either imprisoned or exiled by his father to be either returned or released. However, there were so many religious prisoners in the capital’s gaols that their wardens were unable to prevent the entirety of their residency from flooding out into the streets; the sudden arrival of these hardened criminals into the already confused mess of the city started a series of violent incidents that quickly expanded into a massive riot that expanded into and consumed the First, Second and Third Hills, bar only the Mangana district which was isolated and concealed by the akropolis. The mobs ransacked the city for the better part of two days, only ending when a force of 2,500 marines under the Megas Doux Licario di Carystus, earmarked for a spring campaign against the Negropontese, entered the city and brutally crushed the mob, scything down everyone in their path.

Although this succeeded in ending the Coronation Riots of 1279, the opinion of the city’s denizens quickly turned against di Carystus and he was tracked down and murdered in Sykae on 3 January 1280. This caused most of the force, bankrolled by di Carystus, to desert and wander away into Thrake, whence they started looting the countryside. Andronikos’ response to the burgeoning crisis is limited by his growing erraticism, and pressure begins to mount from within the court for Andronikos to appoint a mesazon[1] to help manage the situation. Andronikos agrees in mid-January.


However, the court soon divides itself into many factions, each backing a different man for the office. By the end of January, it appeared that the Basileus was leaning heavily towards one of his father’s old generals and political advisors, Khristophoros Tzasimpaxis. This caused several of the minor factions to unite against Tzasimpaxis, most notably those of Mikhaēl Strategopoulos and Konstantinos Khadenos. This combined faction was able to induce Tzasimpaxis into issuing pronoia to the family of those soldiers killed in the Coronation Riots, something only the Basileus or mesazon could do. He was promptly arrested on charges of usurpation, blinded and exiled to Monemvasia. With Tzasimpaxis out of the way, Khadenos was declared mesazon on 6 February, Strategopoulos retaining a free hand in an unofficial power-sharing agreement.

Now that there was a semi-stable hand at the tiller, the immediate crisis soon dissipated. The Thrakoun[2] was raised and soon ran down the deserters, most of whom were summarily executed. However, the stolen goods were not returned to their owners and were instead taken into the Imperial treasury, infuriating most of Thrake.

Khadenos then reached out to Konstantinos Palaiologos, who was camped with a small force in the Khalkidike and mulling over his options. The new mesazon offered him a pronoia over all of Rhomaioi-held Morea and the title of Sebastokrator, which the young prince soon accepted. He was crowned as Sebastokrator Konstantinos I of Morea by the Metropolitan of Thessalonika on 23 February 1280.

Khadenos then turned to Rhomaion’s next most pressing issue; Namely, the massive money and body pit that the Bulgarian Civil War had turned into. In 1277, the peasants of Dobruja had risen against the Tsar and marched on the capital. What should have been a quick and easy battle for the government ended in disaster when Tsar Konstantin fell off his chariot and onto the pointy end of a discarded spear. The Asenists had collapsed and fled south, allowing the peasants to storm the capital and install their leader, Ivaylo the Cabbage-Grower, as Tsar. The Asenites rallied around Ivan, the nephew of Konstantin, who was in exile in Konstantinoupoli. Mikhaēl dispatched an army to put him back on the throne...it was promptly routed and sent running south. Mikhaēl ordered a second army...and then a third....and a fourth...and a fifth. When he died, Mikhaēl had been gathering together a sixth army.


Khadenos ordered the expedition dissolved, summoned Asen back to the capital and convinced Andronikos to tell him that he no longer recognized him as the rightful Tsar of Bulgaria and expel him from the empire. Feelers were sent to Ivaylo regarding peace, which the Tsar seemed inclined to accept. Secret negotiations began in late March, with a peace agreement being worked out that would eventually be signed in July. It would be sealed with the marriage of the Crown Prince Mikhaēl to a future daughter of Ivaylo.

A cease-fire was negotiated with the Serbians, bringing de facto peace to the Empire’s entire northern European frontier. However, the Turkish frontier was almost entirely ignored along with the Frankokratia. The latter would lead to the worst debacle of Andronikos’ reign; The Kriti Expedition of 1280...

==================================================================================================================================================
[1] Equivalent to a Prime Minister
[2] The Thrake militia

 

Eparkhos

Banned
I am curious as to how the Turks will fare and if the Ottomans are going to play a big role in the future of Anatolia seeing as Osman himself would be 21 during the start of the Bloody Century...

I've decided to flip Osman/Ataman's pre-power life with that of a possibly ahistorical brother named Wadji. I'm not going to say more because spoilers

Does a Holy Roman Emperor named Sigmar crop up?

Maybe, I'm thinking sometime in the 17th Century that there'll be an Emperor Sigmar I Premyslid.
 
Top