I know some people want a map. And i have a Answer for that people.


IS COMING BOIS... IS COMING AND COME FULL OF DEVOTION AND DETAILS
Please don't hate me if some colors are mistake... This map is so big even i am too lazy for make it perfect.

A la mierda... Here you have a little Sneak Leak.

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The map is incomplete I guess.
 
1781: Carolina
«en los cinco días anteriores a Cowpens, los británicos fueron sometidos a un estrés que solo podía ser aliviado con descanso y una dieta adecuada».
«In deep anguish and mental anxiety, I am compelled to acquaint Your Excellency with the complete defeat of the troops under my command.».
— Attributed to Major-General Horatio Gates.
The conflict in the South turned into a quasi-civil war, with roughly half the population supporting the Crown and half loyal to the rebellion. Congress trusted Washington to identify a suitable replacement for General Horatio Gates after his disastrous defeat at the Battle of Camden. On December 3, 1780, 38-year-old Nathanael Greene became the commander of the forces of the American South. When Greene took command, the Southern Army theoretically numbered 2,307 men, but present were only 949 Continentals, mostly from the Maryland Regiment, and 533 militiamen. He knew that his small army would not succeed in any direct confrontation with the British, so he violated military convention and divided his force in the region to wage guerrilla warfare. On December 21, 1780, 600 men under the command of Brigadier General Daniel Morgan were sent to take up position between the Pacolet and Broad rivers in South Carolina. Greene hoped that they would find desperately needed supplies and rally support for the rebellion among the strongly divided civilian population. The leader of British southern strategy, Charles Cornwallis, was planning an invasion of North Carolina when he received information that Morgan's troops were heading west. He received incorrect information that Morgan was planning an attack on the British fort Ninety-Six in South Carolina. Cornwallis ordered Lt. Col Banastre Tarleton with his British Legion to Fort Ninety-Six to engage Daniel Morgan and defend the fort. After reaching Ninety-six, Tarleton requested additional forces to pursue Morgan's army to what he correctly assumed was Morgan's true destination: the River Broad. On January 12 he received precise news of Morgan's location and continued on a hard march, building boats to cross rivers that were swollen by winter rains.

On January 13, Lt. Col. William Washington's Continental Light Dragoons patrolled the Fair Woods area. They rode into a large group of loyalists and captured 40 of them. Washington learned that British troops were operating near Musgrove Mill. Morgan drew his forces away from the British until he reached Cowpens some 3 days later. The annihilation of a unit by Morgan's cavalry some 80 km north of his headquarters decided the problem for Cornwallis. He ordered Tarleton to turn west while he led the main army north to the King's Mountain. Tarleton would either lead Morgan into a trap on the King's mountain, or engage and destroy Morgan's force, himself. On January 16, Tarleton was reported to have crossed the Pacolet River and was much closer than expected. Soon, Morgan crossed it and traveled west on the Green River Highway. Here, with the Broad River inundated 12 miles (19 km) behind him, he decided to oppose the British at Cowpens. Meanwhile, Tarleton marched his exhausted and hungry soldiers through the day and night in hopes of ensnaring the already entrenched Patriot force. When they finally camped near Cowpens, the British were physically and mentally exhausted, having slept only a few hours each night for the past week. The regulars and many officers were dangerously malnourished. On January 17, at 02:00, Tarleton roused his troops and continued his march towards Cowpens. Veterans would claim that "in the five days before Cowpens, the British were subjected to a stress that could only be relieved by rest and proper diet." Apart from that "in the 48 hours before the battle, the British ran out of food and slept less than four hours." Throughout the period Tarleton's brigade made a great rapid march through difficult terrain arriving at the battlefield exhausted and malnourished.

Tarleton, who had 1,150 troops, felt the victory and nothing would persuade him to delay. His patriotic scouts had briefed him on the area Morgan was in, and he was sure of success because Morgan's soldiers, mostly militiamen, seemed to be trapped between the more experienced British troops and a flooded river. Receiving word that Tarleton was in hot pursuit, Morgan withdrew north, to avoid being caught between Tarleton and Cornwallis. He mustered several hundred additional soldiers, including Andrew Pickens's militia, and determined that his force of approximately 1,000 men was capable of holding off Tarleton's attack. Morgan spent the night before the battle talking to as many mainlanders and militiamen as he could, making powerful speeches and rallying his men for the next battle. Privately, however, Morgan remained pessimistic, informing General Greene that his "force was inadequate for the intent you have hinted at." When he received word that Tarleton was advancing, Morgan formed his army of about 1,800 strong between the Pacolet and Broad rivers. As soon as he arrived at the scene, Tarleton formed a battle line. A few minutes before dawn, Tarleton's vanguard emerged from the woods in front of the American position. Tarleton ordered his forces deployed, while his lead dragoons (50 from the 17th and 100 from the Legion) charged the cover line of skirmishers, who had been ordered to make two volleys, preferably on the officers, and withdraw. . The marksmen opened fire and within minutes cut down 15 dragoons, who quickly withdrew. Tarleton immediately ordered the infantry forward against the Patriots, the covering gunners fired two shots and retreated to the militia line.

The British attacked again, this time reaching the militiamen, who (as ordered) fired two volleys at the enemy, especially shooting at the officers. The British, with 40% casualties among their officers, were stunned and confused. During this time, the British artillery ignored the fighting and instead fired on the Third Continental Line on the hill. The rounds were fired, landing among Washington's cavalry behind the hill and causing nothing more serious than their movement to a calmer position behind the American left. Tarleton ordered a charge against the militia line, which as planned, retreated over the mainlanders, with the order firing and falling back to fire again. Believing that the militia were fleeing as usual, he ordered the dragoons on both flanks to charge the flanks of the retreating militia. The depleted 17th Dragoons (35) were attacked by Lieutenant Colonel Washington's cavalry (182), completely routed and put to flight; to the right and the dragoons of the Legion (50) were stopped by the Virginia skirmishers who had regrouped to the rear. Morgan ordered Howard's men, retreating but still in effective range, to turn and volley in unison. The British had lost cohesion and were in the midst of a disorganized charge when the American barrage halted their advance. Taking advantage of the bewilderment, Morgan ordered a fixed bayonet charge, which caught the British line by surprise, in terrible surprise, began to collapse; some men gave up on the spot, while others turned and ran. Howard's men advanced and seized the two British guns, the British gunners fighting to the last man in a futile attempt to save their guns, but would eventually be forced to surrender.

William Washington's cavalry, after defeating the dragoons, appeared from behind the American left to hit the British on their right flank and rear. While on the other flank, the Virginia skirmishers, after defeating the Legion's dragoons, attacked the flanks and rear of the 71st Highlander. Tarleton found about 40 of his Legion dragoons and with them tried to save the two cannons that his forces had brought, which had been taken and held, but the fleeing soldiers and the Patriot charge drove them back. The shock of the sudden charge, coupled with the reappearance of American militiamen on the left flank where Tarleton's exhausted men expected to see Tarleton's own cavalry, proved too much for the British. Almost half of the British and Loyalist foot soldiers fell to the ground wounded or not. His will to fight was gone. "Combat shock" was the cause of this abrupt British collapse: the effects of exhaustion, starvation and demoralization hit them suddenly. Caught in a clever double encirclement compared to Hannibal's Battle of Cannae, many of the British surrendered. Tarleton desperately tried to rally the soldiers to him. In a final attempt to save the battle, he attacked Washington's cavalry with his Legion (55th) dragoons that he was able to muster. During the ensuing skirmish, Washington attacked Tarleton and the two briefly exchanged blows. His men outnumbered and with low morale were overwhelmed, Tarleton finally ordered a retreat after several minutes of engagement, but managed to shoot William Washington's horse before leaving the battlefield. The last to hold were the regulars of the 71st Highlanders, who, attacked head-on by the Continentals, on the left flank by the Virginians, and in the rear by the Washington Dragoons, finally surrendered.

It was 0800 hours and the Battle of Cowpens had lasted about an hour. In retreating from him, Tarleton was able to escape capture by forcing a local planter named Adam Goudylock to serve as his guide. It was a total victory for the patriots, British casualties were 110 killed of which more than 40 were officers, 200 were wounded and 500 taken prisoner. In stark contrast the patriot casualties were only 12 dead and 60 wounded. Tarleton suffered a casualty rate of 86%, and his Legion had been eliminated as a fighting force. Morgan's soldiers gave the 122 fallen men a proper burial and proceeded to Winchester, Virginia, where he handed over his prisoners and met with Nathanael Greene. Greene ordered his army north to gather supplies and prepare for the inevitable clashes that would follow with the British armed forces. News of his defeat was reported by Tarleton to a shocked Cornwallis who was expecting victory at Cowpens. Cornwallis redirected his focus south and decided that the British would make a final push to capture Virginia. The Patriot victory at Cowpens reignited the flame of rebellion that had been largely absent in the southern colonies, and led many in Britain to question the prospect of a successful end to the war in North America. Nathanael Greene, the new commander decided to split up his troops in the Carolinas to force the larger British contingent under Lieutenant General Charles Cornwallis to fight them on multiple fronts (Greene also wanted to buy time to rebuild his army). This strategy paid off on January 17, 1781, when Brigadier General Daniel Morgan and his troops decisively defeated a British force commanded by Colonel Banastre Tarleton at the Battle of Cowpens, South Carolina.

Cornwallis set up camp at Hillsborough and attempted to scavenge for supplies and recruit Loyalists from North Carolina. However, the disorderly state of his army and the Pyle massacre, where 600 Patriot militiamen ambushed and killed 93 Loyalists and wounded 250 others, deterred the Loyalists. However, thousands of slaves had escaped from plantations in South Carolina and other southern states, and many joined the British to fight for their personal freedom. In the last months of the war, the British evacuated more than 3,000 liberated men to Nova Scotia, with others going to London. Northern slaves escaped to British lines in occupied cities like New York. On March 8, Brigadier General Daniel Morgan and Greene's forces met at the Guilford Courthouse. Greene met with his officers and asked what his next move would be. They all decided to continue the retreat to the north. That withdrawal would be known as the "Race for the Dan". The Dan River was swollen and safe to cross only at fords upstream, along the North Carolina-Virginia border. Greene stayed ahead of Cornwallis. He knew that his big trucks were holding him back. He decided to burn all the items that were not needed for the battle and left the stragglers behind so the army could move faster. Greene had detached a decoy force, commanded by Otho Williams, to lure Cornwallis in the opposite direction of the retreating main army. The decoy force managed to get the British to go after them instead of Greene. Cornwallis moved his army between the Americans and the fords upriver. Greene had collected enough boats to carry his army across the river to a point downstream of the British position. Greene knew that the British would wear themselves out from marching fast over 300 km.

Cornwallis arrived just in time to see the last boat of Americans cross the river. Since he had no boats, he turned his army around in disgust and headed for Hillsboro. In Virginia Greene rested his army and continued to amass his forces in preparation to meet Cornwallis's troops. In early March, Greene rested and reorganized his army. He was waiting for the promised reinforcements from Virginia before returning to North Carolina to attack the British. After learning that Cornwallis was retreating south, Greene sent a detachment across the river to watch for the British and harass them, which they did for a couple of weeks. A few days later, 600 militiamen arrived from Virginia. With these reinforcements, his strength reached 2,100 men, Greene had nearly twice as many troops as the British. He led his army across the Dan River back to North Carolina. Once back in North Carolina, Greene's force rapidly increased in size. About 400 mainlanders from Virginia arrived with Colonel Richard Campbell, about 1,000 militiamen from North Carolina, and 1,700 militiamen from Virginia. By March 10 Greene's force had grown to 4,400 troops. On March 12, Greene moved his army 20 miles to the Guilford Courthouse, where he carefully picked his ground for a fight with the British. On March 14, while encamped at the forks of the Deep River, Cornwallis was informed that General Richard Butler was marching to attack his army. With Butler there was a North Carolina militia corps, plus reinforcements from Virginia, consisting of 3,000 Virginia militia, a Virginia State regiment, a corps of Virginian 18-month-olds, and conscripts for the Maryland line. They had joined Greene's command, creating a force of some 9,000 to 10,000 thousand men in total.

On March 15, during the night, other reports confirmed that the US force was at the Guilford Court House, some 20 km away. Cornwallis decided to give battle, even though he only had 1,900 men at his disposal. He detached his baggage train with 130 North Carolina volunteers and 20 dragoons under Lt. Col. Hamilton to Bell Mill below the Deep River, then set out with his main force, before breakfast could be eaten, arriving at Guilford. at noon. Meanwhile, Greene, after receiving reinforcements, decided to cross the River Dan again and challenge Cornwallis. The two armies met at the courthouse in Guilford, present-day Greensboro, named for General Greene. Greene hoped to break Cornwallis's army against these men, but he would not allow his Continentals to be destroyed in a prolonged battle. He knew that without the continentals the army would cease to exist. The first shots were fired at approximately 0730 hours, when the dragoons of the British Legion from Tarleton advanced up the Great Salisbury road. There they met Lee's dragons standing guard at a narrowing in the road. After a heavy exchange of fire, Tarleton's men withdrew to the New Garden meeting house. Lee's infantry and a company of Campbell's rifles pursued them, and they quickly fell into a fight with the Guards' light infantry, Hessian jägers, and leading elements of the 23rd. The British line quickly lengthened, the red-clad infantry attempting to outflank Lee and his men. Seeing this, Lee ordered the infantry to withdraw to a wooded ridge by a crossroads, about halfway between the initial encounter and the subsequent fighting at the New Garden meeting house. Lee's dragoons covered the retreat. This fight at the crossroads was more of an infantry fight, as the woods surrounding the house prohibited effective cavalry manoeuvre.

Here the two sides fought for about thirty minutes before Lee withdrew to the main American lines approximately 5 km to the north. Due to these initial holding skirmishes, Greene had approximately two and a half hours to spread out his lines and prepare for the British attack. Greene deployed his troops numbering about 4,500 in three lines. At 1200 hours the British crossed Little Horsepen Creek, just under 1 km beyond the creek were the American positions and spread out for their attack. Cornwallis brought his artillery to the front to counter American artillery fire. Charles, Earl Cornwallis deployed his army with two brigades in the front line, one brigade in the second line, and cavalry in reserve. The North Carolina militia had moderate cover behind a rail fence and good firing ranges through plowed farm fields. Following the advice of Daniel Morgan, Greene placed groups of riflemen behind the North Carolina militia with orders to shoot any militiaman who left his post before he had delivered the required two volleys. The Americans opened artillery fire as the British appeared on the southern edge of the first clearing. Twenty minutes of ineffective artillery duels preceded the British attack on the front line. The actual assault occurred at approximately 1:30 p.m. On the north side of the road, the 33rd and 23rd, led by Lt. Col. James Webster, cut through the rough fields toward Eaton's brigade. On the southern flank, the 2nd Brigade of the 71st and Bose's Hessian Regiment, led by Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, approached Butler's brigade across similar, recently plowed ground.

After crossing a second wooden fence approximately 100-150 meters from the militia line, the British began to come under fire. The distance was far beyond the effective range of the rifles, so historians attribute this fire to Lynch's and Cambell's riflemen stationed on both flanks of the American line. Despite some men falling in the ranks, the British infantry pressed on with fixed bayonets. At 40 yards, North Carolina militiamen fired their muskets at the British lines. At this time, many British stopped and fired. Most of the downloads were made by companies. According to some, the British fired as many as three times, but their fire was less effective than that of the militia. The Americans braced their muskets against the fence and fired a second volley. This volley is considered to be one of the most effective individual volleys of the war. The British troops were surprised that the militia did not run away after firing the first shot, which was what the American militia usually did. After the second shot was fired, the militiamen fled, although some held out as the Surrey County militia refused to withdraw, joining Lee's Legion and fighting hard throughout the battle. The cavalry and continentals on the right flank withdrew in good order, but on the left flank the situation was more confused. Bose's Hessian battalion, supported by the Guards regiment, pressed on the right flank the flank of Lee's Legion and Campbell's Virginia skirmishers, who withdrew to the southwest; being harassed by these two battalions which accounted for almost 25% of the British forces, who moved away from the battlefield almost 1.2 km south of the New Garden road, where they maintained a private fight on a small rise within a forest, and no longer participated in the general battle.

As the British advanced towards the second line and the Hessian battalion and the 1st Guards battalion having separated in pursuit of the Patriot right flank, a gap was produced in the British line; so it had to reorganize, the right British brigade was reinforced with the 2nd Guards Battalion (300), and on the right the 2nd Battalion of the 71st Highlanders (212), the Grenadiers between the two brigades with the artillery following the path, and the left brigade with the 23rd and 33rd, the light infantry and the jägers on the British left flank. General Cornwallis had only the British Legion left unpledged. In the second line the Virginians waited. The woods were too thick to allow them to see the battle from the front line, but they doubtless heard the musket fire and then saw fleeing North Carolina militia as they made their way back through the Virginian lines. Finally the British appeared. The 23rd were the first to be seen, and Lawson ordered a regiment forward to meet them. Unfortunately, as he did so, the American brigade was caught on the flank by the Grenadier Guards, who encircled the regiment from north to south. Fighting north of the road quickly broke up into numerous platoon and company fights, as Virginians who had not run exchanged fire with British troops through the trees. The volleys lasted for a long time, with some regiments claiming as many as 20 shots per man. Finally, the British finally charged to the bayonet, and the Virginians of Lawson's brigade were routed. South of the road, Stevens's brigade put up a valiant fight. Cocke's and Moffet's regiments fought with the 71st, exchanging volleys six or seven times with the Scots.

When Stevens was wounded near the road, resistance in this part of the line collapsed. However, fighting continued on the southern part of Stevens's line. There Samuel McDowell's men held their ground for several more minutes before withdrawing. Meanwhile, a separate battle raged south of the second line. There, Alexander Stuart's Virginia Militia, Col. William Campbell's Riflemen, Lt. Col. Henry Lee's Legion, and Capt. Andrew Wallace's Continentals fought against the Guard Battalion, the Bose Hessian Regiment, Cornwallis sent cavalry of Tarleton. His private battle would drag on to the conclusion of the main fight, moving up to 1.5 km away from the main British army. It was 2:30 p.m. and the climax of the battle was about to begin. Greene's Continentals had been waiting for nearly an hour, listening to the noise of the fighting as it drew closer. They had seen the survivors of the first two lines pass by and knew that the British infantry would not be far behind. First to appear were the jägers and light infantry on the left flank, followed next by the 33rd, led by Lt. Col. James Webster. They immediately reached the line of the mainlanders. The British had heeled slightly, and the light infantry engaged Green's 5th Virginians, while the 33rd engaged Howes's 4th Virginians and 1st Maryland. The mainlanders let them close until they were within 30 meters, and they unleashed a volley, which was devastating. The fire slowed down the British regulars who suffered heavy casualties and withdrew to a strong position on the ridge opposite the Continentals. Ltcol Webster himself was injured and had to be evacuated. Tcol Stuart's 2nd Guards Brigade with 2 companies of O'Hara Grenadiers followed and, like the 33rd, immediately charged.

The result, however, was different. The 2nd Guards Brigade with the Grenadiers advanced directly down the road towards Captain Singleton's Battery and the 2nd Maryland. The Marylanders tried to turn, got confused, and then snapped as the Guardsmen hit them. The guards gave chase and might have won the day were it not for the 1st Maryland, as good a veteran unit as any in the British Army. Discovering that the Guards were behind them, they clashed and fired a devastating volley at the Guards. Returning to retrieve the captured cannons and sealed the breach. The guards were surprised, but they did not panic. They turned to face the mainlanders and returned effective fire. But then Lt. Col. William Washington and his light dragoons fell on the rear of the Guard. The redcoats retreated to their lines. With both lines formed, hand-to-hand fighting ensued, moving ever closer to the British lines. Cornwallis ordered Lieutenant John Macleod, in command of the 2×3 guns, and who had just arrived, to open grapeshot on the mainlanders, though that meant some of the guards would also be hit. They opened fire and hand-to-hand combat broke up, and the 1st Maryland and Washington cavalry withdrew to the American lines. At this time, the 71st and Taleton's cavalry with some Hessian units, began to reach the third line. Greene, feeling that there was nothing more to be gained this day, ordered the army to withdraw. The Battle of Guilford Courthouse was over. In retrospect, the engagement ended as a British tactical victory, but it was a victory the British could not savor. Low on supplies and with nearly 25% casualties, Cornwallis was forced to withdraw to Wilmington, North Carolina to await reinforcements, following a path that would eventually lead the British to their destination at Yorktown, Virginia.

The battle had lasted only 90 minutes, and although the British technically defeated the American force, they lost more than a quarter of their own men. Cornwallis reported his casualties as 3 officers and 88 men killed, and 24 officers and 384 men wounded, with a further 25 men missing in action. Webster was wounded during the battle and died two weeks later. Ltcol Tarleton, commander of the provincial loyalist British Legion, was another notable officer to be injured, as he lost two fingers after being shot in the right hand. Greene reported his casualties as 57 killed, 111 wounded, and 161 missing for the continental troops and 22 killed, 74 wounded, and 885 missing for the militia, a total of 79 killed, 185 wounded, and 1,046 missing. Of those reported missing, 75 were wounded men who were captured by the British, the rest fled to their homes. When Cornwallis resumed his march, these 75 wounded prisoners were left behind at Cross Creek, Cornwallis having earlier left 70 of his most seriously wounded men at the Quaker settlement of New Garden near Snow Camp. The British, taking ground with their customary tenacity when faced with superior numbers, were tactically victorious. Seeing this as a classic Pyrrhic victory, British Whig Party leader and war critic Charles James Fox echoed Plutarch's famous words when he said, "Another such victory would bankrupt the British Army!" He then went on to comment on the British force: “The conduct and actions of the officers and men who composed this little army will do more justice to their merit than I can say in words. Their perseverance, fearlessness in action, their invincible patience in the difficulties and fatigues of a march of more than 600 miles, in which they have crossed several great rivers and innumerable streams, many of which would be considered great rivers in any other country in the world, without tents or weather covers, and often without provisions, they will sufficiently manifest their ardent zeal for the honor and interests of their Sovereign and country.”

After the battle, the British spread out across a vast expanse of forest without food or shelter, and during the night torrential rains began. Had the British followed the retreating Americans, they might have come across their baggage and supply wagons, which had been camped west of the Salisbury road in some old fields before the battle. Greene, cautiously avoiding another Camden, retreated with his forces intact. With his small army of less than 2,000 members; Cornwallis refused to follow Greene into the country, and retreating to Hillsborough, he raised the royal standard, offered protection to the inhabitants, and for the moment seemed to own Georgia and the two Carolinas. Within weeks, however, he left the heart of the state and marched to the coast at Wilmington, North Carolina, to recruit and readjust his command. In Wilmington, the British general faced a serious problem, the solution of which, under his own responsibility, unexpectedly led to the end of the war in seven months. Rather than stay in Carolina, he decided to march on Virginia, justifying the move on the ground that until Virginia was reduced, he would not be able to firmly hold the more southern states he had just invaded. Later, General Henry Clinton harshly criticized this decision for not being military and for having been taken against his instructions. The danger lay in the suddenly changing situation in that direction. Like Greene, instead of following Cornwallis to the coast, he pushed boldly toward Camden and Charleston, South Carolina; with the aim of drawing his antagonist after him to the points where he was the previous year, as well as to drive back Lord Rawdon, whom Cornwallis had left in that field. In his main goal, the recovery of the southern states, Greene was successful at the end of the year, but not without hard fighting and repeated setbacks. “We fight, they hit us and we fight again”, were his words.

Following the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in Greensboro, North Carolina. Cornwallis had suffered significant casualties and subsequently moved his army to Wilmington, North Carolina. Greene, whose army was still largely intact after that battle, took advantage of Cornwallis's move to march on South Carolina and begin operations to remove the British from that state. With the help of militia commanders Thomas Sumter, Francis Marion, and Andrew Pickens, Patriot forces seized several British outposts in the interior of South Carolina; others were abandoned to by the British. By mid-May, the only places in the state with significant British garrisons were Fort Ninety-Six, in the northwestern part of the state, and the port of Charleston, nearly 200 miles (325 km) southeast of the Atlantic coast. British outpost Fort Ninety-Six was garrisoned by 550 experienced Loyalists, known as Lancey's Brigade, made up of provincial regiments under Lt. Col. John Cruger. Occupied by the British since 1780, the defenses consisted of a palisade surrounded by a deep ditch and abatís. A large redoubt called Fort Star provided a place for defenders to line up attackers on two of the palisade walls, and a smaller redoubt provided similar cover for the remaining walls and water supply. Cruger had 3×3 guns. Greene and about 1,000 troops arrived at the Ninety-Six on May 22, the same day as Andrew Pickens and Henry "Light-horse Harry" Lee. They began laying siege to nearby Augusta, Georgia. Siege operations began immediately, targeting Fort Star, under its chief engineer, Polish Colonel Thaddeus Kosciuszko. Cruger did what he could to interfere with the siege work, often going out at night to harass the workers.

In one notable incident, his forces drove away the workers and captured some of their digging tools. By June 3, Greene's men had dug a ditch less than 100 feet from Fort Star. They used a tactic similar to that used by General Marion to capture Fort Watson, building a wooden tower about 9 meters high, with a protected platform on top. Under this raised cover, Patriot snipers would have a clear line of fire on the fort. At first, the snipers in the tower were able to hit several gunners. Cruger responded quickly by using sandbags to raise the height of his parapet, giving enough cover for his own marksmen to fire at the tower through slats between the bags. He also tried to set the tower on fire with red-hot shots, but couldn't get the balls hot enough. The attackers fired incendiary arrows into the fort (a tactic that had worked when the Patriots captured Fort Motte), setting fire to anything flammable within the fort. Cruger had crews remove flammable roofs from buildings in the fort to prevent them from burning. On June 7, Lord Rawdon left Charleston with 2,000 British forces to relieve the siege. The next day, Pickens and Lee arrived, having successfully captured Augusta on June 6. Greene did not learn of Rawdon's move until June 11. When the situation became critical, Greene decided to attempt an assault on the fort. (Cruger learned of Rawdon's approach the following day when the messenger, posing as a patriot, came close enough to the fort to ride the remaining distance on his horse.) Greene planned for one party to capture the smaller redoubt, while a larger attack force went after Fort Star, where some men would knock down the sandbags to expose the defenders to fire from the tower.

When the attack began on June 18, everything was planned at first: the smallest redoubt was taken and the men successfully passed the abatis and lowered the sandbags. At this point, Cruger launched a counterattack with a couple of sorties to attack the flanks of the attackers. In a fierce battle dominated by bayonets and the use of muskets as clubs, the leaders of the attack were killed and their men forced to retreat to their trenches. With the attack failing, and Rawdon only 30 miles (48 km) away, Greene called off the assault and ordered a withdrawal. Greene's losses numbered 150 men, while Cruger's casualties were less than 100. Greene withdrew toward Charlotte, North Carolina, allowing Rawdon to join forces with Cruger. Rawdon sent a sizeable force to pursue Greene, but the heat and the effect of the long forced marches delayed them. The force withdrew to Fort Ninety-Six, which Rawdon then abandoned. General Greene blamed the failure of the operations against Ninety-Six in part on Sumter and Marion, who failed to act in support of his operations in a timely manner. Other officers later blamed Greene and Lee for failing to cut off the defenders' water supply in Spring Branch. When Greene learned of Rawdon's withdrawal from the Ninety-Six, he attempted to unite all elements of the Patriot military forces to attack Rawdon before he reached Charleston. He failed due to apparently late moves by Sumter and Marion. After Rawdon decided to burn and abandon Fort Ninety-Six, he withdrew the garrison to Charleston. Failing health, Rawdon sailed for England in late August, leaving Charleston under the command of Colonel Alexander Stewart. On July 16, Greene moved his army, exhausted from many days of marching and fighting, to a camp in the High Hills of Santee, allowing his main force to rest while awaiting reinforcements.

Marion and Sumter continued to harass the British in a "post war". On August 23, his force moved toward Camden to cross the Wateree River, and then Howell's ferry to cross the Congaree River. By September 4, they were camped at Fort Motte, then at Stoudenmyer Plantation on September 5-6. On August 13, Colonel Stewart had led a force of 2,000 to 2,300 men from Orangeburg to the Thompson plantation south of the Congaree River. He then returned to Eutaw Springs on August 27, about 3.5 km east of present-day Eutawville. On September 8, at 4:00 p.m., Greene's army began to march from Burdell Plantation in the direction of Eutaw Springs, which was 7 miles (11 km) away. In the vanguard were Ltcol Henry Lee's Legion (73rd infantry and 72nd cavalry). Behind in the marching column marched 40 cavalry and 200 infantry under Brigadier General Francis Marion, followed by 150 North Carolina militia under Colonel Francis Marquis of Malmedy and 307 South Carolina militia led by General Andrew Pickens Brigade. Continental Army troops formed the center and rear of Greene's column, led by 3 Green Battalions from North Carolina under the command of Brigadier General Jethro Sumner. Major John Armstrong led a mounted contingent while Lt. Col. John Baptista Ashe and Major Reading Blount led the foot soldiers. Ashe and Blount belonged to the 1st North Carolina, while Armstrong belonged to the 4th North Carolina. 2 Virginia battalions under Lt. Col. Richard Campbell and Maj. Smith Snead were followed by 2 Maryland battalions Lt. Col. John Eager Howard and Maj. Henry Hardman. The mounted men of Lt. Col. William Washington and Capt. Robert Kirkwood with the Delaware infantry companies formed the rear of the column.

Greene's force had 2×3 guns under Lieutenant William Gaines and 2×6 guns led by Captain William Brown. In total, Greene had 1,256 Continental infantry and 300 cavalry, the horsemen being divided mainly between Lee and Washington. Lee's cavalry was led by Major Joseph Egleston and his infantry by Captain Rudolph. Greene's army numbered 2,400 men, of whom 200 stayed behind to protect the baggage train. Stewart had between 1,800 and 2,000 troops on hand. His British regulars were the 3rd, 63rd, RI-64th and a battalion (300) under Major John Majoribanks, made up of the companies of the 3rd, 19th and 30th. The regulars were supported by two American loyalist contingents, consisting of a battalion of John Harris Cruger (150) of Lancey's brigade and 50 mounted loyalists from South Carolina under John Coffin. Stewart's artillery consisted of 6×6, 1×4 and 1×3 guns plus a swivel (rotating gun). In order to make up for the shortage of bread in his supply, Stewart had been sending out foraging parties every morning. At around 08:00 on September 8, Captain John Coffin and his detachment of his South Carolina loyalist cavalry were reconnoitring ahead of Stewart's main force when they encountered an American scouting party under the command of of Major John Armstrong. Coffin chased after Armstrong, who led him into an ambush. Attacked by the infantry of Henry Lee's Legion, Coffin escaped, but left 4 or 5 of his men dead and 40 more captured. The Americans encountered Stewart's gathering parties and captured about 400 of them. Greene's force, numbering about 2,200 men, closed in on Stewart's camp, while Stewart, warned by Coffin, deployed his force.

When the Americans realized they were closing in on the British force, they formed three lines, with the militia leading with 2x3 guns, followed by Continentals from Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina with 2x6 guns, with the Delaware regiment and the Washington cavalry in reserve. The Americans began the attack at 0900 hours, with artillery fire and advancing militia. This line consisted of, from left to right, Hampton, Henderson, Pickens, Malmedy's, Polk, Marion, Lee's infantry, and Lee's cavalry on the right flank. They were opposed by the British line consisting of, from left to right, Coffin's Cavalry and Provincial Light Infantry, 64th, 63rd, New Jersey Volunteers, New York Volunteers, and Marjoribanks' 3rd Battalion. Close combat ensued as the Militia closed with the British line. Some militia panicked while others stood their ground, capable of firing 17 rounds, before being ordered back and replaced by North Carolina Continentals who made a line pass. Continentals from North Carolina stopped the British advance, but a British bayonet charge forced them back, only to reform and stop the British a second time. Greene then ordered the Continentals from Maryland and Virginia to advance another step of the line, forcing the British back to their camp. However, two areas of British resistance remained, one under Major Henry Sheridan at Brick House, which included a swivel gun, and one under Major Marjoribanks on the north flank with the light infantry. Washington's cavalry attempted to dislodge Marjoribanks's infantrymen, but Washington was surrounded, wounded, and taken prisoner, remaining out for the rest of the war. Marjoribanks then retreated towards the brick house. The brick house became the focal point of the battle, and when an American artillery barrage failed, the house gave the British a focal point to regroup, rally, and re-enter the battle.

Major Majoribanks then attacked the American flank in the clearing before the house before being mortally wounded. According to Stewart, the Americans "gave on all sides, leaving behind two six-pound bronzes and more than two hundred dead in the field, and sixty prisoners, among whom was Colonel Washington, and from every report, around eight hundred wounded…”. According to Otho Williams, a sack of the British countryside ensued, while an attack on the British by Lee's cavalry failed. At this point, Greene ordered a withdrawal with all the wounded. Greene's army was able to march back to Burdell Plantation in column formation, with a cavalry picket covering the ordered retreat. According to Greene, "nothing but the brick house and its strong position in Eutaw prevented the remnants of the British Army from falling into our hands." The British declared the loss 85 dead, 351 wounded and 257 missing. However, Greene reported that he had captured 500 prisoners, including 70 wounded. When Stewart moved camp on Sept. 9, he left 54 of his wounded with a surgeon for treatment. These men were listed in Stewart's casualty report under the "injured" category, but the remaining 16 wounded captured by Greene would have been reported as "missing." The disparity between Stewart's report of 257 missing and Greene's figure of 500 prisoners was due to the capture of their foraging party as a separate engagement and not included in British losses in the battle. Including the loss of the foraging party, and counting the 54 wounded men Stewart chose to leave on 9 September in the category of "wounded prisoners" rather than "wounded", this gives a total British casualty of 85 killed. , 297 wounded, 70 prisoners wounded, and another 430 prisoners.

The American casualty toll was 251 dead, 367 wounded, and 74 missing. The British took 60 prisoners, including the wounded Colonel William Washington, and two artillery pieces. Rain prevented the continuation of the battle the following day. Instead, Stewart buried his dead, destroyed supplies including 1,000 muskets, and withdrew towards Moncks Corner, leaving 70 wounded. Greene chased Stewart to Martin's Tavern near the Ferguson Marsh. At that time, on September 11, Stewart was within range for support from the British garrison in Charleston. Despite winning a tactical victory, the British lost strategically. Their failure to stop Greene's continuing operations forced them to abandon most of their conquests in the South, leaving them in control of a small number of isolated enclaves in Wilmington, Charleston, and Savannah. The British attempt to pacify the south with loyalist support had failed even before Cornwallis had surrendered at Yorktown.
 
1781: Yorktown and the End of the War.
«En ese momento no podíamos disparar un solo arma … Por lo tanto, propuse capitular».
«At that time we could not fire a single gun...Therefore I proposed to capitulate.».
— Attributed to Cornwallis.

Virginia had largely escaped military notice before 1779, when a raid destroyed much of the state's shipbuilding capacity and seized or destroyed large quantities of tobacco, which was an important trade item for Americans. Virginia's only defenses consisted of local militia companies, and a naval force that had been all but annihilated in the 1779 raid. The militia was under the leadership of Baron von Steuben, an excellent but difficult drillmaster not only with his subordinates, but he also had a difficult relationship with the governor of the state, Thomas Jefferson. Steuben had established a training center at Chesterfield for new recruits to the Continental Army, and a "factory" at Westham for the manufacture and repair of weapons and ammunition. French military planners had to balance the competing demands of the 1781 campaign. After a series of unsuccessful attempts at cooperation with the Americans (leading to failed attacks on Newport, Rhode Island, and Savannah, Georgia), they realized that a more active involvement in North America was needed. As the French fleet prepared to depart from Brest in March 1781, several important decisions were made. The West Indies fleet, led by the Count of Grasse, after operations in the Windward Islands, was directed to Cap-Français to determine what resources would be needed to assist the Spanish operations. Due to a lack of transport, France also pledged six million pounds to support the American war effort rather than provide additional troops. The French fleet at Newport received a new commander, the Earl of Barras. Barras was ordered to take the Newport fleet to harass British shipping to Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, and the French army in Newport was ordered to combine with Washington's army outside New York.

On orders deliberately not fully shared with General Washington, Grasse was ordered to assist in the North American operations after his stop at Cap-Français. The French general, the Comte de Rochambeau, was instructed to tell Washington that Grasse could help him without compromising himself. (Washington learned from John Laurens, stationed in Paris, that Grasse had discretion to go north.) The French fleet sailed from Brest on March 22. The British fleet was busy, and made no attempt to oppose the departure. After the French fleet had sailed, the steamer Concorde set sail for Newport, carrying the Count of Barras, Rochambeau's orders, and credits for the six million pounds. In a separate dispatch sent later, de Grasse also made two important requests. The first was that he be notified at Cap-Français of the situation in North America so that he could decide how he could assist operations there, and the second was that he be provided with 30 pilots familiar with North American waters. General Clinton never articulated a coherent vision of what the objectives should be for British operations in the coming campaign season in the early months of 1781. Part of his problem lies in a difficult relationship with his naval counterpart in New York, the aging Vice Admiral Marriott Arbuthnot. Both men were stubborn with prickly personalities. Due to repeated clashes, their employment relationship had completely broken down. In the fall of 1780, Clinton had requested that he or Arbuthnot should be relieved; however, orders reminiscent of Arbuthnot did not arrive until June 1781. Arbuthnot was succeeded by Thomas Graves, with whom Clinton had a somewhat better working relationship. Besides, Clinton's other problem was that he depended on Lord Germaine 3,000 miles away, and distance and time affected his decisions.

Also his relations with Lord Cornwallis in the south depended on the navy. His idea was to make the Chesapeake the main point of the war, even if it was necessary at the expense of New York. The British presence in the South consisted of the heavily fortified ports of Savannah, Georgia, and Charleston in South Carolina, and a series of outposts in the interior of those two states. Although the strongest outposts were relatively immune to attack by the Patriot militia which was their only formal opposition in those states; smaller outposts, as well as supply convoys and couriers, were often targeted by militia commanders such as Thomas Sumter and Francis Marion. Portsmouth had only recently been occupied in October 1780 by a force under Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, but Lieutenant General Charles, Earl of Cornwallis, commanding the British Army of the South, had ordered them to South Carolina in November. To replace General Leslie at Portsmouth, General Clinton sent 1,700 troops under General Benedict Arnold (who had joined the British Army in September as a brigadier) to Virginia in late December to raid and fortify Portsmouth. He first stormed Richmond, defeating the defending militia, from January 5 to 7 before returning to Portsmouth. Washington responded by sending Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, south with a small 1,200-strong army to oppose Arnold. Seeking to trap Arnold between Lafayette's army and a French naval detachment, Washington sought help from Admiral Destouches, the French fleet commander at Newport. Destouches was being held by the larger British American fleet anchored in Gardiner Bay on the eastern tip of Long Island, and was unable to help.

In early February, after receiving reports of storm-damaged British ships, Destouches decided to send a naval expedition from his base at Newport. On February 9, Captain Arnaud de Gardeur de Tilley sailed from Newport with three ships: the ship of the line Éveillé (64) and the frigates Surveillante (32) and Gentile (32). When de Tilley arrived at Portsmouth four days later, Arnold withdrew his ships into shallower waters up the Elizabeth River, where the larger French ships could not proceed. Unable to attack Arnold's position, Tilley could only return to Newport. On the way back, the French captured the frigate Romulus (44), which had been sent to investigate their movements. General George Washington asked Admiral Charles René Dominique Sochet, Knight of Destouches to take his fleet to the Chesapeake to support military operations against Arnold by the Marquis de Lafayette. Sailing on March 8, he was followed two days later by Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot, who sailed from eastern Long Island. Arbuthnot's fleet (8 ships of the line and 4 frigates) outnumbered Destouches's (8 ships of the line and 3 frigates), reaching the Virginia Capes just before Destouches on 16 March. After maneuvering for several hours, the battle raged at long range, with both fleets taking some damage and casualties without losing any ships. However, Arbuthnot positioned himself to enter the Chesapeake as the fleets parted ways, thwarting Destouches' objective. The French returned to Newport, while Arbuthnot protected the bay for the arrival of additional ground troops to reinforce General Arnold. As the French fleet prepared to depart from Brest in March 1781, several important decisions were made. The West Indies fleet, led by the Count of Grasse, after operations in the Windward Islands, was directed to Cap-Français to determine what resources would be needed to assist the Spanish operations.

Due to a lack of transport, France also pledged six million pounds to support the American war effort rather than provide additional troops. The French fleet at Newport received a new commander, the Earl of Barras. Barras was ordered to take the fleet from Newport to harass British shipping from Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, and the French army in Newport was ordered to combine with Washington's army outside New York. On orders deliberately not fully shared with General Washington, Grasse was ordered to assist in the North American operations after his stop at Cap-Français. The French general, the Comte de Rochambeau, was instructed to tell Washington that Grasse could help him without compromising himself. (Washington learned from John Laurens, stationed in Paris, that Grasse had discretion to proceed north. The French fleet sailed from Brest on March 22. The British fleet was busy with preparations to resupply Gibraltar, and made no attempt to oppose After the French fleet had sailed, the packet ship Concorde sailed for Newport, carrying the Count of Barras, Rochambeau's orders, and credits for the six million livres. In a separate dispatch sent later, de Grasse also made two important requests: The first was to be notified in Cap-Français of the situation in North America so that he could decide how he could assist operations there, and the second was to be provided with 30 pilots familiar with North American waters. On March 26, Arnold joined 2,300 troops under Major General William Phillips, who took command of the combined forces.Phillips resumed raiding, he defeated the militia at Blandford, and then burned the tobacco warehouses at Petersburg on April 25. Richmond was about to suffer the same fate, but Lafayette arrived. The British, not wanting to engage in a major battle, withdrew to Petersburg on May 10.

On May 20, Charles Cornwallis arrived in Petersburg with 1,500 men after taking heavy casualties at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse. He immediately assumed command, as Phillips had recently died of a fever, taking charge of the 3,600 soldiers Arnold commanded. Cornwallis had not received permission to leave the Carolinas from his superior, Henry Clinton, but he believed that Virginia would be easier to capture, feeling that it would approve of an invading British army. Shortly afterward he was reinforced by some 2,000 more soldiers sent from New York, bringing his strength to 7,200. Cornwallis worked to eliminate Virginia's ability to support the revolutionary cause, and pursued Lafayette, who, with his small army of about 3,250 men, made no attempt to hold out at Richmond, but retreated north. He had a great responsibility and was up against an experienced commander like Cornwallis. In the weeks that followed, Lafayette repeated a series of bullying tactics, threats, feints, and retreats. He would retreat, generally north, always keeping a position upriver and closer to the Potomac River, thus ensuring that Cornwallis would not come between him and Philadelphia. On May 24, Cornwallis went after Lafayette, who withdrew from Richmond, and joined forces with Baron von Steuben and Anthony Wayne. Cornwallis did not go after Lafayette. While camping in Hanover County, Cornwallis learned that Wayne was only days away from his meeting with Lafayette. Consequently, he was hesitant to move any further from his base at Portsmouth, but decided to dash west before withdrawing. With this in mind, he sent Banastre Tarleton to Charlottesville and Simcoe to harass von Steuben, who was at the Point of Fork on the James River.

Von Steuben withdrew, but Simcoe was able to destroy a number of weapons, gunpowder, and supplies, which had been stored there, before rejoining Cornwallis. On June 10, Wayne joined the American force with 1,000 men, and 2 days later Colonel William Campbell, one of the famous American leaders at King's Mountain, provided an additional 600 "mountain men". On June 19, von Steuben appeared with his detachment. These reinforcements made the Lafayette body strong enough for more aggressive action. His strength was about 4,500 strong, but many were untrained and unarmed militia, artillery and cavalry. Around June 15, with the season hot, his troops tired of him, and Lafayette still evading him, Cornwallis decided it was time to return to shore. He had accomplished all he could in destroying supplies, hadn't found a large body of loyalists to join him, and his opponent was gaining strength daily. He moved east through Richmond and up the peninsula toward Williamsburg. Lafayette followed him, venturing closer to him all the time. Encouraged by his increased troop strength, Lafayette also became more aggressive in his tactics, sending detachments of his force to counter those Cornwallis sent on foraging and raiding expeditions. These detachments were made up of select units drawn from a variety of regiments. Among those commonly in the forefront of the army were a combined cavalry and infantry unit from Pennsylvania under Captain William McPherson, and companies of sharpshooters from Virginia under Majors Richard Call and John Willis. Lafayette received word that Lt. Col. John Graves Simcoe and his loyalist regiment of the Queen's Rangers were returning from a raid to destroy ships and scavenge the Chickahominy River.

In addition to his Simcoe force, he had some Hessian jäger companies led by Captains Johann Ewald and Johann Althaus. On the night of June 25, Wayne sent most of the advance guard under Colonel Richard Butler, including McPherson, Call, and Willis, to intercept Simcoe's force, they had 120 skirmishers, 100 light infantry, 120 cavalry and 180 Pennsylvania Continentals. An advanced group of about 50 dragoons and 50 light infantry under McPherson met advanced forces of Simcoe's force near Spencer's tavern, which was at a road intersection about 10 km north of Williamsbur. Simcoe's troops were advancing up the road toward Williamsburg, leading the cattle with the infantry and jägers at the head of Major Richard Armstrong, with Simcoe and the cavalry about an hour behind them. At Spencer's Tavern, the troops assembled and stopped to rest. Simcoe ordered the fences to be torn down in the area, as it was an ideal place for an ambush. While they rested, some of the loyalists went out to gather more cattle that were in the area, and the cavalry were at a nearby farm to feed their horses. McPherson's men met the latter, whose sentries raised the alarm to the main body. Simcoe's cavalry charged into McPherson's formation, breaking it up. McPherson and several of his men were horseless in the close combat, and several were taken prisoner before the vanguard of Butler's main force began to arrive. Simcoe ordered most of the infantry to support his cavalry, and sent the jägers and light infantry into the woods to the right to outflank the oncoming enemy column. Questioning the prisoners, Simcoe learned that Lafayette was not far away. He sent word to Cornwallis, sent the cattle convoy toward Williamsburg, and ordered trees cut down to barricade across the road as a point of defense.

He then ordered his troops in a calculated way to fool the Americans into believing that more troops were in formation. When Butler's force arrived, Simcoe ordered an infantry charge. This scattered the first wave of Butler's men into the nearby woods, where the jägers pushed them back. However, Butler's men continued to advance. Simcoe ordered a cavalry charge and fired a field gun to give the impression that a larger force was arriving. The charge forced Butler's men back, at which point the two forces became separated; Simcoe because he was worried Lafayette would get close, and Butler because his men were fooled by Simcoe's ploy. Simcoe left his wounded men in the tavern under a flag of truce, and withdrew down the Williamsburg road, joining forces Cornwallis sent about two miles down the road. The Patriots withdrew to Lafayette's camp at Tire Plantation and Simcoe was able to return to the tavern and retrieve the wounded from him. Simcoe reported his losses as 11 killed and 25 wounded, and the American loss as 9 killed, 14 wounded and 32 captured. Lafayette claimed that the Americans had killed 60 and wounded 100, while Cornwallis claimed that the British had had 33 killed and wounded. When Cornwallis arrived in Williamsburg, he received orders from General Henry Clinton to go to Portsmouth and prepare a detachment of troops to return to New York City. In accordance with these orders, Cornwallis began moving south into the Virginia Peninsula on July 4, planning to cross the wide James River on the Jamestown Ferry. Lafayette followed, with advanced units and most of his Continentals arriving at Norrell's mill, about eight miles from the ferry on July 5. Lafayette saw an opportunity to attack the isolated British force, as it would make the crossing difficult at Jamestown.

Cornwallis also recognized the possibility and decided to set a trap, hoping to capture a part of Lafayette's army. He single-handedly sent his baggage train and John Graves Simcoe's Queen's rangers across the river, and concealed his main force near the crossing. Cornwallis also sent suspected deserters to the Americans with information that the majority of the British force had already crossed, leaving only a rearguard on the north side of the river. General Wayne's vanguard force (Light Infantry (60); 1st (300), 2nd (300), and 3rd Pennsylvanians; BI Gimat (200), Virginia Sharpshooters (200), Armand's Legion (60), and continental dragoons (100) and 3×4 guns) and Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton's British vanguard pickets (light dragoons of the 17th (50), and the British Legion (207), and jägers). The jägers began a protracted skirmish that lasted almost two hours. British forces slowly withdrew, suffering significant casualties under the persistent American advance. Wayne's riflemen performed particularly well, taking out several of the British officers. However, things changed around 5:00 p.m., when the Americans reached an abandoned cannon that Cornwallis had left on the road. The capture of the cannon was the signal for the British counter-attack, which began with grapeshot, and was followed by an infantry charge. The British forces that counterattacked were Dundas' Brigade (43rd (287), 76th (522), 80th (520) and 2×6 guns) and Yorke's Brigade (1st Battalion (497) and 2nd Battalion (374), Brigade of Guards (538), 23rd (225) and 33rd (231), and 2×6 guns.Lafayette, from his vantage point on the river, saw the main British force and realized that Wayne was walking into a trap However, he was unable to contact Wayne in time to retrieve it.

Immediately beginning to move additional troops forward in an attempt to prevent the trap from closing on Wayne, he dispatched Lieutenant Colonel Gimat (Gimat's Battalion (190), Bose's Battalion (370), and Barber's Battalion (380)). Meanwhile, the British charge had thrown the Americans into some confusion, and Wayne was concerned that a retreat might turn into a disorderly rout. Wayne reformed his line, ordered his artillery to fire a volley of shrapnel. Wayne's bold volley worked; he successfully held off the British advance long enough for Lafayette's covering force to approach. Lafayette came forward to help manage the American withdrawal, which began to unravel after Cornwallis personally led a counter-charge. During the retreat, two of the American guns had to be abandoned because their horses were killed, and Lafayette had no horses. As the sun began to set, Cornwallis decided not to pursue the Americans, who withdrew to Green Spring. Casualties were 28 killed, 99 wounded, and 12 missing for the Americans. British casualties were 5 officers and 70 men killed or wounded. Cornwallis, satisfied with the victory, did not pursue the retreating Americans, instead crossing the James River as planned and moving to Portsmouth. There the arrangements to embark the troops were overturned by further orders from Clinton, which instead directed her to use his force to establish a fortified naval station. Cornwallis decided to do so at Yorktown, where he was forced to surrender after a brief siege in October 1781. Pursuant to further orders from him, Cornwallis ordered a careful survey of Old Point Comfort and Hampton Roads to find the best location for said naval station.

This was done by Lieutenant Alexander Sutherland of the Royal Engineers, who recommended against Old Point Comfort, which had been mentioned at length in the most recent correspondence between the British commanders in Virginia and New York as a possible place to replace a base. Having declared his intentions, Cornwallis began to take action. On July 30, the British transports, loaded with some 4,500 men, left Portsmouth and sailed for Yorktown, where they arrived on the night of August 1. On August 2, landings were made at both Yorktown and Gloucester. Banastre Tarleton, with his men and horses, crossed Hampton Roads in small boats and proceeded to Yorktown by road, arriving on August 7. On the 22nd, the detachment that remained in Portsmouth to level the works completed its mission and joined the main army. Construction of defenses began immediately at Yorktown and Gloucester, work Cornwallis estimated would require 6 weeks. In reality, the Siege of Yorktown began before this task was completed. Meanwhile, the Americans continued to keep an eye on the British. As the British Army moved south towards Portsmouth, Lafayette sent Wayne to the south side of the James to follow Cornwallis and try to check Tarleton's raids there. The Marquess himself took up his position on Malvern Hill. When Cornwallis left Portsmouth, Lafayette assumed that his destination was Baltimore. Acting quickly, he pitched the camp on Malvern Hill and, with his light infantry, headed for Fredericksburg. When he learned that the British were entrenching themselves at Yorktown and Gloucester, he took up a position on the Pamunkey River near West Point, Virginia, about 30 miles northwest of Cornwallis's position.

On July 6, the French and American armies met at White Plains, north of New York City. Although Rochambeau had nearly 40 years of war experience, he never challenged Washington's authority, telling him that he had come to serve, not command. Washington and Rochambeau discussed where to launch a joint attack. Washington thought an attack on New York was the best option, since the Americans and French outnumbered the British defenders 3 to 1. Rochambeau disagreed, arguing that the fleet in the West Indies under Admiral de Grasse was to sail for the American coast, where easier options than attacking New York might be tried. In early July, Washington suggested an attack on the northern part of Manhattan Island, but his and Rochambeau's officials disagreed. Washington continued to investigate the New York area until August 14, when he received a letter from Grasse stating that he was headed for Virginia with 28 warships and 3,200 soldiers, but he could only stay there until October 14. Grasse encouraged Washington to move south so they could launch a joint operation. Washington abandoned his plan to take New York and began preparing his army for the march south to Virginia. On August 19, the march to Yorktown led by Washington and Rochambeau began, 4,000 French soldiers and 3,000 American soldiers began the march on Newport, Rhode Island, while the rest about 4,000, under General William Heath, remained before New York back to protect the Hudson River Valley. Washington wanted to keep his fate completely secret. To ensure this, he sent false dispatches to Clinton revealing that the Franco-American military was going to launch an attack on New York, and that Cornwallis was not in danger. The troops used three distinct and separate routes to Princeton, New Jersey.

This was in part to confuse Clinton, who did not fully understand what was going on. Very few French and Americans really knew the target. On August 29, the Americans bivouacked at Brunswick and the French at Bullion's Tavern, and it was no longer possible to hide the destination. From Princeton, the march continued on to Trenton, where they found that there were not enough ships available to transport the men and stores. The decision was to continue on foot to the head of the Chesapeake Bay. The French and American armies marched through Philadelphia from September 2 to 4, where the American soldiers announced that they would not leave Maryland until they received a month's pay in coin, rather than in worthless continental paper money. General Rochambeau generously loaned Washington half his supply of Spanish gold coins. This would be the last time the men would be paid. This strengthened French and American relations. On September 5, Washington learned of the arrival of Grasse's fleet at the Virginia Capes with 28 ships of the line, several frigates and sloops, and 3,200 soldiers under the Marquis de Saint-Simon, who landed at Jamestown to join up with the Lafayette's growing strength. Once Grasse landed, he sent his empty transports to pick up the American troops. Washington paid a visit to his home, Mount Vernon, on the way to Yorktown. On September 8, Washington, Rochambeau, and the Chevalier de Chastellux left it to their subordinates to prepare the Allied armies for transportation across the bay by ship. They themselves continued overland to Williamsburg, stopping on the way for several days at Mount Vernon, Washington's home. This was Washington's first visit to his home in 6 years. He arrived in Williamsburg, Virginia, on September 14, and there was great rejoicing among the troops and the people as Washington assumed active command of the growing American and French forces.

The presence of the British at Yorktown made control of the Chesapeake Bay an essential naval objective for both sides. From the Antilles, French and British fleets headed north not only to contribute to the fighting in North America, but also to avoid the fearsome Caribbean hurricane season. However, the British commander, Rear Admiral Samuel Hood, could not tell if the French fleet was headed for the Chesapeake or if it was trying to help the American and French ground troops that were massing for a possible siege of New York. The British fleet reached the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay on August 25, but found no French ships there, so Hood proceeded to New York to rejoin 14 other ships of the line under his command. Meanwhile, his colleague, Rear Admiral Thomas Graves, had spent several weeks trying to intercept a French convoy bringing supplies from Europe to Boston, which had been requested by Colonel John Laurens. When Hood arrived in New York, he found that Graves, who had been unable to find the convoy, was in that port, but had only 5 additional ships of the line ready for a battle. Hood had not found the French Admiral de Grasse because he had deliberately sailed slowly and sent a message weeks in advance to his colleague in Newport, Rhode Island, the Count de Barras Saint-Laurent, fixing the precise date of arrival. of the. Barras relayed this information to Generals Washington and Rochambeau, preparing to besiege New York, and when they received it on August 14, they immediately saw the opportunity Grasse's fleet presented. Accordingly, Washington prepared for a rapid march and asked Barras to take his flotilla from Newport south to Chesapeake with the French artillery and other elements that would be needed for the siege.

Grasse arrived at the Chesapeake on August 29, almost exactly as planned, with a fleet that included 28 ships of the line and also carried 3 French regiments under General Marquis de Saint-Simon. On August 30, he encountered the British frigate Guadaloupe and the corvette Loyalist, which had been posted as lookouts. Both were pursued, the sloop was captured and the frigate forced into the York River. The next day the French fleet moved into Chesapeake Bay to anchor, 3 ships were detached to blockade the mouths of York and James. On September 2, the land forces under the Marquis de Saint-Simon were dispatched by James in long boats to land at Jamestown. These regiments were immediately landed to help American troops under the Marquis de Lafayette prevent the Englishman Cornwallis from retreating inland. Barras sailed from Newport on August 26, knowing that Yorktown had been chosen as an operational target by the Franco-American allies, Graves and Hood combined their naval forces and went out to engage French naval forces they had not encountered up to that point. But unaware that Barras's flotilla was also in the open sea, and heading south, both English admirals also headed south toward Chesapeake Bay. When the British fleet of 19 ships under the command of Graves returned to the Chesapeake on the morning of September 5, they found 25 French ships anchored behind Cape Henry. The remaining 3 vessels of Grasse's fleet had been detached to blockade the York and James rivers further north in the bay, and many of the vessels at anchor had officers, crews and sloops absent ashore. The surveillance frigates had seen sails on the horizon and thought it was Barras, but when they counted 19 they realized it was the English fleet.

Wind and tide favored the British, as did the element of surprise, for while the encounter surprised both sides, the French were at anchor and unprepared for a fight. The British could thus have inflicted severe losses on their enemies by penetrating into the bay and immediately launching the attack. However, it is highly unlikely that such an idea would have even crossed Admiral Graves's head. Conventional naval tactics from the days of sailing dictated that fleets should form a line of battle and then maneuver within range of their respective guns, each ship attacking the enemy in front of it in the line. At 11:30 a.m., 24 ships of the French fleet raised anchor and began sailing out of the bay with the midday tide. Some ships were missing up to 200 men, so not all of their guns were manned. Grasse had ordered the ships to form a line as they left the bay, in order of speed and disregarding the normal sailing order. Admiral Louis de Bougainville Auguste was one of the first to leave. With a squadron of three other ships, Bougainville set out well ahead of the rest of the French line; by 1545 hours the gap was large enough that the British could have cut off his squadron from the rest of the French fleet. At 1:00 p.m., the two fleets were more or less opposite each other. In order to engage and avoid some schools (known as Middle Ground) near the mouth of the bay, Graves at around 2:00 p.m. ordered his entire fleet to turn, a maneuver that reversed his line of battle, but it allowed him to align himself with the French fleet when their ships left the bay. This placed Hood's squadron, his most aggressive commander, in the rear of the line, and Admiral Francis Samuel Drake's in the forefront.

At this point, both fleets were sailing generally east, away from the bay, with winds from the north-northeast. The two lines approached at an angle so that the lead ships in the vanguard of both lines were within range of each other, while the ships in the rear were too far apart to attack. The French had a firing advantage, as wind conditions meant they could open their lower ports, while the British had to leave theirs closed to prevent water from entering the lower decks. The French fleet, which was in better repair than the British fleet, outnumbered the British in number of ships and total guns, and had heavier guns capable of throwing more weight. In the British fleet, Ajax (74) and Terrible (74), two ships of the West Indies squadron which were among the most heavily engaged were in very poor condition. The need for the two lines to be truly parallel in order for them to fully face each other led Graves to give contradictory signals which were interpreted critically by Admiral Hood. He interpreted the instructions to hold the battle line as taking precedence over the close action signal, and as a consequence his squad did not close quickly and never became significantly involved in the action. The smaller British fleet fielded 19 ships of the line, totaling 1,400 guns and 13,000 sailors. The French fleet was made up of 24 ships of the line, armed with a total of 1,700 guns and 19,000 sailors. At about 4:00 p.m., more than 6 hours since the two fleets first sighted each other, the British, who had the weather factor and thus the initiative, opened their attack. The battle began with the Intrepid (64) opening fire on the Marseillois (74), her counterpart near the start of the line. Action quickly spread to the forefront and later to the center of each line.

The French, in a known practice, tended to target British masts and rigging, with the intention of crippling the mobility of their opponents. The effects of this tactic were evident in the engagement: Shrewsbury (74) and Intrepid (64), at the head of the British line, became virtually unmanageable, eventually slipping out of line. The remainder of Admiral Drake's squadron was also heavily damaged, but casualties were not as severe as those of the first two ships. The angle of approach of the British line also played a role in the damage they took; the ships in their vanguard were exposed to tracking fire when only their bow guns could be applied to the French. The French avant-garde was also punished, although it was less severe. Captain Boades del Réfléchi (64) was killed on the leading side of Vice-Admiral Drake's Princessa (70), and the four ships of the French vanguard were, according to a French observer, "engaged with seven or eight ships close by". The Diadème (70), according to a French officer "was completely unable to hold the battle, having only 4×36 and 9×18 guns in serviceable condition" and was heavily fired upon; she was rescued by the timely intervention of Saint-Esprit (80). Bougainville's flagship Auguste (80) and Drake's flagship Princessa (70) were at one point close enough for the French admiral to consider boarding her. Drake managed to get away, but this gave Bougainville an opportunity to target the Terrible (74), which was already in bad shape before the battle; she was hit by several French cannonballs, and her bilge pumps, already overloaded in an attempt to keep her afloat, were heavily damaged by gunfire. Around 5:00 p.m., the wind began to change, to the disadvantage of the British fleet. Grasse signaled for the vanguard to advance further so that more of the French fleet could engage, but Bougainville, fully committed to the British vanguard at musket range, did not want to risk it.

When he finally began to walk away, British leaders interpreted it as a retreat. Instead of following her, the British fell back and continued firing at long range. Sunset brought the firefight to an end, with both fleets continuing on a more or less southeasterly course, away from the bay. Meanwhile, the center of both lines was occupied, but the level of damage and casualties suffered was noticeably lower. The ships in the rear squadrons were almost completely uninvolved. Admiral Hood reported that three of his ships fired some shots. The continuing conflicting signals left by Graves, and the discrepancies between his and Hood's records of what signals had been given and when, led to immediate recriminations, written debate, and an eventual formal investigation. The British used some wooden cannonballs which, when colliding, sent up wood fragments that tore the flesh of the French sailors. The British fleet suffered six ships damaged and 90 sailors killed and 246 wounded. The French fared better with 209 casualties and only 2 ships damaged. That night, Graves did a damage assessment. He noted that "the French did not appear to have suffered nearly as much damage as we had suffered," and that five of his fleet were on the run or virtually paralyzed in their mobility. Grasse wrote that "by the navigation of the English we perceive that they had suffered much". However, Graves maintained a windward position throughout the night, so that he could choose the battle in the morning. Ongoing repairs made it clear to Graves that he would not be able to attack the next day. On the night of September 6 he held a council with Hood and Drake.

During this meeting, Hood and Graves reportedly exchanged words regarding conflicting signals, with Hood proposing to shift the fleet to head for the Chesapeake. Graves rejected the plan, and the fleets continued to drift east, away from Cornwallis. On 8 and 9 September, the French fleet at times took advantage of the wind and briefly threatened the British with renewed action. French scouts spotted Barras's fleet on September 9, and Grasse turned his fleet back toward the Chesapeake Bay that night. Arriving on September 12, he discovered that Barras had arrived two days earlier. Graves ordered Terrible (74) sunk on 11 September due to her leaking condition, and was notified on 13 September that the French fleet had returned to the Chesapeake; he still hadn't learned that Grasse's line hadn't included Barras's fleet, because the frigate captain making the report hadn't counted the ships. In a council held that day, the British admirals decided not to attack the French, due to the "truly sorry state we find ourselves in". Graves then turned his battered fleet toward New York, arriving at Sandy Hook on September 20. On September 7, Lafayette moved his force from the Pamunkey River to Williamsburg, where he was able to at least temporarily block any movement Cornwallis might make on the peninsula. His army was substantially enlarged the next day by Saint-Simon's more than 3,000 soldiers, who arrived with de Grasse and landed at Jamestown. On September 14, Washington arrived at Lafayette's headquarters in Williamsburg to assume direct command of operations in the Virginia theater. The combined French and American forces, which Washington had left at the head of the Chesapeake Bay in early September, found a shortage of shipping at the Head-of-Elk as well.

It was necessary to use most of the available ships to transport ammunition and stores, with the result that most of the troops had to go to Baltimore and Annapolis to embark. On September 15, Washington wrote to Grasse about transporting his army. The French admiral had anticipated that need and had already dispatched the transports brought into the area from Newport by de Barras plus some frigates that had been seized, enough to accommodate some 4,000 soldiers. On September 17, Washington, with Rochambeau, Chastellux, Henry Knox, and the Chevalier Duportail, visited Grasse aboard the Ville de Paris (110) to pay his respects and consult on the joint operation under way against Cornwallis. In the discussion, Washington was able to prevail over Grasse to extend his stay in Virginia waters beyond the October 15 deadline he had originally set. He agreed to stay until at least the end of October. However, he did not approve of plans to move ships to the York River. By September 22, when Washington returned to Williamsburg, parts of the Allied armies from the North had arrived, landing along College Creek and elsewhere on the James River. Also included among the troops was a force under Lord de Choisy who had come down from Newport with de Barras. By the end of the same day, other parts of the convoy, which de Grasse had sent into the bay, began to arrive, and de Grasse was able to write: "Everything is going into the river today, even the artillery." Landing operations continued for several days with much of the artillery grounded at Trebell below College Creek. About this time Allied commanders learned that the English fleet in New York had been augmented by the arrival of a squadron under Admiral Robert Digby.

This led to apprehension on Grasse's part and increased the need to rush operations against Yorktown. Grasse debated the need to embark, a turn of events that caused moments of "painful anxiety" in Washington. In the end, however, Grasse was persuaded against this move, and he remained at bay. However, the need for immediate action on earth had become imperative. By September 27, the organization of the allied French and American armies meeting at Williamsburg had been completed. There were three parties: Continental Americans (approximately 5,200), French Auxiliaries (approximately 7,500), and American Militia (over 3,000). The Continentals were grouped into three divisions, commanded respectively by Major General Lafayette, Acting Major General von Steuben, and Major General Lincoln. In addition to his divisional duties, Lincoln also commanded the American wing. The artillery detachment, with field and siege pieces, several companies of sappers and miners, and other units, were under the command of Brigadier Henry Knox of Massachusetts. There was also a cavalry grouping, under Colonel Stephen Moylan of Pennsylvania. The French wing of the Allied armies made up about half of the total ground forces opposing the British. Commanded by the Count of Rochambeau, it included 7 regiments grouped into 3 brigades. The cavalry was under the Duke of Lauzun and the artillery under Colonel d'Aboville. The French engineers were led by Colonel Desandrouins and Lieutenant Colonel Querenet who were instrumental in preparing an excellent set of siege plans. The third component of the Allied armies was the militia, mainly from Virginia, commanded by General Thomas Nelson, Jr., a Yorktown native, who was supported by Brigadier George Weedon, Brigadier Robert Lawson, and Brigadier Edward Stevens.

On September 27, all was ready for the movement of the Allied armies against the British position at Yorktown, and an operations order was drawn up. At 0500 hours on September 28, French and American units, following instructions from Washington, their commander-in-chief, began to move toward Yorktown. The continentals, followed by the French troops, formed the left column and the militia, the right. The route extended over the main highways of the peninsula. At the Halfway House, halfway between Williamsburg and Yorktown, the Continentals moved to the right, while the French continued on the more direct route. Around noon, both sections approached Yorktown, and contact was made with British pickets who fell back. Lt. Col. Robert Abercrombie's light infantry, covering the British right, first raised the alarm, and some shots were exchanged with Tarleton's Legion, covering the British left, as American and French troops approached Yorktown. As night fell, Allied units reached temporary positions along Beaverdam Creek within a mile of the main enemy posts. At this time, orders were issued that "the entire army, officers and men, would be in arms that night." The Yorktown inversion, which began on September 28, settled more securely over the 2 days that followed. On the 29th, the American wing moved further east (right) and closer to the enemy, while the French and American units spread out to their designated camps; forming a semicircle around Yorktown from the York River in the northwest to Wormley Creek, a tributary of York, in the south and east. Reconnaissance was extended within gun range of the enemy's fortifications, and several skirmishes with British patrols took place. There was also some minor action at Moore's Dam on Wormley Creek, where the British had garrisoned temporary positions.

The French army was commanded by Count Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur de Rochambeau and had 11,000 men while the US army was commanded by George Washington with 6,000 men. When the British entered Yorktown in August 1781, one of the soldiers described the town, one of the most important in the lower Chesapeake, as: “This Yorktown, or Little-York, is a little town of about 300 houses ; it also has considerable girth. It is located on the bank of the York River, somewhat high up on sandy but level ground. It has 3 churches, 2 English Reformed and 1 German Lutheran, but without steeples, and 2 Quaker meeting houses, and a handsome court or meeting house, the building of which, like most houses, is built of brick. Here were many houses that were destroyed and abandoned by their occupants. There was a garrison of 300 militiamen here, but on our arrival they left without firing a shot back to Williamsburg, which is 16 English miles from here. We found few inhabitants here, as most of them had gone with suitcases and luggage to the country beyond.” The task facing Cornwallis was the fortification of this town and Gloucester Point, on the other side of York, as a base for the navy. In early August, he had little reason to expect that two months later he would be besieged. However, upon reaching Yorktown, he took to the task at hand with vigor. As the days passed, Cornwallis began to realize that enemy forces were gathering around him. In planning his defense, he established a line of fortifications near the city, supported by small enclosed earthworks, redoubts, and batteries. Just ahead of the main line, he built two positions, Redoubts Number 9 and 10, to command the high ground in that sector. Along the York-Hampton wagon he strengthened the main line by extending it out into the road in the form of a hornwork.

On the inner and main line, he had 10 redoubts and 14 batteries in which about 65 guns were mounted, the largest of which was 18-pounder. Some of this artillery came from the British ships anchored offshore at York. The British outer line used the protective features of ravines and streams. Near to the west of Yorktown was Yorktown Creek. In the east, but at a greater distance, ran Wormley Creek. These streams, with their swamps and rough terrain, constituted quite formidable barriers to the rapid advance of the troops. However, the area between the headwaters of these two streams was a weak link. This high ground, less than a mile wide, carried the road from Yorktown to Hampton. To control this, the British engineers put up four redoubts and some gun emplacements. On the west side of Yorktown Creek, near the point where a road to Williamsburg crossed, a large star-shaped work was built. It was garrisoned by part of the 23rd Royal Welch, it was known as the Fusiliers Redoubt. There was some work on Moore's Mill Dam. The town at Gloucester Point, across the river, was fortified with a single line of entrenchments with 4 redoubts and 3 batteries. On the York River, between Yorktown and Gloucester, there were British transports, supply boats, and some armed vessels, notably the Charon and Guadalupe. Behind his lines, Cornwallis had a force of some 7,500, most of them seasoned veterans. To help the gunners from him, all buildings, trees and other obstructions in front of his main line were removed for a distance of one km. All paths were blocked, and the completion of fixed positions was accelerated. Cornwallis had begun to feel the blockade of the French fleet even before the Allied armies reached Yorktown.

On 9/11, one of his soldiers wrote: “Now we have terrible provisions, rotten meat with worms from the ship and biscuits that have spoiled on the ships. Many of the men have been sick with dysentery or blood flow and diarrhea. Also, the fever is spreading, partly because of the many hardships from which we have had little rest day or night, and partly because of the horrible food; but above all, nitrous water is to blame.” Sickness and also the lack of officers would continue to be a serious handicap for the British. Cornwallis continued to stay in contact by letter with Clinton in New York. On September 16, he received word that Clinton planned to move south with a sizeable force to help him. When he received this news, Cornwallis decided not to take any offensive action and wrote to Clinton. On September 29, a dispatch from New York, written on the 24th, reported ship repairs and a reinforced British fleet, as well as the preparation of reinforcements for Cornwallis's Virginia garrison. Clinton continued: "There is every reason to hope that we will start on October 5." Around 10:00 p.m. on September 29, Cornwallis made an important decision, which he described in a letter to Clinton: “Tonight I received your letter of the 24th, which has given me the greatest satisfaction. I will retire to-night within the works, and I have no doubt, if relief should come in reasonable time, York and Gloucester will be in the possession of Her Majesty's troops." This decision to abandon his outer line without a fight definitely shortened the siege of Yorktown. It was a move for which Cornwallis has been criticized and an advantage that the Allied armies were quick to seize. The British Army under Lord Cornwallis had 8,000 troops. Washington wrote of the morning of September 30: “…we found that the enemy had evacuated their entire outer line of works, and those near the body of the city had been withdrawn. Washington wrote of the morning of September 30: “…we found that the enemy had evacuated their entire outer line of works, and those near the body of the city had been withdrawn. By this means we are in possession of very advantageous ground, which dominates, in a very close advance, almost the whole remaining line of their defence."

Even before Washington had written, American and French units had moved into these works. Within the day, the construction of an additional redoubt and a battery in this sector began. On the morning of September 30, while these movements were being made on the south side of Yorktown, in the far west, a French unit under Saint-Simon's command drove into the British pickets in the vicinity of the Fusiliers' redoubt. A sharp skirmish resulted, with several casualties, an action that allowed the Allies to take a more advantageous position in this quarter. One event only marred the successful movements of the 30th. Colonel Alexander Scammell of New Hampshire, a well-known long-serving soldier, was wounded during the early hours while engaging a small party south of Yorktown. He died of his injury a week later at the Williamsburg base hospital. In the first days of October, the allies completed their survey and planning and pushed for the construction and collection of siege material consisting of gabions (wicker baskets to be filled with earth to support the ramparts); fajinas (bundles of wooden sticks joined together for use in filling ditches, strengthening walls, etc.); frames (pointed stakes to be driven into embankments in a vertical or inclined position); and saucissons (large sashes). There was some delay while the heavy guns were being transported from the landing points on the James.

On 9/11, one of his soldiers wrote: “Now we have terrible provisions, rotten meat with worms from the ship and biscuits that have spoiled on the ships. Many of the men have been sick with dysentery or blood flow and diarrhea. Also, the fever is spreading, partly because of the many hardships from which we have had little rest day or night, and partly because of the horrible food; but above all, nitrous water is to blame.” Sickness and also the lack of officers would continue to be a serious handicap for the British. Cornwallis continued to stay in contact by letter with Clinton in New York. On September 16, he received word that Clinton planned to move south with a sizeable force to help him. When he received this news, Cornwallis decided not to take any offensive action and wrote to Clinton. On September 29, a dispatch from New York, written on the 24th, reported ship repairs and a reinforced British fleet, as well as the preparation of reinforcements for Cornwallis's Virginia garrison. Clinton continued: "There is every reason to hope that we will start on October 5." Around 10:00 p.m. on September 29, Cornwallis made an important decision, which he described in a letter to Clinton: “Tonight I received your letter of the 24th, which has given me the greatest satisfaction. I will retire to-night within the works, and I have no doubt, if relief should come in reasonable time, York and Gloucester will be in the possession of Her Majesty's troops." This decision to abandon his outer line without a fight definitely shortened the siege of Yorktown. It was a move for which Cornwallis has been criticized and an advantage that the Allied armies were quick to seize. The British Army under Lord Cornwallis had 8,000 troops. Washington wrote of the morning of September 30: “…we found that the enemy had evacuated their entire outer line of works, and those near the body of the city had been withdrawn. Washington wrote of the morning of September 30: “…we found that the enemy had evacuated their entire outer line of works, and those near the body of the city had been withdrawn. By this means we are in possession of very advantageous ground, which dominates, in a very close advance, almost the whole remaining line of their defence."

Even before Washington had written, American and French units had moved into these works. Within the day, the construction of an additional redoubt and a battery in this sector began. On the morning of September 30, while these movements were being made on the south side of Yorktown, in the far west, a French unit under Saint-Simon's command drove into the British pickets in the vicinity of the Fusiliers' redoubt. A sharp skirmish resulted, with several casualties, an action that allowed the Allies to take a more advantageous position in this quarter. One event only marred the successful movements of the 30th. Colonel Alexander Scammell of New Hampshire, a well-known long-serving soldier, was wounded during the early hours while engaging a small party south of Yorktown. He died of his injury a week later at the Williamsburg base hospital. In the first days of October, the allies completed their survey and planning and pushed for the construction and collection of siege material consisting of gabions (wicker baskets to be filled with earth to support the ramparts); fajinas (bundles of wooden sticks joined together for use in filling ditches, strengthening walls, etc.); frames (pointed stakes to be driven into embankments in a vertical or inclined position); and saucissons (large sashes). There was some delay while the heavy guns were being transported from the landing points on the James.

Perhaps James Thacher wrote a brief and accurate description when he wrote on October 1 and 2: "The heavy guns and mortars are continually arriving, and the best preparations are being made to pursue the siege in the most effectual manner." By October 6, however, the work of reconnoitring the abandoned British positions south of Yorktown and building support works there was complete. Everything was ready for the next move: the construction of the first Allied siege line. Throughout this interval the British had maintained a constant and effective artillery fire which tended to delay the work of the Allies. The siege diaries are full of accounts, like the one written by Lieutenant William Feltman on October 2: “A continual cannonade all day at our fatigue parties. A Maryland soldier's hand was shot off and a militia man was killed." Behind British lines feverish activity continued and general alarm was feared. The ships sank in the river immediately in front of the city to block any Allied landing attempts from that neighborhood. Cornwallis's positions were not complete, nor was his magazine. Every available man was in line to help with the construction, particularly the large black workforce that the British general had acquired. To complicate the image of Cornwallis. Although Washington was leading his main force against Yorktown, where the main British force was located, it was necessary for him to take steps to contain the enemy post at Gloucester Point on the north side of the river. This would close off a possible means of escape for Cornwallis and stop foraging parties sweeping the Gloucester countryside. The first Allied force there was 1,500 militiamen under Brigadier George Weedon. By 28 September, Weedon had been reinforced by the 600-strong Lauzun Legion, half of them mounted.

Several days later, 800 marines from the French fleet landed, and General Choisy was assigned to command the group. By early October the British garrison on the Gloucester side had increased and included both Simcoe's and Tarleton's cavalry, as well as ground units. On 3 October, as Choisy moved towards Gloucester Point to tighten his lines and force the enemy into their fixed positions on the point, a brief but spirited encounter ensued at "The Hook", in which Lauzun's daring cavalry and Tarleton had an important role. Casualties numbered 16 for the Allies and perhaps 50 for the British. The allies managed to hold the ground. The British withdrew behind their works where they remained until the end of the siege. On the afternoon of October 6, everything was ready for the opening of the first parallel, a series of positions which, together with the advantages of the terrain, completely surrounded the British works and brought men and artillery within range of the enemy. . The first line was based on the York River southeast of Yorktown and extended west, just above the headwaters of Wormley Creek, across the York-Hampton highway, to Yorktown Creek, which in a real sense functioned as a continuation of the line. The first line was about 2 km long and supported by four redoubts and five batteries. Its average distance from the main British works was about half a mile, although, to the right, this was somewhat greater due to two separate British redoubts, Nos. 9 and 10. About halfway along this line, the right or end of the York River, was assigned to American units; the left was built and garrisoned by the French. At dusk on October 6, more than 4,000 Allied troops paraded and marched to their assigned positions. The trench was occupied by about 1,500 troops, who carried backpacks, muskets and bayonets, as well as shovels, found a row of pine strips on the ground.

The engineers had placed them to mark the line where the excavation would begin. 800 soldiers stood with weapons at hand to repel a sortie should it arrive. The British were evidently taken by surprise, as their guns were not particularly active. The night was dark and cloudy, with a light rain falling, a factor that may have helped the troops led by General Lincoln and Baron de Viomenil. By morning the work was well advanced, enough to give them protection from the British gunners. Over the next few days, with precision and dispatch, units relieved themselves to avoid fatigue as trenches, redoubts, and batteries were perfected. Major General von Steuben, one of the few veterans of siege warfare in the American wing, had a leading role in the planning and construction of the siege works. Brigadier General Knox, with the American artillery, also played an important role, since the effectiveness of the artillery was a prerequisite for the success of the operation. As the main line took shape south of Yorktown, the French built a trench and battery between the York River and one of the branches of Yorktown Creek west of the city. This closed off a possible point of advance for the enemy, partly surrounded the rifle redoubt, and allowed the installation of ammunition at a point where they could sweep the British ships anchored in the river. This French battery on the left, with its 4×12 guns and 6 mortars and howitzers, was the first to go into action, firing at around 03:00 on 9 October. Two hours later, an American battery southeast of Yorktown added 3×24, 3×18 guns, 2×8 (203mm) howitzers, and 6 mortars for the bombardment. Washington apparently fired the first round of this battery with blunt accuracy.

On October 10, other batteries, including the Grand French on the York-Hampton highway, were completed and began firing. The Americans spotted a large house in Yorktown and believing that Cornwallis might be stationed there, they targeted it and promptly destroyed it. Cornwallis sank more than a dozen of his ships in the harbor. For the next 2 days there was no break in the concentrated and methodical bombardment of Yorktown, with General Thomas Nelson reportedly even directing fire on his own home. The effect was terrible, as charge after charge was sent hitting the British works or ricocheting or jumping on the ground. Enemy batteries depleted or slowly fell silent. Cornwallis's headquarters was nearly demolished and he himself narrowly escaped with his life at one point. All the while, the rate of fire increased. Such was the Yorktown bombing as described by one participant and testified by others who witnessed it. The fire had been devastating. Its effect was first reported to Allied leaders by Secretary Thomas Nelson, who, 'under a flag of truce', was allowed by the British to leave Yorktown and search the Allied lines. The bombardment was also directed against the British ships in the harbor with the same effect. Here "red-hot shots" were used to ignite the heavily tarred rigging and timbers of the ship. On the night of October 10, the artillery set fire to the warship Charon (44), which burned completely, hitting two transport ships that also burned. The other ships anchored under York sailed in the night and went to anchor in Gloucester, to protect themselves and be out of range of fire. Other vessels, large and small, including the frigate Guadalupe (28), were hit and set on fire. On the night of October 11, a British bombardier, designed to set enemy ships on fire, was hit and burned with brilliant fire. Against such heavy artillery fire, Cornwallis had difficulty keeping his own batteries going, and even the English ships' sailors and marines added little strength.

The destruction caused by the superior French and American artillery, firing at ranges of 800 to 1,200 meters, was so great and the enemy batteries were so completely overpowered that Washington was soon ready to open the second parallel, which would bring his troops into the distance of the enemy works. An "exaggerated" charge by the infantry would be the final stage of the siege if Cornwallis continued to hold out. Work on the approach trenches for the second line began on the night of 11/12 October, midway between the first siege line and the left front of the British works. By morning the troops had wielded their shovels, shovels and "boot hoes" so effectively that the work was well advanced and casualties few. During the next 3 days, the parallel was made about 400 meters from the British lines, but it could not reach the river, because British redoubts 9 and 10 were in the way. The construction continued and the artillery was moved from the first line to the new positions, where the fire could be even more deadly. The British gunners did their best with "musketry, cannon, canister, grapeshot, and especially, a multitude of bombs and shells large and small" to delay the job, but although they inflicted some casualties, they were not particularly successful. At this time, however, only half of the second siege line could be undertaken. Redoubt No. 10 near the river, a square position garrisoned by about 70 soldiers, and Redoubt No. 9, a 5-pointed star strongpoint garrisoned 125 soldiers, near the road from Yorktown to Moore House, blocked the extension of the second line to the right allied. Before the work could continue, these redoubts had to be reduced. By October 14, the approach trenches were within 140 meters of Redoubts 9 and 10. Washington ordered all guns within range to begin blowing up the redoubts to weaken them for an assault that night.

Prior to the attacks on those redoubts, Washington had ordered demonstration attacks on the far left against the Fusiliers' redoubt and also another on Gloucester Point to distract the enemy. For several days before the assault, the Allied gunners directed fire to weaken the positions, a fire that was not really very damaging. Washington planned to use the cover of a moonless night to get the element of surprise. To reinforce the surprise, he added absolute silence, ordering that no soldier load his musket until they reached the fortifications. The attacks were made at 8:00 p.m., after dark, in one of the most dramatic and heroic moves of the Siege of Yorktown, and proved to be a definite turning point in operations. Redoubt 10 was attacked by 400 Americans drawn from Lafayette's 1st Division and commanded by Lt. Col. Alexander Hamilton, who, being the senior officer, had claimed this honor, when the assignment was first given to another. He was assisted by Ltcol Jean-Joseph Sourbader de Gimat, Ltcol John Laurens and Major Nicholas Fish. The detachment moved at the prearranged signal: the explosion of six shells. American soldiers carried unloaded muskets, as they advanced in the dark, as the task at hand had to be done with bayonets. Reaching their objective, they charged without waiting for the elimination of the abatis surrounding the redoubt, thus saving a few minutes, an interval that could have been costly. Prior to the attacks on those redoubts, Washington had ordered demonstration attacks on the far left against the Fusiliers' redoubt and also another on Gloucester Point to distract the enemy. For several days before the assault, the Allied gunners directed fire to weaken the positions, a fire that was not really very damaging. Washington planned to use the cover of a moonless night to get the element of surprise.

To reinforce the surprise, he added absolute silence, ordering that no soldier load his musket until they reached the fortifications. The attacks were made at 8:00 p.m., after dark, in one of the most dramatic and heroic moves of the Siege of Yorktown, and proved to be a definite turning point in operations. Redoubt 10 was attacked by 400 Americans drawn from Lafayette's 1st Division and commanded by Lt. Col. Alexander Hamilton, who, being the senior officer, had claimed this honor, when the assignment was first given to another. He was assisted by Ltcol Jean-Joseph Sourbader de Gimat, Ltcol John Laurens and Major Nicholas Fish. The detachment moved at the prearranged signal: the explosion of six shells. American soldiers carried unloaded muskets, as they advanced in the dark, as the task at hand had to be done with bayonets. Reaching their objective, they charged without waiting for the elimination of the abatis surrounding the redoubt, thus saving a few minutes, an interval that could have been costly. The Americans reached the redoubt and began hacking at the wooden British defenses with their axes. A British sentry raised the alarm and then fired on the Americans. The Americans responded by charging their bayonets at the redoubt. They crossed the abatis, crossed a ditch and climbed the parapet to the redoubt. The Americans fought their way into the redoubt, falling into the craters created by the preparatory bombardment. British fire was heavy, but the Americans overwhelmed them. Someone at the front yelled, “Hurry up guys! The fort is ours!" The British lobbed hand grenades at the Americans with little effect. The men in the trench stood on the shoulders of their comrades to climb into the redoubt. Bayonet fighting overwhelmed the British in the redoubt and nearly the entire garrison was captured, including the redoubt's commander, Major Campbell. In the assault, the Americans lost 9 killed and 25 wounded.

As the Americans made their way to Redoubt 10, a group of 400 French soldiers led by Colonel William Deux Ponts, with Baron de l'Estrade second in command, launched an assault on Redoubt 9 from the temporary end of the second parallel. But they were stopped by the abatis, which had not been damaged by artillery fire. The French began hacking at the abatis and a Hessian sentry leaned out and asked who was there. When there was no answer, the sentinel opened fire as did the other Hessians on the parapet. French casualties mounted as the detachment halted until the abatís were cleared. Then the cry went "to the redoubt", the French soldiers responded and then tried to scale the redoubt. The Hessians attacked the French climbing the walls, but the French fired a volley and drove them back. The Hessians then took up a defensive position behind some barrels, but threw down their weapons and surrendered as the French prepared a bayonet charge, the redoubt was theirs. However, losses totaled nearly 25%, including 15 killed. The entire operation took less than half an hour. Immediately after the capture of the two key redoubts, the troops moved to resume work on the second parallel. Before morning this line was extended to the York River and incorporated British Redoubts 9 and 10 on the parallel. On October 15, Ebenezer Wild recorded: “The works were carried on last night in such a spirit that in daylight we found the parallel [line] extending to the river on our right and almost finished. The batteries are being erected with great expedition”. With this turn of events, Cornwallis knew that he must act and act quickly or all would be lost. The net had tightened; and the destruction of his positions, plus illnesses and casualties among his troops, made his situation critical, even dangerous.

Against the second fully functioning allied parallel, he couldn't hold out for more than 24 hours. On the night of October 15/16, Cornwallis ordered an attack on the second parallel. This was dropped, 350 strong, under Ltcol Robert Abercrombie at a point near the center of the line. It was a sortie to attack Allied lines and pin down the French and American guns. The allies were asleep and unprepared. The British party planted several cannons on the parallel and then planted the cannons on an unfinished redoubt. A French party came and drove them from the Allied lines and took them back to Yorktown. The British had been able to nail six guns, but by morning they had been repaired. The bombardment resumed with American and French troops competing to see who could do the most damage to the enemy defenses. On the night of 16/17 October, Cornwallis ordered all of his troops across the river to Gloucester Point. Troops could break through Allied lines and escape to Virginia and then march on New York. The effort was futile due to a shortage of boats, and a storm that broke out as they returned to pick up more soldiers, making evacuation impossible. The fire on Yorktown from the Allies was heavier than ever as new artillery pieces joined the line. Cornwallis spoke with the officers about him that day and they agreed that his situation was desperate. On the morning of October 17, a drummer appeared, followed by an officer waving a white flag. Cornwallis' situation was desperate. Casualties (dead, wounded, and missing) during the siege reportedly numbered approximately 552 for the British, 275 for the French, and 260 for the Americans. Of these totals, more than a quarter were killed in action. Yorktown was surrounded at close range, relief had not yet come, and the enemy was superior in men and firepower. In short, his position was untenable. Surrender was now the only alternative. Cornwallis himself reported: "At that time we could not fire a single gun...Therefore I proposed to capitulate."

When the British flag of truce was seen by Allied officers on the morning of the 17th, the incessant and devastating artillery fire ceased. It had been continuous since 9 October, except for short intervals when batteries were moved or a flag of truce passed between the lines. Cornwallis's letter, which was immediately transmitted to Washington, stated: "I propose a cessation of hostilities for 24 hours, and that each side designate two officers to meet at Mr. Moore's house and establish the terms of the surrender of the posts of York and Gloucester”. Washington responded that he would give the British general 2 hours to present final terms. Around 4:30 p.m., Cornwallis responded. Washington found his proposals partly satisfactory, and in reply he stated that the British could expect that: "The same honors will be bestowed as those bestowed by the British on the American garrison at Charles Town in 1780." Arrangements to resolve the differences were made during a meeting of commissioners at Agustín Moore's house at the rear of the first parallel. The commissioners were Lt. Col. Thomas Dundas and Major Alexander Ross, representing the British; Viscount de Noailles representing the French; and Lt. Col. John Laurens for the Americans, met there on October 18 and, after a heated and lengthy session, drafted the Articles of Capitulation. On the morning of October 19, Washington reviewed the draft and, after some modifications, had the articles transcribed. The document was sent to Cornwallis for his signature, with a deadline of 11:00. Cornwallis duly signed, as did Captain Thomas Symonds, representing British naval units at York. The Allied commanders, Washington and Rochambeau, appear to have signed the document at captured British Redoubt No. 10.

The Count of Barras, appointed to act in place of the Count of Grasse for the French fleet, also signed for the Allies. The articles stipulated that troops, sailors, and marines should surrender as prisoners of war. Officers were required to retain their handguns and private papers and property. The soldiers were to be held in prison camps in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. Cornwallis and some of the officers were to be allowed parole and the sloop Bonetta was to be made available for the British commander to carry dispatches to Henry Clinton, after which she was to be handed over. At noon on October 19, two redoubts southeast of Yorktown were occupied by Allied troops, one by an American unit and the other by a French detachment. At 2 p.m. the British Army, dressed in egg uniforms and led by Brigadier General O'Hara (Cornwallis was ill), marched out of Yorktown along the York-Hampton Road to the tune of an old British march. titled “The World Turn'd Upside Down”. In the vicinity of the current National Cemetery, O'Hara arrived at the head of the Allied column. He seems to have sought out the Comte de Rochambeau first, but was diverted to Washington. Washington, in turn, sent it to Major General Lincoln, who accepted the sword from him, the sign of defeat and surrender, and then returned it. Following this, the British Army marched down Surrender Road between columns of Allied troops, Americans on the British left (east) and French on the British right (west), towards Surrender Field, where the formal surrender was made. “…we came straight to a flat field or a large meadow, where…we marched…regiment after regiment, piling up muskets and laying down all weapons…” wrote one of the British soldiers. Thus the siege of Yorktown was over, the climax of the revolution had passed, and the United States could look toward a free and independent state. A new nation was born!

French casualties were 60 killed and 194 wounded and American casualties were 28 killed and 107 wounded: a total of 88 killed and 301 wounded. British casualties from the siege were 156 killed, 326 wounded, and 70 missing. Cornwallis surrendered 7,087 officers and recruits at Yorktown when he capitulated and another 840 sailors to the British fleet on the York River. Another 84 prisoners had been taken during the assault on the redoubts on October 16. Given that only 70 men were reported missing, this would suggest that 14 of the men officially listed as dead had been captured. This gives a total of 142 killed, 326 prisoners wounded, and a further 7,685 prisoners. After the surrender, the British units returned to Yorktown. After 2 days off, the ranking and junior officers were taken to prison camps in western Virginia and Maryland. Both Washington and Rochambeau invited their distinguished prisoners to their tables, and for several days camp dinners were the fashion, the English attending as guests, except Tarleton, with whom the Americans refused to sit at table, on account of the atrocities committed by his troops in North and South Carolina. American units from the Allied armies began the march back to the Hudson around November 1. The French, for the most part, remained on the peninsula until the spring and then went to Rhode Island, after wintering at Yorktown, Williamsburg, Hampton, and other nearby points. Grasse sailed for the West Indies shortly after the siege ended. The British expedition, which was to relieve Cornwallis, reached Virginia waters in late October, too late to be of any use. General orders from Washington stated that free blacks in the area in the aftermath of the Battle of Yorktown could go where they pleased, while slaves who had followed the British Army were to be returned to their owners. But the turmoil of war provided some slaves with the opportunity to gain their freedom in various ways.

Some slaves represented themselves as free, while others offered themselves as servants to French and American officials. General orders from Washington made it difficult to return the slaves to their pre-war status. The war was technically over and major operations were suspended, with only minor fighting taking place while the outcome of negotiations was awaited. When news of Yorktown's capitulation reached London, the parliamentary opposition succeeded in overthrowing the pro-war government led by Frederick North, Lord North.

The war was really over. It had lasted for more than eight years, 104 blood-soaked months to be exact. As is the custom with wars, it had lasted much longer than its architects on both sides had anticipated in 1775. More than 100,000 American men had enlisted in the Continental Army. Countless thousands more had seen active duty in militia units, some for only a few days, some for a few weeks, some repeatedly, if their personnel were called into service again and again. The war had a terrible cost. The estimate is that 25,000 US soldiers perished, although the figure is low. Not only were the casualty figures reported by American leaders, like those expounded by British generals, almost always inaccurately low. No one would know precisely how many militiamen were lost in the war, since the records in the militia units were not as good as that of the Continental army nor was it as likely to survive. While it may have something to do with the number of soldiers who died in battle, or from camp sickness, or while in captivity, the totals for those who died of other causes can only be a guess. One man in 16 of military age died during the War of Independence. Of those who served in the Continental Army, one in four died during the war. Unlike in later wars when many soldiers came home with disabilities, relatively few disabled veterans lived in post-revolutionary America. Those who were seriously injured in the war rarely returned home. They died, usually from shock, blood loss, or infection. Some survived, of course, and for the rest of their lives faced partial or complete loss of vision, a weak leg, a limb without hands or feet, or emotional scars that never healed.

Not only soldiers died or were injured. Civilians died from diseases unwittingly spread by soldiers, and not a few at home died in the course of coastal raids, Indian raids, partisan warfare, and siege operations. There is no way of knowing how many civilians died as a direct result of this war, but it numbered in the thousands. The British also paid a heavy price in blood in this war, which was proportionately equal to the losses among the American forces. The British sent over 42,000 men to North America, of whom 25%, or approximately 10,000 men, are believed to have died. Some 7,500 Germans, out of a total of some 29,000 sent to Canada and the United States, also died in this war in the North American theater. Due to the paucity of surviving records, casualties among Loyalists who served with the British Army have never been established. However, it is thought that 21,000 men served in those provincial units. The most complete survival records would be those of the New Jersey volunteers, who suffered 20% fatalities. If their death toll, which was below the regulars and Germans, is typical, some 4,000 Provincials who fought for Britain would have died of all causes. It therefore seems likely that around 85,000 men served the British in North America in the course of this war, of whom approximately 21,000 perished. As was the case with American soldiers, the vast majority, approximately 65%, died of disease. Just over 2% of men in the British Army succumbed to the disease annually, while over 3% of German soldiers died each year from the disease. It is believed that up to 8,000 additional redcoats died in the West Indies, and another 2,000 may have died in transit to the Caribbean.

Up to 1780 the Royal Navy reported losses of 1,243 men killed in action and 18,541 from disease. Serious fighting raged on the high seas for another two years, so it is likely that more than 50,000 men bearing arms for Britain perished in this war. The French army lost several hundred men during its nearly two years in the United States, mainly to disease, but the French navy suffered losses of nearly 20,000 men in battle, captivity, and disease. Spanish losses brought the total death toll among those who fought in this war to over 100,000 men, between the Galvez expedition and the naval warfare. Annapolis became the temporary capital of the United States after the Treaty of Paris was signed in 1783. Congress held its sessions at the seat of state between November 26, 1783 and June 3, 1784. On December 23 In 1783, in one of the nation's great statesmanship acts, General George Washington voluntarily resigned his military commission to the Congress of the Confederation at the State House in Annapolis, Maryland, returning to private life on his plantation at Mount Vernon. During his resignation speech to Congress, Washington recognized "the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have joined me during the war, especially those who have continued in the service to the present time, as worthy of notice." favor and the patronage of Congress. Scholars would describe Washington's resignation in a phrase that echoed the classic Republican ideals that animated the founding generation: "The Virginian, like the victorious Roman soldier Cincinnatus, went home to plow but would see himself in the future go back to wearing the purple of the government”.
 
Aiyo what happened to Norway, I didn't know it was annexed by Sweden. I may have forgotten about it also what happened to Finland, are they independent or part of Russia?
 
After hours thinking. I choose give a honor to the Ajax of Napoleon.
"Soldiers, when I give the command, fire straight at my heart. It will be my last order to you. I have fought a hundred battles for France, and not one against her. Soldiers, fire!!"
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I have almost complete the chapter. The Bloody French Revolution is coming but prepare because she come with rage and bloodthirsty.

The next chapter gonna have some Easter eggs about another Alternative histories who maybe see in the previously chapter of American revolution
 
I have almost complete the chapter. The Bloody French Revolution is coming but prepare because she come with rage and bloodthirsty.

The next chapter gonna have some Easter eggs about another Alternative histories who maybe see in the previously chapter of American revolution
A more radical French revolution? Sounds interesting, maybe Robespierre won't lose popularity and remain in charge as well push France into overthrowing more and more kingdoms into sister republics, basically throwing Europe into a continent wide mega death civil war between monarchies supporting themselves and republicans rebels supported by France who will definitely be invading to help spread the revolution.
 
A more radical French revolution? Sounds interesting, maybe Robespierre won't lose popularity and remain in charge as well push France into overthrowing more and more kingdoms into sister republics, basically throwing Europe into a continent wide mega death civil war between monarchies supporting themselves and republicans rebels supported by France who will definitely be invading to help spread the revolution.
Ah... No... Ney gonna be see like a Chad like
MOVE YOU FUCKING ARSE OUT OF HERE HIS MAJESTY WE COVER YOUR BACK.
*insert German hussar under French service charge sound*
 
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