New Jersey
«Mis valientes, habéis hecho todo lo que os pedí que hicierais, y más de lo que razonablemente se podía esperar; pero vuestro país está en juego, vuestras esposas, vuestras casas y todo lo que apreciáis. Os habéis agotado con fatigas y dificultades, pero no sabemos cómo perdonarme. Si consentís en quedaros solo un mes más, prestaréis ese servicio a la causa de la libertad y a vuestro país que probablemente nunca podréis hacer bajo ninguna otra circunstancia».

«My brave ones, you have done everything I asked you to do, and more than could reasonably be expected; but your country is at stake, your wives, your houses and everything you hold dear. You have exhausted yourselves with fatigue and difficulties, but we do not know how to forgive me. If you consent to stay but one more month, you will render that service to the cause of liberty and to your country which you probably could never render under any other circumstances.».
— Attributed to George Washington on December 26, 1776.


Seeking to capitalize on his success at the First Battle of Trenton on December 26, 1776, George Washington planned to move his army to New Jersey, hoping to encourage militia recruitment and provide opportunities to harass overextended British supply lines. On December 30, Continental Army forces crossed the Delaware River again and assembled at Trenton. Washington appealed to the men who finished their contract on December 31, to stay another month for a $10 reward. He asked any man who wanted to volunteer to maintain his fires, but no one stepped forward. Washington then turned his horse around and rode in front of the troops, saying: “My brave men, you have done all that I asked you to do, and more than could reasonably be expected; but your country is at stake, your wives, your houses and everything you hold dear. You have exhausted yourselves with fatigue and difficulties, but we do not know how to forgive me. If you consent to stay but one more month, you will render that service to the cause of liberty and to your country which you probably can never do under any other circumstances." At first no one stepped forward, but then one soldier stepped forward, and was followed by most of the others, leaving only a few left in the original line. On January 1, 1777, money from the Continental Congress arrived in Trenton and the men were paid. Washington also received a series of congressional resolutions, including one that gave Washington powers similar to those of a military dictator. Washington decided that he would stand and fight at Trenton and ordered General John Cadwalader, who was at Crosswicks with 1,800 militiamen, to join him at Trenton. At the same time, the British commander of the American forces, William Howe, sent Cornwallis, who was about to return to Britain, canceled his leave, to New Jersey to stabilize the situation there after the earlier American incursion into Trenton.

By December 31, Cornwallis had 9,500 troops assembled at Princeton with 60 dragoons and 28 artillery pieces, he was about 11 miles (18 km) from Washington's position at Trenton. On 2 January, Cornwallis left the 4th Brigade along with 2 guns and light dragoons of the 16th under Lt. Col. Charles Mawhood, to remain in Princeton as a rear guard with the baggage train and march to Trenton the following day. Cornwallis's army set out for Trenton with 8,000 troops in 4 columns. When Cornwallis reached Maidenhead he left Colonel Alexander Leslie with the 2nd Brigade, some 1,500 men, and ordered them to stay until morning. Cornwallis continued the march in 3 columns. Realizing that the road to northern New Jersey was no longer open without a fight, Washington ordered a defensive line to be built along Assunpink Creek south of Trenton. Two days earlier he had sent a covering force of some 1,000 troops under the command of Matthias Alexis Roche de Fermoy to occupy a defensive line midway between Trenton and Princeton at Five Mile Creek, with the aim of warning and delaying the advance. British. When Cornwallis resumed his march from Maidenhead, he encountered the covering troops of the Continental Army almost immediately at around 10:00 AM. As the British closed in, Fermoy returned to Trenton drunk, and Colonel Edward Hand assumed command from him. When the British came within effective range, the American riflemen opened fire, forcing the entire vanguard to deploy. After Hand was forced to abandon position along Five Mile Creek, US troops took a delaying action taking advantage of curves, woods and any obstacles, forcing Donop's vanguard to deploy their forces again and again losing time.

Hand again defended the line formed by the Shabakunk creek, behind which was a forest in whose trees sheltered from the view that the British, when crossing the bridge over the creek, were shot at point-blank range by the Americans. The intense fire confused the British who thought it was the main American army, they mounted an attack in force setting up the artillery and when they crossed the stream and reached the forest, Hand had already withdrawn to a new position, carrying out delaying actions between the positions. By 3:00 p.m., the British had reached a ravine known as Stockton Hollow, 0.5 miles (0.8 km) from Trenton, where Hand formed another line of defence. Washington wanted to hold off the British until nightfall, when darkness would prevent the British from attacking his defenses on the south side of Assunpink Creek. The British deployed and with artillery in position, attacked Hand's new line, which gave way, slowly falling back to Trenton. In the city, Hand had his troops shoot from behind houses. Washington ordered Hitchcock's Brigade to cover the withdrawal of Hand's men who were exhausted after a day of fighting. Hitchcock's Brigade advanced down Queen Street to Fourth Street, where Hand's men passed and retreated to the bridge. Seeing Hand's Brigade retreat towards the bridge, the British tried to cut off Hitchcock's retreat by sending the Hessian Linsingen and Block Regiments towards the bridge, while the Jägers pinned them head-on and the Light Brigade attacked them head-on. flank. The Americans withdrew in good order, but a bottleneck developed on the bridge. The Hessians taking advantage of the huddle, attacked with the fixed bayonet, causing chaos among the Americans. Washington, seeing the chaos, rode through the crowd of men crossing the bridge and shouted to Hitchcock's rear guard to fall back and regroup under the protection of the American artillery.

Hand's action had given Washington's troops along Assunpink Creek more time to improve their defensive works, especially their artillery positions. Washington's troops along the creek were defending all 4 possible crossing points. The main one was directly across from the city of Trenton at the bridge on Assunpink Creek. There Washington stationed most of his artillery. The largest concentration of infantry forces defended Philip's Mill Ford upstream of the bridge. The water here flowed quickly, but the ford was passable. Washington assigned most of his infantry to the defense of Mill Ford. A second ford, higher up, was closer to the British attackers, but the speed of the water flowing down the creek made it almost impassable, and Washington assigned only a token force to defend it. The last crossing point, downstream from the bridge, was easily fordable, but further away from British attack. By 5:00 p.m., the Hessian Grenadiers had reached the narrow stone bridge over Assunpink Creek and attempted to cross it. The bridge was defended by elements of the Continental Army's Virginia BRI, who had orders to target their opponents' legs, forcing the Hessians to help evacuate their wounded comrades or leave them for dead. As casualties mounted, the Hessians broke off their attack and British soldiers took their place. The British attacked across the bridge three times, each time met with withering fire from Virginians and canister fire from Continental Army artillery. One soldier said: "The bridge looked red as blood, with its dead and wounded in their red coats."

With total darkness, both sides debated what to do the next day. Cornwallis held a council of war to determine if he should continue to attack. Quartermaster General William Erskine urged Cornwallis to attack immediately, saying: "If Washington is the general, as I suppose he is, his army will not be found there in the morning." But James Grant disagreed, arguing that there was no way for the Americans to withdraw, and that the British troops were exhausted, and that it would be better for them to attack in the morning after they had rested. Cornwallis did not want to wait until morning, but decided it would be better to send his troops to attack in the dark. Cornwallis said: "We've got the old fox safe for now, tomorrow we're going to go hunt him." Cornwallis then moved his army to a hill north of Trenton for the night. On their march to the bridge, the British had seen the fords over Assunpink Creek. Cornwallis decided to attack the fords on the first pass, driving Washington's army back on himself and pushing it into the Delaware River on Washington's left. During the night, the American artillery, under the command of Henry Knox, occasionally fired shells at Trenton to keep the British on edge. Like Cornwallis, Washington also called a court martial. He would take the road that led to Princeton, and his court-martial agreed to make an attempt on the British garrison there. At 2 a.m. on January 3, the army was on its way to Princeton. Washington had left behind 500 men and 2 cannons to keep the fire going and make noise with picks and shovels so the British would think they were digging. In the morning, those men also left, and when the British attacked in the morning of the next day, all the American troops had left.

When Cornwallis's scouts crossed the fords the next morning, they found only deserted camps. Shortly after, Cornwallis heard cannon fire in the distance behind him and to the left of him. The Battle of Princeton had begun, and Cornwallis was 11 miles from where he should be. Casualty estimates differ widely. Howard Peckham records the January 2 bouts as two separate matches, which he classifies as "skirmishes." In the first, on the Five Mile creek, it does not give American losses. In the second, in Stockton Hollow, he gives 6 dead, 10 wounded, and 1 missing. William S. Stryker, on the other hand, gives the entire American losses on January 2 as 1 killed and 6 wounded, while David Hackett Fischer says they had 100 killed and wounded. Peckham gives the British losses at Five Mile Creek as 1 Hessian killed and those at Stockton Hollow as at least 10 killed, 20 wounded and 25 captured. Edward J. Lowell gives the Hessian losses on January 2 as 4 killed and 11 wounded. David Hackett Fischer gives the British casualties as 365 killed, wounded, or captured. At 02:00 on January 3, the entire army was on the move roughly along the Quaker Bridge road. The men were ordered to march in absolute silence. Along the way, word spread that they were surrounded, and some frightened militiamen fled to Philadelphia. The going was difficult, as part of the route was through thick woods and was icy, causing horses to slip and men to break ice on ponds. At dawn the army approached a stream called Stony. The path the army took followed Stony Creek for a further 1 mile until it crossed the Post Road from Trenton to Princeton. To the right of the road, however, was an unused path that crossed Thomas Clark's farmland. The path was not visible from the road, and led through the cleared land to a stretch from which the town could be entered at any point because the British had left it defenseless.

Shortly before 0800 hours, Washington turned the rest of the army to the right down the unused road. Cornwallis had sent orders to Mawhood for the 17th and 55th Regiments to join his army in the morning. Mawhood had moved from Princeton to carry out these orders when his troops climbed the hill south of Stony Creek and sighted the main American army. Unable to determine the size of the US Army due to the wooded hills, he sent a horseman to warn the 40th that he had left Princeton, then turned the 17th and 55th and returned to Princeton. That day, Mawhood had suspended the patrol that was to reconnoiter the area from which Washington was approaching. Mercer received word that Mawhood was leading his troops back across the bridge and back to Princeton. Mercer, on Washington's orders, moved his column to the right to hit the British before they could engage Washington's main army. Mercer moved towards Mawhood's rear, but when he realized that he wouldn't be able to cut him down in time, he decided to join Sullivan. When Mawhood learned that Mercer was bringing up the rear of him and moving to join Sullivan; Mawhood detached part of the 55th to join the 40th in the city and then moved the rest of the 17th, 50th and 55th, the light dragoons and two artillery pieces to attack Mercer with about 1,200 troops. Seeing the independence forces, Mawhood formed his men across the edge of an orchard through which Mercer's troops were passing. A violent firefight ensued, and Mawhood launched an assault that largely cleared the orchard of Mercer's troops, who began to withdraw in the confusion. General Mercer was wounded but refused to surrender. When he tried to attack the enemy with his sword, he was bayoneted until he was presumed dead; he died nine days later.

Colonel John Haslet of Delaware replaced General Mercer and was killed by a shot to the head. During this confusion, General George Washington rode until he met up with Mercer's men, while a brigade of 2,100 troops under General John Cadwalader arrived with a battery of artillery. Washington then rode straight into British fire, personally leading the attack. As Washington mounted a charge toward the British lines, he was heard shouting: "Parade with me my brave fellows, we will have them soon!" Thanks to these reinforcements, and Washington's successful meeting with Mercer's men, the larger American force was able, by sheer pressure of numbers, to retake most of the orchard, until Mawhood's gunfire stopped. the American advance. A second British assault cleared the orchard, and it looked like the day would be won until Sullivan led another 1,300 troops. Now outnumbered, nearly 6 to 1, Mawhood led a final charge to break through the American lines. A number of British soldiers broke through the Americans in a desperate bayonet charge, continuing south of the road to Trenton. Washington led some of his force in pursuit of Mawhood, but they abandoned this and turned back when some of Leslie's troops came into view. The rest of the British fell back into Princeton, who, along with the men there, held their own against Sullivan's forces for some time, before withdrawing to New Brunswick. They left a number of troops behind at Princeton. Facing overwhelming numbers and artillery fire, they surrendered. The British death list stated that there were 86 killed and wounded and 200 captured. The Americans suffered around 40 killed and wounded. In Trenton, Cornwallis and his men were awakened by the sounds of cannon fire coming from behind his position.

Cornwallis and his army began traveling to Princeton. However, Washington's later guard had destroyed the bridge over the Stony Brook, and the American Rangers further delayed Cornwallis's Army. The exhausted US Army drifted away, marching to the Somerset County Courthouse, where they spent the night. When the main British force finally reached Princeton late in the day, they did not remain there but continued rapidly toward New Brunswick, New Jersey. After that, Washington marched to Pluckemin on January 5 and arrived at Morristown at sunset the next day for winter encampment. After the battle, Cornwallis abandoned many of his posts in New Jersey and ordered his army to withdraw to New Brunswick.
El Principio de Saratoga
By the end of 1776, it was apparent to many in England that the pacification of New England was very difficult due to the high concentration of Patriots. London decided to isolate New England and concentrate on the central and southern regions where Loyalists were supposed to gather. In December 1776, TG John Burgoyne met with Lord Germain, the British secretary of state for the colonies and the government official responsible for administering the war, to establish a strategy for 1777. There were two main armies in North America to operate the General Guy with Carleton's army in Quebec and the army of General William Howe, who had driven George Washington's army out of New York City. It was decided to split the rebel territories with an attack from the north and another from the south and both forces would meet at Albany, cutting off the rebels. Lieutenant General Burgoyne, seeking to command a major force, proposed to isolate New England by invading from Quebec to New York. This had already been attempted by General Carleton in 1776, although he had stopped due to the lateness of the season. Carleton had been heavily criticized in London for failing to take advantage of the American withdrawal from Quebec. This, combined with General Henry Clinton's failed attempt to capture Charleston, South Carolina, put Burgoyne in a good position to gain command of the 1777 northern campaign. Burgoyne's invasion plan from Quebec had two components: would lead the main force of about 8,000 men south of Montreal along Lake Champlain and the Hudson River Valley, while a second column of about 2,000 men (which Barry Saint Leger was chosen to lead), would move from Lake Ontario east up the Mohawk River Valley on a strategic bypass. Both expeditions would converge at Albany, where they would be joined by troops from Howe's army, advancing up the Hudson River.

Control of the Lake Champlain–Lake George–Hudson River route from Canada to New York City would isolate New England from the rest of the American colonies. The last part of Burgoyne's proposal, Howe's advance up the Hudson River from New York City, proved to be the most controversial part of the campaign. Germain approved of Burgoyne's plan after receiving Howe's letter detailing his proposed offense against Philadelphia. It is also unclear whether Germain, Howe, and Burgoyne had the same expectations about the degree to which Howe should support the invasion of Quebec. What is clear is that Germain left his generals too free or without a clearly defined general strategy. In March 1777, Germain had approved Howe's expedition to Philadelphia and included no express orders for Howe to go to Albany. However, Howe did not receive this last letter until after he had left New York for the Chesapeake. To attack Philadelphia Howe could move overland through New Jersey or by sea through Delaware Bay, both options would have kept him in a position to assist Burgoyne if needed. The final route he would take would be across the Chesapeake Bay, which would be very time consuming and left him totally unable to help Burgoyne as Germain had envisioned. The decision was so difficult to understand that Howe's most hostile critics accused him of deliberate treason. Burgoyne returned to Quebec on May 6, 1777, with a letter from Lord Germain that laid out the plan but lacked some details. This produced another of the command conflicts that plagued the British during the war. Lieutenant General Burgoyne was technically superior to Major General Carleton, but Carleton was still the governor of Quebec. Germain's instructions to Burgoyne and Carleton had specifically limited Carleton's role in the operations in Quebec.

This slight against Carleton, combined with Carleton's failure to obtain an expedition from command, led to his resignation later in 1777, and his refusal to supply troops from the Quebec RIs to garrison the forts at Crown Point and Ticonderoga after being captured. George Washington, whose army was encamped in Morristown, New Jersey, did not have a good idea of British plans for 1777. The main question on the minds of Washington and his generals Horatio Gates and Philip Schuyler, who were both in turn responsible of the Northern Department of the Continental Army and its defense of the Hudson River, was of Howe's army movements in New York. They had no significant knowledge of what was being planned for the British forces in Quebec, despite Burgoyne's complaints that everyone in Montreal knew what he was planning, even though the plan had been published in a local newspaper. . The three generals disagreed on what Burgoyne's most likely move would be, with Congress also expressing the opinion that Burgoyne's army would probably move to New York by sea. Partly as a result of this indecision, and the fact that he would be cut off from his supply lines if Howe headed north, garrisons at Fort Ticonderoga and elsewhere in the Mohawk and Hudson river valleys did not increase significantly. Schuyler took the step in April 1777 to send a large Regiment under Colonel Peter Gansevoort to rehabilitate Fort Stanwix in the upper Mohawk Valley as a step in the defense against British moves in that area. Washington also ordered 4 Regiments to be raised at Peekskill, New York, which could head north or south in response to British moves. American troops were stationed throughout the New York theater in June 1777.

About 1,500 troops (including Colonel Gansevoort's) were at outposts along the Mohawk River; some 3,000 troops were in the Hudson River uplands under General Israel Putnam, and Schuyler commanded about 4,000 troops (including local militia and troops at Ticonderoga under Saint-Clair). The bulk of Burgoyne's army had arrived in Quebec in the spring of 1776. In addition to the British regulars, the troops in Quebec included several RIs from the German principalities of Hesse-Kassel, Hesse-Hanau, and Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel under the command of the Baron Friedrich Adolph Riedesel, comprised the Prinz Ludwig Regiment and the RIs of Specht, Rhetz, Riedesel, Prinz Frederich, Erbprinz and Breyman's jäger. Of these regular forces, 200 British and about 400 German regulars were assigned to the San Leger Mohawk Valley Expedition, and about 3,500 men remained in Quebec to protect the province. The remaining forces were assigned to Burgoyne for the campaign to Albany. The regular forces were supposed to be reinforced by up to 2,000 militia raised in Quebec. In June, Carleton had managed to raise only three companies. Burgoyne had also expected as many as 1,000 Indians to support the expedition. About 500 joined between Montreal and Crown Point. Burgoyne's army was beset by transportation difficulties before leaving Quebec, something neither Burgoyne nor Carleton apparently anticipated. As the expedition expected to travel primarily over water, there were few wagons, horses, and other draft animals available to move the large amount of equipment and supplies on the land portions of the route. Only in early June did Carleton issue orders to procure enough wagons to move the army. Consequently, the carts were poorly constructed of green wood, and the teams were driven by civilians who were at high risk of desertion.

As for the navy, it had the frigates Royal George (26) and Inflexible (22), the schooners Maria (14) and Carleton (12), and the Thunderer bombard, and the Loyal Convert gondola (7), various redeaux o floating platforms, the captured gunboats Washington, Lee, and Jersey, as well as more than 100 single-masted ships capable of carrying 35 soldiers; they were carried by the Richelieu River and Lake Champlain. On June 13, 1777, Burgoyne and Carleton reviewed the assembled forces at Fort Saint-John on the Richelieu River, just north of Lake Champlain, and Burgoyne was ceremonially given command. In addition to the five sailing ships built the previous year, a sixth had been built and three had been captured after the Battle of Valcour Island. These provided some transportation as well as military cover for the large fleet of transport ships that moved the army south on the lake. Burgoyne's army consisted of 3,016 regulars in the 7th Regiment (9th, 20th, 21st, 24th, 47th, 53rd and 62nd), Grenadiers and Light Infantry of the 29th, 31st and 34th; 3,724 Germans framed in 5 Regiments, 357 artillerymen, 147 recruits, 148 loyalists of the King and rangers of the Queen and 500 Indians, in total 7,899 that with the commands reached 8,200. It had 38 field artillery pieces, 2x24s and 4 mortars. His forces were organized into an advanced force under Brigadier General Simon Fraser, and two Divisions, one British and one Hessian. Major General William Phillips led the British Regular Division which normally deployed to the right, while the Hessian Division under Riedel deployed to the left. Colonel Saint Leger's expedition also assembled in mid-June. His force, comprising British regulars, Loyalists, Hessians, and Rangers from the Indian Department, numbering about 750 men, set out from Lachine, near Montreal, on June 23.

By June 20, everything was ready and the British navy and transports left San Juan for Lake Champlain. Colonel Simon Fraser commanded the forward detachment with his 24th Regiment, 3 Light Companies, 3 Grenadier Companies, 2 Ranger Companies, Canadian Lumberjacks and Indians. He sent ahead parties of Indians, Native Americans, and Canadian Rangers to investigate the American lines and take prisoners. They advanced south to Fort Ticonderoga and ambushed a group of workers. Luckily, one of the captives was an ex-British soldier who had spent the winter working to repair the fort's defences. Under cross-examination, James MacIntosh voluntarily explained every detail of the fort's design, the improvements made by the Americans, and the layout of the land surrounding the fort, including strengths and weaknesses and the ships that had 2 galleys (2×12), 1 gondola (2×9), and more than 30 usable boats. Burgoyne's army traveled across the lake and occupied the defenseless Crown Point Fort by 30 June. The cover activities of Burgoyne's allied Indians were very effective in preventing the details of their movements from being learned by the Americans. Brigadier General Arthur Saint-Clair, who had been left in command of Fort Ticonderoga and its surrounding defenses with a garrison of some 3,000 Continentals and militia, had no idea on July 1 of the total strength of Burgoyne's army, of which large elements were then only 6.5 away. Schuyler had ordered Saint-Clair to hold out as long as possible, and he had planned two routes of retreat. Ticonderaga Fort had been known as the English Gibraltar of America, it had facilities to house 10,000 people, but it was in a state of abandonment when the North Americans conquered the fort in 1775 to seize its cannons.

During the winter of 1776-77, MG Arthur Saint-Clair, the congressionally appointed officer to command Fort Ticonderoga and surrounding forts, strove to bring the fort into a state of adequate defense. Saint-Clair and his men faced considerable difficulties. Ticonderoga, originally Fort Carillon, had been built by the French to keep the British at bay and was therefore facing south, the wrong direction to resist the British incursion. With the end of the French and Indian War, Ticonderoga had lost its purpose and been left to fall into disrepair. In the summer of 1776, an American officer, Lt. Col. John Trumbull, prepared a report on Ticonderoga's defenses. Trumbull recommended that the axis of defense be moved from the existing fort to a mountain on the opposite side of the lake, then known locally as Mount Rattlesnake. The recommendation was accepted, and in keeping with the spirit of the times, Mount Rattlesnake became Mount Independence. Unfortunately, Trumbull's additional recommendation, that a rise called Sugar Hill or Mount Defiance that dominated the entire area should also be fortified, was ignored. It seemed enough to change the name to Mount Independence. Saint-Clair's engineering officer, Colonel Jeduthan Baldwin, worked tirelessly in the face of shortages and disease to prepare Ticonderoga for attack by the British. By July 1777, Baldwin had built batteries, storehouses, and blockhouses, and to link the old Fort Ticonderoga with the fortifications on Mount Independence, a bridge and boom barrier (made of chain-linked logs to keep out traffic) were built. the British fleet. On Mount Independence, the Polish military engineer, Colonel Thaddeus Kosciuszko, built batteries and fortifications. Kosciuszko again advised the fortification of Sugar Hill, but the work was not carried out because there were too few American troops to carry carry out the additional work.​


The spirit of the American garrison was good. There were very few of them, but they were ready to fight. Parties of the New England militia arrived at the camp, stayed long enough to exhaust the garrison stores, and returned home. The garrison numbered at least 2,300, from Hale's, Cilley's, and Scammell's New Hampshire mainland RIs from Francis and Marshall's Massachusetts militia, and various other units; these forces were largely inadequate for the defense of a fort of that size. Consequently, plans were made for withdrawal along two routes. The first was by water to Skenesboro, the southernmost navigable point on the lake. The second was overland on a road in poor condition leading east toward Hubbardton in the New Hampshire (present-day Vermont) concessions. On July 1, Saint-Clair was still unaware of the full strength of Burgoyne's army, which was only 6.5 km away, the vanguard composed of Indians and light infantry already watching the fort to report. Burgoyne landed his forces, Phillips's British Division on the right was composed of the 1st Brigade under Brigadier General Henry Watson Powell with the 9th, 47th and 53rd Regiments; and the 3rd Brigade commanded by Brigadier General James Inglis Hamilton composed of the 20th, 21st, and 62nd Regiments. Riedesel's Hessian Division Johann Specht's 1st Brigade with Rhetz, Riedesel, and Specht RIs; von Gall's 2nd Brigade, with the Prinz Friedrich and Hesse-Hanau Regiments; plus an advanced detachment under Tcol Heinrich Breymann, made up of jägers under Major von Barner, dismounted dragoons under Lt. Colonel Baum, and grenadiers also under Breymann. On July 2, open skirmishing began at the outer defense works of Fort Ticonderoga.

Burgoyne quickly recognized the importance of Mount Defiance and placed artillery there. Arthur St. Clair, commander of the garrison at Ticonderoga, had prepared two escape routes, knowing that his outnumbered force had little chance of defending the fort against a concentrated British attack, but he was ordered to hold the fort as long as possible. possible time. However, when he learned of the guns at Mount Defiance and a British attempt to cut off his escape, St. Clair decided, risking his reputation, to abandon the fort. In the early hours of July 6, 1777, the American garrison evacuated Ticonderoga with the British advance guard hot on their heels. The political and public outcry after the withdrawal was significant. Congress was horrified and criticized Schuyler and Saint-Clair for the loss, even rumors circulating that Saint-Clair and Schuyler were traitors who had accepted bribes in return for withdrawal. Schuyler was eventually removed as commander of the Northern Department, and replaced by General Gates. Saint-Clair was removed from his command and sent to headquarters for investigation. He maintained that his conduct had been honorable and demanded a court-martial review. The court-martial did not take place until September 1778 due to political intrigues against Washington, but he was eventually completely exonerated, although he was never given another command. Schuyler was also acquitted by a court-martial. The news made headlines in Europe. King George reportedly burst into the queen's chambers scantily clad, exclaiming, "I have beaten them! I have beaten all Americans!" The French and Spanish courts were less pleased with the news, as they had been supporting the Americans, allowing them to use their ports and trading with them. The action encouraged the British to demand that Spain and France close their ports to the Americans. This demand was rejected, which increased tensions between the European powers and would have negative consequences for England.

The British general, a Scotsman named Simon Fraser, discovered early on July 6 that the Americans had abandoned Ticonderoga. Leaving a message for General Burgoyne, he summoned the Grenadier Companies and Light Infantry Companies, as well as 2 Companies of the 24th and about 100 Indian Rangers and Scouts, and began pursuit, leaving a message for General Burgoyne to send reinforcements. as fast as possible. Burgoyne ordered Riedesel to follow him. Tcol Breymann initiated the pursuit with a company of jägers and 80 grenadiers, with the rest of the detachment following, he set off with a few companies of Brunswick jägers and grenadiers, leaving orders for the rest of his troops to come as quickly as possible. Fraser was hot on the heels of the retreating Americans, having some clashes with the two alternating rear Regiments. Sait-Clair paused at Hubbardton about 25 miles from Ticonderoga to give the tired and hungry troops of the main army time to rest while he waited for the rear guard to join. When he failed to arrive on time, he left behind Colonel Seth Warner with the Green Mountain Boys, along with the 2nd New Hampshire under Colonel Nathan Hale, at Hubbardton to await the rear while the main army marched on Castleton. When Francis Ebenezer arrived with the 11th Massachusetts, he along with Hale and Warner decided, against Saint-Clair's orders, that they would spend the night there, rather than march on Castleton. Warner, who had experience in rearguard actions while serving in the invasion of Quebec, organized the camps in a defensive position on Monument Hill and established patrols to guard the road to Ticonderoga. Baron Riedesel caught up with Fraser around 4:00 p.m., insisting that his men go no farther before making camp.

Fraser agreed, as Riedesel was superior, but noted that he was authorized to attack the enemy and would leave his camp at 03:00 the following day. He then advanced until he found a place about 5 km from Hubbardton, where his troops camped for the night. Riedesel waited for most of his men, some 1,500 soldiers, and Fraser also camped with the British 24th, with the grenadiers and light infantry, resumed the advance at 3 a.m. the next day and, meeting the Americans over breakfast , quickly attacked. The first Americans to be mugged, Hale's 2nd New Hampshire, gave way in disarray. The Warner and Francis Regiments formed quickly and resisted strongly. The fighting was intense and Major Grant, in command of the 24th, was killed. The Americans formed a line that stretched across the forested country, with hills on each flank. Brigadier General Simon Fraser sent his grenadiers up the hill on the American left and outflanked them. The hill was steep and the encircling movement of the grenadiers took longer than expected. Meanwhile, Colonel Francis advanced around Fraser's left flank, reinforced by some of Hale's Regiment returning to the battlefield. Fraser, whose force was outnumbered by the Americans, found himself in some difficulty. The sound of battle was heard by General Sait-Clair, the American commander, who was to the south. He ordered Henry Brockholst Livingston and Isaac Dunn to send the militia camped closer to Hubbardtonque to support the stragglers, but the militia refused. To the northwest, the German officer, Baron Riedesel, also heard the shots and rushed to support General Fraser. Riedesel sent Brunswick's jägers ahead, and when they reached the battlefield they attacked the American right flank.

Riedesel's grenadiers were a disciplined force who entered the fray singing hymns to the accompaniment of a military band to make them appear more numerous than they really were. The American flanks gave way and they were forced to make a desperate run across an open field to avoid being enveloped. Colonel Francis fell to a round of musket fire as the troops turned away from the advancing British and scattered across the field. The gunfire was heavy and the balance of the battle shifted in favor of the British, as the Grenadiers finally cleared the hill on the American left and Fraser attacked their center. Colonel Francis was killed and the American line began to break down. The scattered remnants of the American rear guard laboriously made their way toward Rutland to join the main army. Beset by scouts and Fraser Indians, and without food or shelter, it took some of them five days to reach the army, which was closing in on Fort Edward. Others, including Colonel Hale and a 230-man detachment, were captured by the British while clearing the area. Colonel Francis, as a mark of respect on the part of his opponents, was buried with the Brunswick dead. Baron Riedesel and the Brunswickers left for Skenesboro the next day, much to General Fraser's annoyance. His departure left him in "the most disaffected part of America, every person a spy", with 600 tired men, a sizeable contingent of prisoners and wounded, and no significant supplies. On July 9 he sent the 300 prisoners, under light guard but with threats of reprisal if they attempted to escape, to Ticonderoga while he marched his depleted forces to Castleton and then Skenesboro. Livingston and Dunn, the two men sent into battle by Sait-Clair, met the retreating Americans on the Castleton road after the battle was over.

They returned to Castleton with the bad news, and the army departed, finally reaching the American camp at Fort Edward on July 12. The British lost for a total of 50 killed and 143 wounded, while the Americans lost 41 killed, 96 wounded and 230 captured, losing 12 guns. The American forces withdrawing from Ticonderoga were divided: one force followed a route from the lake to Skenesborough; the other followed an overland route to Hubbardton. British naval gunners shelled and destroyed the American ships Enterprise, Gates, and Liberty at the Battle of Skenesborough, two ships, Trumbull and Revenge, were forced to surrender on Lake Champlain, American supplies were destroyed or abandoned to the British. After the battle, the Americans fled as best they could in the direction of Fort Anne in total confusion; heading south through a maze of difficult trails and dense forest, closely pursued by Lt. Col. John Hill's British RI-9, with orders to pursue and defeat any retreating forces and take control of Fort Anne. British pursuers under Hill captured more American supplies, as well as sick, wounded, and camp followers left behind. When they were within a mile of Fort Anne, Captain James Gray with a force of 220 men, took in the fugitives, and engaged the British. In the ensuing skirmish, one American was killed and three others wounded before the Americans withdrew to the fort. On the morning of July 8, Hill was informed by a suspected American deserter, who was really a spy, that the fort was occupied by nearly 1,000 demoralized troops. Choosing not to attack a numerically superior force, Hill sent a message to Burgoyne explaining the situation.

Burgoyne ordered the 20th and 21st to march quickly to Fort Anne in support, but bad weather hampered their movement and they would not arrive until after the battle. The 'deserter' returned to Fort Anne and reported on the British position and his strength of 200. The prospect of Colonel Pierse Long, commander of the fort who had 200 militiamen to successfully defend the fort, seemed dire until Colonel Henry K. Van Rensselaer unexpectedly arrived at the fort with 400 militiamen, raising the number of troops to about 1,000 and reinvigorating the moral. Long, seeing the few British soldiers following him, decided to attack his position. Moving as stealthily as possible, his force attempted to encircle the British while they were still in the way. However, Hill's men heard rebel movements on their flanks and withdrew to a higher position, abandoning some wounded men, who were eventually captured by the Americans. When the Americans opened fire, it was "heavy, well-aimed fire," according to a British officer. The battle lasted more than 2 hours, until both sides ran out of ammunition and the British were practically surrounded by Americans. The sound of North Indian war cries prompted the Americans to retreat, and they retreated to the fort with their wounded, including Colonel Van Rensselaer, who had been shot in the hip. As it turned out, there were no Indians, but only a British officer, John Money of the 9th, who had led a group of Indians, but when they seemed reluctant to fight the Americans, Money grew impatient and ran ahead of them. It was his war cries that ended the battle. Back at the fort, the Americans held a brief council of war. From a woman the British had freed, he reported that 2,000 or more British troops under General Phillips were advancing rapidly.

Long's men, nearly out of ammunition, retreated towards Fort Edward, burning the fort to the ground. Both sides claimed victory in the battle, as the British had successfully held out and the Americans had nearly forced them to surrender. British casualties were 13 killed, 22 wounded and 3 missing; US casualties were about 50 dead and wounded. Brigadier Barry Saint-Leger left Montreal on June 23, he had 300 regulars reinforced by 650 Canadians and loyalist militiamen. Two days later he arrived at Fort Oswego, where he was joined by John Johnson and Joseph Brant with almost 1,000 Iroquois, the next day, they crossed Oneida Lake and, the warriors selected by Brant, headed up Wood Creek, doing 16 km per day. , despite the terrain and frequent enemy obstacles. His first objective was Fort Stanwix, situated between Wood Creek and the Mohawk River, which Saint-Leger believed to be a ruin guarded by 60 men. In fact, it had been garrisoned since April by 550 men of the 3rd New York under Colonel Peter Gansevoort, who had largely rebuilt it (despite the fact that a French engineer, Captain de Marquisie, had wasted several weeks trying to design a brand new fort). On August 2, an advance detachment from Saint-Leger, had been detached to intercept a supply convoy headed for the fort, arrived too late to stop the 200 men escorting ships full of six weeks' worth of ammunition and provisions to the fort. The next day, Saint-Leger arrived with his main body and, seeing that his artillery was too weak in number and caliber, decided to invest the fort and send a parliamentarian requesting his surrender. Seeing the scarcity of white troops and the preponderance of Indians, Gansevoort rejected the proposal. Later that day, a flag made from a soldier's shirt and a woman's petticoat was raised at the fort.

As the majority of Saint-Leger's force began building trenches, clearing Wood Creek and cutting off the supply road through the woods, Indian jägers and marksmen began to fire on the garrison, with some success. However, on the night of August 5, Saint-Leger heard that a relief force had left Fort Dayton the day before and was some distance from his camp. Unwilling to risk a battle where the garrison might intervene, he sent Johnson and Brant, with 150 Loyalists and 400 Mohawks, to ambush the approaching column. Four Regiments of the Tryon County militia, each 200 strong, had been meeting since July 30, when its commander, Brigadier General Nicholas Herkimer, had called all men between the ages of 16 and 60. They set out from Fort Dayton on August 4, covering 12 miles before camping at Stirling Creek. The next day they crossed the Mohawk River and by nightfall were within 8 miles of Fort Stanwix. However, Herkimer was concerned, his route was dangerous, and defeat would leave Gansevoort isolated and the valley defenseless. He then sent four men to warn Gansevoort of his approach and ask him to make a sortie. The arrival of the four men was to be acknowledged by three cannon shots. In the middle of the morning of August 6, he still didn't know anything. His colonels demanded action, accusing him of cowardice and reminding him that he had at least a force like Saint-Leger. Stung by his insubordination, and marginally reassured by the arrival of 60 Oneidas and 50 Rangers, he gave the marching order. By 0900 hours, they had already reached a point where the road was crossed by two steep ravines, the first 300 meters wide and 16 meters deep, the second smaller, but enough to hide men from view. Both ravines were heavily shaded by trees, which grew a few meters from the road.

The convoy marched with 3 Regiments in front behind the wagons with provisions and in the rear another RI, Herkimer began to leave the second ravine, three whistles were heard. Johnson had laid an ambush, bringing the loyalists forward to block the road, and the rangers and Indians to attack both flanks of the force trapped in the ravine and then have the natives rush in to decimate the column trapped in the ravine. ravine. Unfortunately, the Mohawks attacked too early, failing to close the rear and leaving an escape route. As a result, the portion of Herkimer's men outside the ambush zone quickly fled, pursued by Mohawks for several miles. Herkimer himself was hit in the leg. His men laid him down against a tree, but when they suggested that he retreat to the rear, he replied, "I will fight the enemy" and sat quietly leading the battle. When the smoke cleared after the initial attack, Herkimer had lost roughly half his men killed, wounded, or fled. An electrical storm halted the fighting for nearly an hour, allowing Herkimer to rally his shattered forces. Herkimer ordered his men to fight in relays, with one charging while the other fired, greatly lessening the American's vulnerability to armed natives for close quarters. Loyalists tried to break into the American lines by posing as a reinforcement of the fort, turning their green coats inside out to try to pass themselves off as patriots. Captain Gardenier saw through the ruse and turned on them. By 11:00, Herkimer's messengers had reached the fort, and the requested sortie was finally arranged. When the storm passed, US Lt. Col. Marinus Willett came out with 250 men and proceeded to storm the unoccupied British camp, seizing 21 wagons of material and supplies without a single casualty.

A nearby scout informed Johnson's forces. When their native allies realized that their camps were being raided, they immediately abandoned the battle to protect their families and possessions. With the loss of his native allies, Johnson was also forced to withdraw. Herkimer and his men retreated to Fort Dayton, where his shattered leg was amputated. He died of his injuries on August 16. American losses were 385 killed and another 80 wounded and captured. The British lost 7 killed and 21 wounded, while their native allies suffered 65 casualties. General Philip Schuyler learned of Oriskany's withdrawal and immediately organized an additional relief force to be sent to the area. Arnold's relief column reached Fort Stanwix on August 21, sending messengers into the British camp who convinced the besieging British and Indians that their force was much larger than it really was. They abandoned their siege and withdrew. Ultimately, the British forces in the Mohawk Valley had achieved very little. Burgoyne's progress toward Albany had initially met with some success, including the dispersal of Seth Warner's men at the Battle of Hubbardton, where the American rear guard was defeated. However, his advance had slowed by the end of July, due to logistical difficulties, exacerbated by the American destruction of key roads, and army supplies began to dwindle. Burgoyne's concern for supplies increased in early August when he received word that Howe was going to Philadelphia and that, in fact, he would not be advancing up the Hudson River Valley. In response to a proposal first made on July 22 by the commander of his German troops; Baron Riedesel, decided to send a detachment of some 800 soldiers under the command of Lt. Col. Friedrich Baum from Fort Miller on a mission to forage and purchase horses for the German dragoons, requisition animals to help move the army, and harass the enemy.

Burgoyne's circumstances were far from promising. His army fought through the heavy forest from Ticonderoga, building a road to transport artillery and chariots. The Americans systematically devastated the country, leaving Burgoyne's army without supplies or reliable transport. Burgoyne's troops had so few horses that the Brunswick dragoons followed on foot. The difficulties proved yet another reminder of the problems of campaigning in the vast forests of North America, experienced by every British general since General Braddock in 1755. The final blow was a letter from General Howe in New York, informing Burgoyne of that the main British army would set out to invade Pennsylvania; instead of advancing down the Hudson River to meet him at Albany, as envisioned in the original plan for Burgoyne's campaign devised by Lord Germaine, Prime Minister in London. Burgoyne ordered Colonel Baum to take a force to Manchester in Vermont, east of Fort Edward, to find horses for his dragoons and for army transport, to gather food supplies and to overwhelm rebellious settlers in the area. At the last moment, Baum's target was changed to the town of Bennington, based on reports of supplies available there. The withdrawal of the US Continental Army from Fort Ticonderoga and the advancing British Army were causing considerable alarm in Vermont and New Hampshire. Distrusting the aristocratic New Yorker, General Schuyler, who with General Saint-Clair was suspected of treason upon leaving Fort Ticonderoga, the New Hampshire Council formed a Militia Brigade commanded by Colonel John Stark. Stark, a veteran of the French and Indian War and the New Jersey campaign, was highly regarded in the region, and settlers flocked to join his force.

His brigade was at his camp in Bennington. Warner's Green Mountain Boys, licking their wounds after the Battle of Hubbardton, were in Manchester. Baum's detachment consisted mainly of Brunswick dismounted dragoons from the Prinz Ludwig Regiment. Along the way they were joined by local Loyalist companies, some Canadians and about 100 Indians, and a Company of British sharpshooters led by Captain Alexander Ferser of the 34th. Baum was originally ordered to proceed to the Connecticut River valley where they believed horses could be procured for the dragoons. However, as Baum prepared to leave, Burgoyne verbally changed the target to a supply depot at Bennington, which was supposed to be guarded by the remnants of Warner's Brigade, some 400 Colonial militia. On August 11, Baum undertook the 40-mile journey to Bennington, but the dismounted dragoons in their cumbersome uniforms, plus their strict adherence to European military formalities, delayed the march. As they advanced, their Indians ravaged the countryside. On August 13, en route to Bennington, after a skirmish with a small force under Colonel Gregg, Baum learned of the arrival in the area of 1,500 New Hampshire militiamen under Stark's command. Baum ordered his forces to stop at the Walloomsac River, about 5 miles west of Bennington. After sending a request for reinforcements to Fort Miller, Baum took advantage of the terrain and deployed his forces on a hill overlooking the river. In the rain, Baum's men built a small redoubt on top of the hill and hoped that the weather would prevent the Americans from attacking before reinforcements arrived. With a small force of 1,500 men, Stark learned of Baum's presence, and sent messengers to summon militia from the area.

Stark's men and a smaller force of Vermont militia under Colonel Seth Warner were near Bennington, as Baum's expedition prepared to attack. On August 14, the American attackers met and encountered a British scouting party at Sancoicks Mills. After sending out a request for reinforcements, Baum advanced 6.5 km to a hill overlooking the Walloomsac River. Just 5 miles from Bennington, Baum's men dug in and around that hill, expecting more American resistance. It became clear to Baum that he was substantially outnumbered by Stark's force. Baum sent further urgent messages to Burgoyne, requesting support, and Burgoyne ordered Colonel Breyman with his Regiment (550 strong) to march to Baum's aid. Late at night on August 15, Stark was awakened by the arrival of Parson Thomas Allen with the RI of militiamen from Berkshirey County in Massachusetts who insisted on joining his force. Stark's forces were again increased the next day by the arrival of some Stockbridge Indians, bringing his strength to almost 2,100: right flank with 550 from Nichols's Regiment; left flank 500 (300 Herrick's Regiment and 200 Vermont Rangers); center-right 550 militiamen under Starck, and center-left 500 militiamen under Hobart. Stark was not the only beneficiary of unexpected reinforcements. Baum's force increased by nearly 100 when a group of local loyalists arrived at his camp on the morning of August 16; bringing his total force to 800 strong (205 dragoons, 24 grenadiers, 57 light infantry, 37 line infantry, 13 artillerymen, 150 Queen's Rangers, 48 British sharpshooters, 150 Loyalists, 56 Canadians and 100 Indians). On the evening of August 16, the weather cleared and Stark ordered his men to stand ready to attack. He is reputed to have rallied his troops saying they were there to “fight for their natural born English rights and there are your enemies, the Redcoats and the Tories. They are ours, or tonight Molly Stark will sleep a widow."

Learning that the militia had disappeared into the woods, Baum assumed that the Americans were withdrawing or redeploying. However, Stark had decided to capitalize on weaknesses in the German's widely distributed position; and he had sent sizeable flanking parties on either side of his lines, under Colonels Nichols on the right (550) and Herrick on the left (500) to attack from the flanks and rear. These moves were supported by a ruse employed by the men of Stark (550) and Hobbart (500), who made a frontal assault to attract the attention of the German and British troops, allowing the flanks to approach safely without alarming. to enemy forces. The Germans, most of whom did not speak English, had been told that soldiers with pieces of white paper in their hats were loyal, and should not be shot. Stark's men had also heard this and many of them had appropriately adorned their hats. Around 3:00 p.m., when fighting broke out, the German position was immediately surrounded by gunfire, which Stark described as "the most fiery engagement I have ever witnessed, resembling continuous thunder." Loyalist and Indian positions were overrun, causing many of them to flee or surrender. This left Baum and his Brunswick dragoons trapped on the high ground alone. The Germans fought valiantly even after running out of powder and the destruction of their ammunition cart. In their desperation, the dragons led a saber-wielding charge in an attempt to break through the encircling forces. The charge failed horribly, inflicting heavy German casualties and failing to gain ground for the rebels.

Baum was mortally wounded in this final charge, and the remaining Germans surrendered. After the battle was over, while the Stark militiamen were busy disarming the prisoners and looting their supplies, Breymann arrived with his reinforcements. Seeing the Americans in disarray, he immediately went on the attack. After hastily regrouping, Stark's forces attempted to hold their own against the new German attack, but began to fall back. Before their lines collapsed, Warner with the Green Mountain Boys arrived on the scene to reinforce Stark's troops. The pitched battle continued until nightfall, when both sides withdrew. Breymann began a hasty retreat; he had lost a quarter of his strength and all of his artillery pieces. The total German and British losses at Bennington that were recorded were 207 killed and 700 captured. American losses included 30 killed and 40 seriously wounded. The battle was at times particularly brutal especially when loyalists met patriots, as in some cases they came from the same communities. The prisoners, who were first held in Bennington, were eventually taken to Boston. Burgoyne's army was preparing to cross the Hudson River at Fort Edward on August 17 when news of the battle first arrived. Believing that reinforcements might be needed, Burgoyne marched the army towards Bennington until news arrived that Breymann and the remnants of his force were returning. Stragglers continued to arrive throughout the day and night, as word of the disaster spread through the camp. The effect on Burgoyne's campaign was significant. Not only had he lost nearly 1,000 men, half of whom were regulars, but he also lost crucial Indian support. In a council following the battle, many of the Indians (who had traveled with him from Quebec) decided to return home.

This loss severely hampered Burgoyne's reconnaissance efforts for days to come. American patriots reacted to news of the battle with optimism. Especially after Burgoyne's Indian screen deserted him, small groups of local patriots began to emerge to harass British positions. A significant portion of Stark's force returned home and did not again become influential in the campaign until they appeared at Saratoga on October 13 to complete the encirclement of Burgoyne's army. On October 4, Stark's reward from the New Hampshire General Assembly for "the memorable battle of Bennington" was "a full suit of clothing which became his rank." One reward Stark probably valued most was a message of thanks from John Hancock, president of the Continental Congress, which included a commission as "Brigadier General of the United States Army." The American victory at Bennington also galvanized the Americans and was a catalyst for French participation in the war.​
«Victoria o Muerte ».
«Victory or Death».
— Attributed to Benedict Arnold on Battles of Saratoga.

The American forces were not particularly well organized or prepared for a pitched battle. Major General Horace Gates had just taken command of the Department of the North, after Burgoyne captured Fort Ticonderoga on July 6. George Washington sent help north in the form of Major General Benedict Arnold, his most aggressive field commander, and Major General Benjamin Lincoln, a Massachusetts man known for his influence in the New England military. He ordered 750 men of Israel Putnam's forces defending the New York highlands to join Gates's army in August, before he was sure Howe had sailed south. He also sent in some of the best forces of his own army: Colonel Daniel Morgan and the newly formed corps of marksmen, comprising some 500 specially selected riflemen from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, chosen for their accuracy. This unit came to be known as Morgan's sharpshooters. By September 8, Gates had reoccupied Schuyler's old position at Stillwater, but seeing that his right flank rested on a flat plain by the Hudson River, offering his better-trained enemy an obvious advantage, he moved 3 miles (5 km) north. to the Bemis heights, whose slopes of about 100 meters high, reached up to 200 meters from the river. Inland, heights reached 300 meters, forming an irregular, heavily forested plateau crossed from east to west by ravines, with isolated farms linked by dark roads. The only route that could carry an army was the main road to Albany, some 30 km to the south, which paralleled the river. Gates's position was an inverted 'U' with sides 1 km long, shrouded in trees (except for the river) that would block the view of enemy scouts. His engineer, the Pole Tadeusz Kosciuszko, proposed to protect his right with two lines of trenches through the low ground by the river, dominated by a flanking battery, with the other three sides resting on the slopes; the center was covered by a ravine north of the Neilson farm; the left flank was not fortified or garrisoned because there were high hills and a lack of men.

A floating bridge was built in front of Bemis's tavern, and Neilson's barn was converted into a fort, with a battery on each side linked by a chest of felled trees (although it would not be completed until October). To defend this position, Gates had 5,600 Continentals and 1,500 militia from New York and Connecticut, with more militia flocking. He also recalled Lincoln, who had 700 men, leaving Warner in Manchester and patrols around Forts Anne and Edward and the Stark forces, effectively suppressing the left flank threat to Burgoyne, which had been carefully created by Schuyler. Stark refused, saying his men had measles, but then later sent 800 men, who arrived on September 12, six days before their enlistments were due to expire. Stark arrived three days later, and made no attempt to persuade them to stay. Meanwhile, the British armies closed in. On September 12 Burgoyne crossed the Hudson River, and on September 15 advanced along the road parallel to the river, while Fraser's advanced detachment continued through the highlands to the west. However, progress was slow, only 5 km a day, as the Americans had blocked the road and destroyed the bridges. The following day (September 16) he advanced another 5 km to reach Sword's house, where Burgoyne stopped for 48 hours while the road was cleared. That same day, Arnold attempted to ambush him, but was unable to find a suitable position, although he captured some foragers and disturbed the men repairing the road.


More worrisome were the militias that had massed on the east bank of the Hudson since 9 September and had moved to both sides of Lake George and three attacks in three directions against the British rear. A column under Colonel Benjamin Woodbridge after leaving Skenesboro attacked Fort Anne, another led by Colonel John Brown attacked the wharf at Fort Ticonderoga on September 18, capturing 4 Companies (156 men) of the 53rd, 119 Canadians, 63 gunners, a brigantine, several cannon boats, and more than 200 ships, as well as freeing more than 100 prisoners. A third column, under Colonel Samuel Johnson, called for the surrender of Fort Ticonderoga, but Powell refused to surrender. Johnson and Brown withdrew from Lake George to attack Dyamon Island. The garrison (two companies of the 47th) were alerted and resisted, so the militia burned the captured ships and returned via Skenesboro. On September 17, the British camped near Sword's Ford, just 4 miles (6.5 km) north of the American position on Bemis Heights. The Americans occupied a bluff overlooking the Hudson River, near Bemis's tavern. On the right flank, Gates had 3,000 troops and most of his artillery. A little to the west, near a farm, Gates had placed his center, commanded by Brig. General Ebenezer found out. On the left flank, he placed several Regiments commanded by Arnold and Colonel Daniel Morgan's men. By September 18, the vanguard of Burgoyne's army had reached a position just north of Saratoga, some 4 miles from the American defensive line, and skirmishes broke out between American covering detachments and Army reconnaissance elements. British. The American camp had become a hotbed of festering intrigue since Arnold's return from Fort Stanwix.

While Schuyler and Gates had been on reasonably good terms, Arnold managed to turn Gates against him by dragging their officers into contention. Those conditions had not yet reached a boiling point on September 19, but the events of the day contributed to the situation. Gates had assigned the left wing of the defenses to Arnold, and he assumed command of the right, which was nominally assigned to General Lincoln, whom Gates had detached in August with some troops to harass British positions behind Burgoyne's army. Both Burgoyne and Arnold understood the importance of the American left and the need to control the heights there. At 10:00 a.m., after the morning fog had lifted, Burgoyne ordered the British Army to advance in three columns. General Baron Riedesel led the left column on the river road, leading the main artillery and guarding the supplies and ships on the river. General James Inglis Hamilton commanded the central column, which would attack the heights; and General Simon Fraser led the right wing, to attack the American left flank by moving through the wooded terrain north and west of Bemis Heights. Arnold had realized that such a flanking maneuver was likely, and requested Gates' permission to move his forces from above to control possible moves, where American skill in woods fighting would be an advantage. Gates, whose preferred strategy was to sit back and wait for the expected frontal assault, reluctantly allowed a reconnaissance in force consisting of Daniel Morgan's men and Henry Dearborn's light infantry. When Morgan's men reached an open field northwest of Bemis Heights belonging to Loyalist John Freeman, they saw advancing British troops in the field.


Fraser's column was slightly delayed and had not yet reached the field, while Hamilton's column also made its way through a ravine and was approaching the field from the east through dense woods and difficult terrain. Riedesel's force, meanwhile on the way, was delayed by obstacles put up by the Americans. The sound of gunfire to the west prompted Riedesel to send some of his artillery down a track in that direction. The troops Morgan's men saw were an advanced company from Hamilton's column. The early morning of September 19 was cool and foggy, but around 11:00 a.m., it cleared, the sun had turned it into a good September day. A signal shot rang out and the British columns began to move. By around 1:00 p.m., the head of Riedesel's columns had slowly advanced south to a point 1.5 miles (2.5 km) east of the Freeman farm. As Ridesel moved south, Fraser led the right column briskly west. His column passed the head of the Great Ravine, continuing for another 1.5 miles to a T-junction heading south toward Bemis Heights. Fraser sent a column to the left at the junction, marched south, then stopped on high ground about 0.5 miles west of the Freeman farm. There he waited, apparently for the center's arrival or order from Burgoyne. Hamilton's column in the center followed the tracks of Fraser's column for a little over a mile, then moved left, south, on a path that eventually turned west to cross the bottom of the Gran Barranco over a bridge that, miraculously, was still intact. American scouts and patrols watched throughout the morning as the British, in their scarlet uniforms, moved through the woods. All of which, Gates, who remained seated, was informed wanted Burgoyne to come to him.


Benedict Arnold, however, did not agree with Gates' plan. He was a man of action and daring, and he called on Gates to take action, if not on all fronts, then at least against the threat to the army's left flank. He finally got permission to send out Morgan's sharpshooters and Dearborn's light infantry. He sent James Wilkinson to inform him of the situation. Gate's intelligence was also better than Burgoyne's, as some of his Indian scouts had left after the Battle of Bennington. Gates's intelligence on Burgoyne's moves was so good that he quickly knew when they were making important moves. Wisdom favored General Gates' decision to bide his time. He was heavily entrenched. His troops were ready to take advantage, his morale never better. He kept a watchful eye and a listening ear on his headquarters. Once he was in position, the Fraser sent a detachment of Loyalists, Canadians, and Indians to establish outposts in the area south of Freeman's farm. Around 12:30 p.m., after they arrived at Freeman's cabin, beginning to wander through the open areas of the farm. Suddenly, the woods near the farm erupted with fire from Daniel Morgan's sharpshooters, who had placed his men in strategic positions, and given them the order to shoot preferably at the officers. All the officers of the Advanced Company were killed, as were many of the men in the unit. The survivors fled in panic pursued by Dearborn's light infantry. As they managed to put the advance company to flight, Fraser's vanguard arrived just in time to attack Morgan's left, scattering his men back into the woods.


James Wilkinson, who had ridden to watch the fire, returned to the American line for reinforcements. As the British company fell back towards the main column, the leading edge of that column opened fire, killing several of their own men by mistaking them for the enemy. Then there was a lull in the fighting around 1:00 p.m., when Hamilton's men began to form up on the north side of the field, and American reinforcements began to arrive from the south. Hearing that Morgan was in trouble, Arnold, whose favorite phrase was "Come on boys," ordered Brigadier General Enoch Poor's Brigade (1,292) with the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd New Hampshires in front, and the 2nd and 4th New Hampshires behind. New York; 1st and 2nd Connecticut Militia, and ordered the Enoch Poor's Brigade to follow them. Burgoyne positioned Hamilton's men with the 21st on the right, the 20th on the left, and the 62nd in the center, with the 9th in reserve, in the clearing of Freeman's farm he had placed his artillery in the center of the edge of the forest on the north side. Benedict Arnold, a fearless commander, quickly assessed the situation and saw that a wide gap still existed between Phillips's force and Burgoyne's center at Freeman's farm. He quickly decided to attack the British center and then, if he could muster enough forces, split the enemy in two and crush each part separately. He began to form his line of attack as fast as he could rush his Regiments into his position. The battle then went through phases alternating between intense fighting and lulls in the action. Morgan's men had regrouped in the woods and fired at British officers and gunners. Arnold's Regiments advanced to hit Hamilton's center and right flank. Then began the fiercest fighting of the battle, which lasted about four hours.


An American penetration of Hamilton's position created a gap in the British line forcing individual units to fight, sometimes in three directions: to the front and to each flank. Fraser sent 8 British Companies, reinforced by riflemen, to support Hamilton. The American assaults failed to break through around Hamilton's right, and the battle became an exchange of frontal attacks and counterattacks that surged back and forth: south to north, north to south, the men moved by Freeman's farm glade. The fire on both sides was so continuous and intense that British officers, who had seen and served in the greatest battles of the Seven Years' War, declared that they had never experienced such intense fire. They were so effective in reducing the latter that the Americans several times gained brief control of the British field pieces, only to lose them on the next British charge. At one point Burgoyne himself was believed to have been shot down by a marksman, but it was one of Burgoyne's assistants, riding a similar horse. The center of the British line was nearly broken at one point, and it was only the intervention of General Phillips, leading the 20th, that made it possible for the 62nd to regroup. In the memoirs of Roger Lamb, (a British soldier present at the battle), he wrote: "In this battle fell an unusual number of officers, for our army abounded with respectable young men at the time, who after several years of general peace Prior to the American Revolution, they were drawn to the profession of arms. Three subalterns of the 20th on this occasion, the oldest of whom was no more than the tender age of 17 like my brother in England, were buried together." The final blow of the battle belonged to the British. Around 3:00 p.m. Riedesel sent a messenger to Burgoyne for instructions.


He returned two hours later with orders to guard the baggage train, but also to send as many men as possible to the American right flank. In a calculated risk, Riedesel left 500 men to protect the vital supply train and marched into action with the rest of his column. Two of his companies advanced in double column and opened fire on the American right, and Fraser's force threatened to envelop the American left flank. In response to the latter threat, Arnold requested more forces, and Gates allowed him to send in Ebenezer Learned's Brigade, but instead of supporting Arnold at the Freeman farm, where he was so badly needed, Learned made a half-hearted attack on the Fraser's wing and was rebuffed. Fortunately for the American right, darkness settled in and ended the battle. The Americans withdrew to their defenses, leaving the British on the battlefield. Burgoyne had won the battlefield but suffered nearly 600 casualties. Most of these were from the central column at Hamilton, where the 62nd was reduced to a single company, and three-quarters of the gunners were killed or wounded. American losses were nearly 65 killed, 218 wounded, and 36 missing. Although it would be widely said in the stories of this battle that General Arnold was in the field, directing some of the action. However, the truth is that Arnold played an active role on Freeman's farm by leading Patriot troops to his position and possibly leading some charges before Gates ordered them to return. Burgoyne's council discussed whether to attack the next day, and a decision was made to delay further action for at least a day, until 21 September. The army moved to consolidate the position closer to the American line while some men collected their dead.


The attack on the 21st was called off when Burgoyne received two pieces of news, a letter dated September 12 from Henry Clinton, who was in command of the British garrison in New York City. Clinton suggested that he could "put pressure on Fort Montgomery in about ten days." (Fort Montgomery was an American post on the Hudson River in the New York Highlands south of West Point.) If Clinton left New York on September 22, "about ten days" after he wrote the letter, he still could not expect to reach the vicinity of Saratoga before the end of the month. The other news was that General Lincoln had surprised and captured the Sugar Hill at Ticonderoga, seizing most of the bulk of the supply fleet on Lake Champlain, which meant that his lines of communication had been severed. . Burgoyne, running low on men and food, was still in a very difficult position, but he decided to wait in the hope that Clinton would arrive to save the army from him. Burgoyne wrote to Clinton on September 23, requesting some kind of assistance or diversion to draw the army away from Gates. In the American field, the mutual resentment between Horatio Gates and Benedict Arnold finally exploded into open hostility. Gates quickly reported the September 19 action to Congress and the Governor of New York, but did not mention Arnold at all. Field commanders and men universally credited Arnold for his success. Almost all the troops involved were under Arnold's command and it was he who led the battle while Gates sat in his tent. Arnold protested, and the dispute escalated into a shouting match that ended with Gates relieving Arnold of command, causing morale to deteriorate among the troops. During this period there were almost daily clashes between pickets and patrols of the two armies. Morgan's snipers, familiar with the strategy and tactics of forest warfare, constantly harassed British patrols on the western flank.


As September turned into October, it became clear that Clinton was not coming to help Burgoyne, who put the army on short rations on October 3. The good news was that Clinton had received 3,000 reinforcements from England and his strength numbered 7,000. He set out at once with 3,000 troops and was at Peekskill on October 5, where he received a message from Burgoyne that he only had provisions until October 29. On October 6 he captured Forts Montgomery and Fort Clinton. The next day, Burgoyne called a council of war in which various options were discussed, but inconclusive. When the council reconvened the following day, Riedesel proposed withdrawal, in which Fraser supported him. Burgoyne refused to consider it, insisting that withdrawal would be shameful. They finally agreed to carry out an attack on the American left flank with 2,000 troops, more than a third of the army, on October 7 in order to discover a vulnerable point to attack, if they found none, they would withdraw on October 19. The US Army had increased, in addition to the return of Lincoln and Stark's detachment, militiamen and supplies continued to pour into the American camp, including ammunition, which had been severely depleted in the first battle. The army Burgoyne faced on October 7 was over 12,000 strong and led by a man who knew the trouble Burgoyne was in. Gates had received constant intelligence on the stream of deserters leaving the British lines and had also intercepted Clinton's response to Burgoyne's request for help. After the First Battle of Saratoga or Freemans Farm, Burgoyne strengthened his defensive lines in positions that stretched from Freeman's farm in the west to the Hudson River in the east. To the south, the American force, commanded by Gates, was still in the fortifications on Bemis Heights.


Gates used that same time to strengthen his defensive lines against an anticipated British attack. Also, additional reinforcements arrived during this same time. Gates kept his force within his entrenchments along the high ground west of the Hudson River. About 3,000 soldiers and most of his artillery took up positions overlooking the river. In the north-northwest position of the line was the 3,800-man division of the Benjamin Lincoln. Lincoln had another 1,200 militiamen from New York, commanded by Brigadier General Abraham T. Broeck, behind him ready to lend immediate support. That area was built around the critical piece of land known as Nielson's farm. If the British captured that area, their artillery could force the Americans off Bemis Heights. On the American left (west) were 600 light infantrymen, commanded by Colonels Daniel Morgan and Henry Dearborn leading the skirmishers and light infantry. On October 7, Burgoyne, whose strength had been reduced to 6,600, decided to launch the reconnaissance attack against the American positions in Bemis Heights. He started this plan with an advance divided into 3 columns, commanded by Brigadier Simon Fraser: Major Lord Balcarres commanded light infantry with 2×6 guns in the right column, Riedsel's Hessian and Brunswick infantry in the central column with 300 men. selected from 4 Regiments with 2×12 and 4×6 guns, and the Grenadiers commanded by Major John Dyke Acland in the left column with 2×6 guns. Major Fraser's rangers and 600 Loyalists and Indians would lead an encircling attack in a wide arc to the west and south. But they would end up marching too far west and not play much of a role in the battle.

Burgoyne decided to maneuver his columns depending on how the Americans deployed and how Gates would react to this move. Fraser pulled his three columns out of the entrenchments and advanced about a mile to the edge of Barber's wheat field, where they fanned out behind Mill Creek. they were forming in the wheat field. Gates sent two officers from his staff to report and ordered 700 of Morgan's corps to attack on the left, 1,323 of Poor's Brigade on the right, and 1,801 of Learned's Brigade in the center to advance and engage the British. The 1,260 of Ten's Brigade of the New York militia stayed in the rear. The battle began when Acland's artillery and grenadiers on the British left spotted Enoch Poor's Brigade in the woods below them and opened fire. Poor's men had formed up at the base of a slight rise. Firing down the slope, artillery fire flew overhead. Acland then ordered a bayonet charge, but before they could begin, Poor's men fired a deadly volley at them and launched their own counterattack. Acland's men were ripped apart, and Acland was shot in both legs and captured. At the same time that Poor's Brigade and Acland's Brigade were fighting each other, Morgan's and Dearborn's men advanced through the woods and attacked Balcarre's light infantry from the flank and rear. One of Burgoyne's couriers was sent to Balcarre with orders to withdraw, but he was killed. Balcarre was never ordered to back down. Balcarre's force quickly collapsed and he fled to the rear. Both British flanks gave way, exposing Riedesel's column to Ebenezer Learned's brigade advance.


Hearing the sounds of battle, Benedict Arnold, relieved of command and confined to his tent, could not contain himself and, turning to his aide, said: “No one will get me to stay in the tent on a day like today! command I will fight as a soldier, but the men will follow me.” He rode onto the battlefield just as Learned's Brigade began their assault, telling the soldiers "come on boys, victory or death." Arnold took the lead and led the men in their assault. Riedelsel's flanks were exposed and they eventually had to fall back. Fraser tried to rally his men and form a second line of defense. At a critical point in the battle, Timothy Murphy (one of Morgan's sharpshooters) was ordered to shoot and kill Fraser. Murphy's first two shots missed but his third shot found his target, mortally wounding Fraser. Pressure from both flanks and from the front forced the British and Hessian troops back on Freeman's farm. On the farm, there were two entrenchments known as Balcarre's Redoubt and Breymann's Redoubt, and two fortified huts in between. The fighting near Mill Creek had lasted about an hour. Arnold realized that an opportunity now existed to follow up the British defeat with a decisive victory on the battlefield. The second part of the battle began with American troops storming the British parapets. At the Balcarres redoubt, the Americans forced their way through the abatis but were repulsed. At this time Learned's Brigade arrived on the scene and Arnold ordered them to clear the reinforced huts between the redoubts. This exposed the southern (left) flank of Breymann's Redoubt. They soon made their way around the British flanks and attacked Breymann's redoubt from the rear. When Arnold was staging an assault, he was shot in the leg and his horse was shot from under him. The Hessians held out as long as they could.


The redoubt was not built to withstand repeated and overwhelming assaults from various directions. The Hessians were eventually forced to surrender as darkness fell. Burgoyne withdrew the force from him, leaving the sick and wounded on the field. Major Armstrong finally caught up with Arnold to officially order him back to headquarters, being taken back in a litter after relieving him of his command for insubordination and telling him that he should not have been on the battlefield. Burgoyne suffered 720 casualties, of whom 270 were killed, 250 wounded, and 200 taken prisoner, and Gates had 50 killed and 150 wounded. During the battle Gates did nothing (something that would be frowned upon by the troops who would give voice later) and remained in the entrenchments talking to a wounded English officer, Francis Clarke. On October 8, overnight and in heavy rain, Burgoyne ordered a withdrawal and began moving north. Finally, they returned to the fortified British camp at Saratoga, on the Hudson River. The darkness had saved Burgoyne from complete defeat. At 10:00 p.m., he arrived at the Schuyler farm and at dawn crossed Fishkill Creek and occupied high ground. On October 10, Gates reached Burgoyne's fortified camp and surrounded it on 3 sides. On October 12, Burgoyne held a council of war in which it was agreed to distribute food to each soldier for three days and to withdraw at night, abandoning cannons and wagons, but it was too late, the Americans had completely surrounded them. On October 13 Burgoyne held another council of war in which it was agreed to send parliamentarians to Gates. The answer was unconditional surrender. On October 17, Burgoyne was forced to formally surrender to Gates and accepted Burgoyne's surrender from the British Army.


The formalized surrender became known as the articles of the Saratoga Convention. Gates agreed that if the British laid down their arms and returned to England, they could keep their colors and go home free men. Burgoyne was allowed to march out of the camp "with the honors of war", and he began his march west. However, when they arrived in New England, Gates's terms were not honored by the Continental Congress. Instead, the British soldiers were sent to prison camps where they would endure hardship and abuse while the officers would be exchanged or kept in a more comfortable prison. Burgoyne's failed campaign, as can be seen from the titles of some of the books that cover him in detail, marked a major turning point in the war. After the battle, he withdrew his men 10 to 15 miles north, near present-day Schuylerville, New York. Burgoyne returned to England and was never given another command post in the British Army. In recognition of his contribution to the battles at Saratoga, Arnold was restored to his position. His injury to his leg left him bedridden for five months. Later, although unfit for field service, he served as military governor of Philadelphia, where he would unknowingly begin contacting and sharing information with Major John Andre who was acting as a British spy, who was later discovered and Arnold was charged with treason due to meeting evidence. Being persecuted by his enemies who were friends of Horatio Gates, Arnold would end up fleeing to the British lines where he would arrive in New York and enter the service of the British Army. Although he left the direction of the battle to his subordinates, Gates would go on to great credit as the general commanding the greatest American victory of the war to date. This would motivate Gates to conspire with others to replace General George Washington as Commander-in-Chief. But while commanding the main American army in the South, Gates would lead the army to a disastrous defeat at the 1780 Battle of Camden, where he led a retreat.


Gates never sent troops into the field again. In response to Burgoyne's surrender, Congress declared December 18, 1777, a national day "with solemn thanksgiving and praise." Once news of Burgoyne's surrender reached France, King Louis XVI decided to enter into negotiations with the Americans which resulted in a formal Franco-American alliance and French entry into the war. This brought the conflict to a global stage. As a consequence, Britain was forced to divert the resources used to fight the war from North America to the West Indian and European theaters, and rely on what turned out to be the chimera of loyal support in its North American operations. The effect of the American victory at Saratoga was enormous. Gates was known as the "Hero of Saratoga." The victory also gave the fledgling country a much-needed boost. With France and Spain joining the war, the American effort was galvanized. The British loss also further weakened the British government under Lord North. The victory at Bemis Heights and the subsequent surrender at Saratoga are generally considered a major turning point in the US War of Independence.

1777: Philadelphia
«Mi intención es Pensilvania, donde espero encontrarme con Washington, pero si él va al norte en contra de mis expectativas, y puedes detenerlo, ten por seguro que pronto iré tras él para relevarte».
«My intention is Pennsylvania, where I hope to meet Washington, but if he goes north contrary to my expectations, and you can hold him off, rest assured I will soon be after him to relieve you».
— Attributed to William Howe, 5th Viscount Howe.


Following Howe's successful capture of New York City in the New York and New Jersey campaign, and Washington's successful actions at the Battles of Trenton and Princeton, the two armies were at an uneasy stalemate in the months of winter of early 1777. Although this time was marked by numerous skirmishes, the British Army continued to hold outposts in New Brunswick and Perth Amboy, New Jersey. Howe had proposed to Lord George Germain, the British civil servant responsible for conducting the war, an expedition in 1777 to capture Philadelphia, the seat of the Second Continental Congress. Germain approved of his plan, albeit with fewer troops than Howe had requested. He also approved of Burgoyne's plans for an expedition to force his way to Albany from Montreal. Germain's approval of Howe's expedition included the expectation that Howe might help Burgoyne by holding a meeting in Albany between Burgoyne's forces and troops that Howe would send north from New York City. Howe decided in early April not to take his army overland to Philadelphia through New Jersey, as this would involve a difficult crossing of the wide Delaware River in hostile conditions, and would probably require the transportation or construction of the necessary boats. . Howe's plan, sent to Germain on April 2, also effectively insulated Burgoyne from any chance of significant support, since Howe would be taking his army by sea to Philadelphia, and the New York garrison was too small for any offensive operations. significant in the Hudson River to help Burgoyne. Washington realized that Howe "certainly ought in good policy to endeavor to cooperate with General Burgoyne" and was puzzled why he did not. Washington at the time puzzled over why Howe was not in place to help Burgoyne, whose invasion army from Canada would be surrounded and captured by the Americans in October.

Historians agree that Lord Germain did a lousy job of coordinating the two campaigns. Howe on December 20, 1776 wrote to Germain, proposing an elaborate set of campaigns for 1777. These included operations to gain control of the Hudson River, expanding operations from the base at Newport, Rhode Island, and seizing the seat of Congress. Continental in Philadelphia. The latter was attractive to Howe, since Washington was just north of the city: Howe wrote that he was "persuaded that the main army should move offensively [against Philadelphia], where the enemy's main force resides." Germain acknowledged that this plan was particularly "well digested," but required more men than Germain was willing to provide. In mid-January 1777, after setbacks in New Jersey, Howe proposed operations against Philadelphia that included an expedition by land and an attack by sea, thinking that this might lead to a decisive victory over the Continental Army. This plan developed to the extent that Howe's army was seen building pontoon bridges in April; Washington, staying at his winter quarters in Morristown, New Jersey, thought they would be for his eventual use on the Delaware River. By mid-May, however, Howe had apparently abandoned the idea of an overland expedition: "I propose to invade Pennsylvania by sea ... we must probably abandon the Jersies." Howe's decision not to help Burgoyne may have been rooted in Howe's perception that Burgoyne would receive credit for a successful campaign, even if he required Howe's help; This would not help Howe's reputation, as would the Philadelphia expedition if he were successful. There was jealousy among various British leaders. Howe himself wrote to Burgoyne on July 17: "My intention is Pennsylvania, where I hope to meet Washington, but if he goes north contrary to my expectations, and you can hold him off, rest assured I will soon be after him to relieve you ”. He sailed from New York shortly after.

Washington's Continental Army had been encamped primarily at Morristown, New Jersey, although there was a forward base at Bound Brook, only a few miles from the nearest British outposts. Partly in retaliation against ongoing skirmishes, General Charles Cornwallis raided the position in April 1777, in which he nearly captured the outpost's commander, Brigadier General Benjamin Lincoln. In response to this incursion, Washington advanced his army to a heavily fortified position at Middlebrook in the Watchung Mountains that commanded probable British land routes to Philadelphia. On June 9, Howe began moving troops from Staten Island to Perth Amboy. By June 11, almost all of Howe's army had moved up the roads along the Raritan River to New Brunswick. Intelligence reports from Washington indicated that Howe had left behind equipment needed to cross the Delaware River and it was unlikely that he was headed for Philadelphia. Washington, as a precaution, called in the militia in southern New Jersey. On June 14, Howe's army marched again, their destination Somerset Court House. Seemingly seeking to draw Washington into battle on open ground, Howe remained there for five days. Washington refused to leave the hills. On June 19, Howe began the march back to Perth Amboy, which he arrived at three days later, having fully evacuated New Brunswick. After refusing to fall into Howe's trap, Washington followed the British in retreat, driving their army from Middlebrook to Quibbletown, and dispatched a strong forward detachment, under Major General William Alexander, Lord Stirling, to the area of the Scotch Plains north of New Brunswick; to cover his left flank and to harass the British. Stirling's forces numbered about 2,500 men.

Alerted to these moves by an American deserter, Howe reversed his march at the end of the day on June 25. Moving quickly with about 11,000 men, he tried to overwhelm Stirling and prevent Washington from regaining a foothold in the mountains. Howe launched a sudden attack on Lord Stirling's position, intending to devastate Stirling's forces, cut off Washington's retreat back to Middlebrook, and engage the Americans in a pitched battle on relatively open ground. On June 26, at 0100 hours, Howe set out in two columns of troops for Perth Amboy. The first column was under the command of Lieutenant General Charles Cornwallis. The second column was under Major General John Vaughan, where Howe would go. Cornwallis's column marched on Woodbridge, while Vaughan's men marched on Bonhamton. As the two columns moved along roughly parallel paths through the Short Hills area, they came into contact with Lord Stirling's guards, and a skirmish began with 150 riflemen from Colonel Daniel Morgan's Provisional Rifle Corps. Fighting broke out near Strawberry Hill, where Captain Patrick Ferguson's men, armed with new rifles, were able to force the Americans to retreat down Oak Tree Road, with the Americans firing at the British from the brush as they fell back. Alerted to the threat, Stirling ordered reinforcements led by Brigadier General Thomas Conway. Hearing the shots from these early encounters, Washington ordered most of the army back to Middlebrook while he relied on Stirling's men to stem the British advance. At around 0830 hours, Conway's men engaged the enemy near the intersection of Oak Tree and Plainfield Roads. Although they offered stubborn resistance that amounted to hand-to-hand fighting, Conway's troops were repulsed.

The Americans withdrew approximately 1.5 km into the Short Hills, Cornwallis pressing on and joining up with Vaughan and Howe at the Oak Tree Junction. To the north, Stirling formed a defensive line near Ash Marsh. Backed by artillery, his 1,798 men held off the British advance for about two hours, allowing Washington to regain the heights. Fighting swirled around the American guns and 3 were captured by the British. As the battle raged, Stirling's horse was killed and his men were driven back to the line at Ash Marsh. Finally the artillery fire and the numerical superiority of the British forced Stirling to withdraw towards Westfield. Moving quickly to avoid British pursuit, Stirling led his troops back into the mountains to meet with Washington. The British stopped at Westfield due to the heat of the day, and abandoned the pursuit, dedicating themselves to looting the town and desecrating the Westfield Meeting House. Later in the day, Howe reconnoitered Washington's lines and concluded that they were too strong to attack. After spending the night at Westfield, he moved his army back to Perth Amboy and by June 30 he had left New Jersey entirely. In the fighting at the Battle of Short Hills, the British admitted 5 killed and 30 wounded. American losses are not precisely known, but the British claimed 100 killed and wounded, as well as 70 captured. Although it was a tactical defeat for the Continental Army, the battle was a strategic victory for Washington. Because Lord Stirling's resistance may have provided Washington with enough time to withdraw him to safer ground, the battle is considered a strategic victory for the Americans. The British, after spending the night at Westfield, returned to their post at Perth Amboy.

Howe then withdrew his troops to Perth Amboy, loaded them onto transports, and sailed out of New York Harbor, bound for Philadelphia. Washington did not know where Howe was going. Considering the possibility that Howe would return to a diversionary maneuver, and in fact sail his army up the Hudson to join Burgoyne, he stayed close to New York. Only when he received word that Howe's fleet had reached the mouth of the Delaware did he have to consider defending Philadelphia. However, the fleet did not enter Delaware, instead continuing south. Not knowing what Howe's objective was, which might be Charleston, South Carolina, he considered going north to help defend the Hudson River when he learned that the fleet had entered the Chesapeake Bay. Sullivan learned that Howe's British Army departure had left Staten Island vulnerable, and he planned and executed a raid against British targets there. Sullivan had learned that although most of the British regulars were near the northern tip of the island, about 700 loyal New Jersey militiamen were scattered along the western shore, facing the mainland. Sullivan's plan was to cross two groups onto the island from points in Elizabethtown, capture prisoners from isolated militia outposts, and destroy supplies. They would then go to the Old Blazing Star ferry to return to the mainland.

The British defenses on the island, under the overall command of Brigadier General John Campbell, consisted of regular elements of the Army of the 52nd, Hessian Regiments, and the loyal New Jersey militia known as Skinner's Brigade, under the command of Cortlandt Skinner. Campbell's men numbered about 900, and were stationed near the northeastern tip of the island. Skinner's men, numbering about 400 according to Campbell's report, were stationed at outposts along the western coast between Dexter's Ferry and Cape Ward. On August 20, Sullivan, at his base in Hanover, New Jersey, ordered his commanders to prepare their troops for a march the next day. The sources do not describe the precise composition of the chosen troops, but most of them were drawn from Sullivan's Division, which consisted of the 1st Brigade and the 2nd Maryland Brigade. Additional troops chosen for the operation included companies of the 2nd Canadian and a company of the New Jersey militia. On the afternoon of August 21, two columns totaling about 1,000 troops left the camp. One column was led by Brigadier General William Smallwood, and the other, led by Sullivan, consisted of troops led by a French officer who had received a brigade commission from the Continental Army, Sir Philippe Hubert Preudhomme de Borre. After reaching Elizabethtown in the late afternoon, they rested for a few hours and began the early crossing the next morning. A detachment, led by Colonel Matthias Ogden, crossed in front of the Fresh Kills and rowed to the Dead, to approach their target, Elisha Lawrence's militia brigade, from their rear. The remaining troops crossed near Palmer Run on the north side of the island, where they divided into three groups. Smallwood and Sullivan took most of their columns to attack specific targets, each leaving a regiment to cover their line of retreat.


Ogden attacked Colonel Lawrence's outpost at dawn, surprising and driving off the militia company. After a few minutes of battle, he had taken 80 prisoners, and moved to the advance guard of Lt. Col Edward Vaughan Dongan, commanding the 3rd Battalion of Skinner's brigade. Dongan's men resisted strongly, despite the fact that he was mortally wounded. This prompted Ogden to retreat to Old Blazing Star. After waiting there to think prudently, Ogden crossed his men back to the mainland before Sullivan and Smallwood arrived. Sullivan moved to attack Skinner's 5th Battalion, under Lt. Col. Joseph Barton, on the New Bazing Star, but these troops were alert and fled as Sullivan's forces advanced on them. Although Sullivan had posted troops to intercept men trying to escape, many of Barton's men escaped, crossing to the Jersey shore or hiding in the area's woods and swamps. Sullivan took 40 prisoners, including Barton. Some of his men advanced to Skinner's headquarters, but the force there was too strong and the Americans withdrew. Smallwood's column was led by his guidance at the head of Abraham van Buskirk's Loyalist Battalion, rather than its rear. He ordered the attack anyway, and Buskirk's men fled until Skinner rallied them, and the tables were turned on the Americans. They began a hasty retreat, though they had time to destroy the camp's supplies and equipment, and managed to seize a banner. Smallwood and Sullivan joined forces near Richmond, a town in the center of the island, and headed for the Old Blazing Star. Sullivan sent the boats to speed up the crossing, but they never arrived, so he began crossing the troops and prisoners using the three boats Ogden had ordered across earlier.


As they did so, Skinner and his company closed in, accompanied by forces from Campbell, the 52nd, and the Waldeck and Anspach Regiments. Sullivan ordered Major Stewart's and Major Tillard's companies to cover the retreat. With about 80 men, they successfully held off the British forces, while all other American troops crossed to the mainland, repulsing several determined attempts to break through their line. Although part of this cover line managed to escape, several men were killed, and a considerable number surrendered after they ran out of ammunition and the British began canister fire on them. Sullivan's forces marched south after the battle, and were able to join General George Washington's defensive arrangements south of Philadelphia in time to participate in the Battle of Brandywine on September 11. In late August 1777, after a harrowing 34-day voyage from Sandy Hook on the New Jersey shore; a Royal Navy fleet of more than 260 ships carrying some 17,000 British troops under British General William Howe, who had left some 3,000 British troops in reserve in New York under General Clinton in case he needed aid. During the voyage, supplies spoiling and dwindling at a rapid rate, he landed at the head of the Elk River, at the northern end of the Chesapeake Bay then known as Elk's Head, approximately 60-80 km southwest of Philadelphia. . Unloading the ships proved to be a logistical problem because the narrow neck of the river was shallow and muddy. The British were forced to forage for nearly three weeks before coming to a decision. This gave Washington enough time to move his forces to his place with the claim that Howe was after Philadelphia.


General George Washington had positioned his force of some 12,000 Continentals and 3,000 militiamen between the head of Elk and Philadelphia. His forces were able to reconnoiter the British landing from Iron Hill near Newark, Delaware, about 9 miles to the northeast. Due to the delay in landing the ships, Howe did not set up a typical camp, but quickly moved forward with the troops. As a result, Washington was unable to obtain accurate information from the British forces. After a skirmish at Cooch's Bridge south of Newark, British troops moved north, and Washington abandoned a defensive camp along Red Clay Creek near Newport, Delaware; to deploy against the British at Chadds Ford. This location was important as it was the most direct passage across the Brandywine River on the way from Baltimore to Philadelphia. On September 9, Washington posted detachments to guard other fords above and below Chadds Ford, hoping to force the battle there. Washington was confident that with this deployment, the area was safe. The British Army, moving into Chester County, Pennsylvania in two columns, mustered in the small hamlet of Kennett Square on September 10. Howe, who had better information about the area Washington occupied, had no intention of launching a full-scale frontal attack against the prepared American defenses. Instead, he employed a flanking maneuver, similar to the one used in the Battle of Long Island. Some 6,800 men under TG Wilhelm von Knyphausen advanced to meet Washington's troops at Chadds Ford. The remainder of Howe's troops, some 9,000 men, under the command of Charles, Lord Cornwallis, marched north to Trimble's Ford via the western tributary of Brandywine Creek, then east to Jefferies Ford (two fords that Washington had overlooked); and then south to outflank US forces.


September 11 began with a heavy fog, which covered the British troops. Washington received conflicting reports of British troop movements and continued to believe that the main force was moving to attack Chadds Ford. At 0530 hours, British and Hessian troops began to march east along the "Great Road" from Kennett Square, advancing towards the American troops located where the road crossed Brandywine Creek. The first shots of the battle were fired about 4 miles west of Chadds Ford, at Welch's Tavern. Some 300 of Maxwell's Continental Light Infantry clashed with the British vanguard (mainly the Queen's Rangers, and a Loyalist Battalion). After firing a minimal number of volleys, the Americans quickly fell back to a second line at an elevated position approximately 700 meters east of their starting position around the small town of Hamerton. Flanking on both sides of the single-lane highway and hidden by dense trees, fences and other obstacles, the Americans waited for the British to close in before firing another short series of volleys and falling back where they continued to join the British forces. additional light infantry. This convinced the British that a cautious approach had to be taken because they formed up into a vulnerable marching column. The British continued to advance and found a larger force of Continentals behind the stone walls in the gardens of the Old Kennett meeting house. The battle was fought at mid-morning around the meeting house, while the anti-war Quakers continued to hold their mid-week service. Later, one of the Quakers wrote: "While there was much noise and confusion, all was quiet and peaceful." From the meeting house grounds, the battle continued for 5 km to Brandywine Creek, at Chadds Ford.


Eventually the British drove the Americans back, but not before taking heavy losses. Knyphausen deployed along the Brandywine the 2 British Battalions in the front line on the immediate heights, and the Hessian Brigade in the second line. By 10:30 a.m., Knyphausen was in a position to launch a coordinated attack between Brinton and Chadd fords. The main British column under General Cornwallis (accompanied by General Howe) left Kennett Square at 05:00. Loyal local sources had provided Howe with knowledge of two unguarded fords above the forks of the Brandywine. The 27 km flank march took him about 9 hours to complete. The British appeared on the Americans' right flank around 2:00 p.m. and took a much-needed rest on Osbourne Hill, a commanding north of the Continental Army. Having received information from Colonel Bland's scouts, Washington ordered Sullivan (1,100) to take command of Stirling's (1,500) and Stephen's (1,500) Divisions and to march rapidly north to meet the British flank attack. As they formed their lines north of Dilworth, Howe launched the attack on him. Having taken overall command of the army's right, Sullivan left his Division to consult with the other generals. His own Division was left under the command of Preudhomme de Borre, with orders to move to the right to link up with the Stirling and Stephen Divisions (from left to right, the Divisions were organized as Sullivan, Stirling and Stephen). As the British lines advanced, Hessian Jägers threatened to outflank the American right, forcing Stephen and Stirling to shift to the right. Howe was slow to attack, giving the Americans time to locate some of his men on high ground near the Birmingham Meetinghouse, about a mile north of Chadds Ford.


At 4:00 p.m., the British attacked. In second line in supporting the first line the British 3rd and 4th Brigades and the Hessian Brigade. The British Guards Brigade took Borre, commanding the 2nd Maryland Brigade, by surprise on the American left. Before Borre had time to finish forming up, the British charged and the Americans fled in disorder, causing the entire Division to would fall Initially, Stephen's and Stirling's Divisions held their ground, aided by a battery on a knoll between their Divisions. However, the British Battalions, aided by the Jägers, eventually drove Stephen's Division back. A bayonet charge by British Grenadier Brigades in the center similarly forced Stirling to withdraw. Lafayette had just arrived, joining Stirling's Division, when he received a wound while trying to rally the retreating troops. Around 6:00 p.m., Washington and Greene arrived with reinforcements to try to stop the British, who were then occupying Meeting House Hill. Washington conversed with Greene and Knox, the latter of whom was chief of artillery, in the courtyard of William Brinton's house. The 2nd Grenadier Brigade was closing in on his position, and was joined by the 4th Brigade. It was determined that Knox would deploy artillery to slow the British advance. Greene's reinforcements, combined with the remnants of Sullivan's, Stephen's and Stirling's Divisions, formed up south of Dilworth and held off the pursuing British for almost an hour, leaving the rest of the army to withdraw. As darkness fell, Greene's Division finally began the march on Chester along with the rest of the army. The British Army was unable to pursue him due to the start of the night. The Americans were also forced to leave behind many of their guns on Meeting House Hill because nearly all of their horse artillery had been killed.


Location of the Stirling Division on Birmingham Hill west of the Birmingham Road (looking west). British Grenadier Battalions attacked from right to left, forcing Stirling back with a bayonet charge. Hearing the attack from Cornwallis's column, Knyphausen launched an attack on the weakened American center across Chadds Ford, breaking up the divisions commanded by Wayne and William Maxwell and forcing them to withdraw and leave most of their guns behind. Armstrong's militia, who had not participated in the fighting, also decided to withdraw from their positions. Further north, Greene sent Brigadier General George Weedon's troops to cover the road outside the town of Dilworth to hold off the British long enough for the rest of the Continental Army to withdraw. Darkness halted the British pursuit, allowing Weedon's force to withdraw. The defeated Americans withdrew to Chester where most of them arrived by midnight, with stragglers arriving until morning. The American withdrawal was well organized, largely due to the efforts of Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, who, though wounded, created a foothold that allowed for a more orderly withdrawal before being treated for his wound. The official list of British casualties details 587 casualties: 93 dead (8 officers, 7 sergeants and 78 enlisted men); 488 wounded (49 officers, 40 sergeants, 4 drummers and 395 troops); and 6 disappeared. Only 40 of the British Army casualties were Hessians. An initial report by a British officer recorded US casualties of more than 200 killed, around 750 wounded, and 400 taken prisoner, many of them wounded. A member of General Howe's staff claimed that the rebels buried 400 rebels in the field.


There would be no record of US casualties at Brandywine and figures, official or otherwise, were never released. But Major General Nathanael Greene, who estimated that Washington's army had lost between 1,200 and 1,300 men. On September 14, some 350 wounded Americans were transferred from the British camp at Dilworth to a newly established hospital in Wilmington, Delaware. General Greene's estimate of the Americans' total loss was accurate, so they had between 1,160 and 1,260 killed, wounded, or marooned during the battle. The British also captured 11 of the 14 American artillery pieces. Among the American wounded was the Marquis de Lafayette. In addition to losses in battle, 315 men were sent as deserters from Washington's camp during this stage of the campaign. Although Howe had defeated the American army, his lack of cavalry prevented his total destruction. Washington had made a grave mistake in leaving his right flank wide open and had nearly annihilated his army had it not been for Sullivan's, Stirling's and Stephen's Divisions fighting for time. Night was approaching, and despite the early start Cornwallis had made to the outflanking maneuver, most of the US Army was able to break out. In his report to the Continental Congress detailing the battle, Washington stated: "Despite the misfortune of the day, I am pleased to report that most of my men are in good spirits and still have the courage to fight the enemy another day." ”. The Continental Congress left Philadelphia, moving first to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, for a day and then to York, Pennsylvania. Military supplies were moved from the city to Reading, Pennsylvania. Washington withdrew across the Schuylkill River, marched through Philadelphia, and headed northwest. Since the Schuylkill River could be forded upriver, beginning at Matson's Ford.

Washington could protect the capital and vital supply areas to the west from behind the river barrier. However, he reconsidered and recrossed the river to face the British, who had moved little from Brandywine, due to a shortage of wagons to transport both their wounded and his baggage. On the morning of September 16, Washington's 10,000-man army moved west through the Great Valley, hemmed in by the hills to the north and south. Informed by his cavalry commanded by Brigadier Casimir Pulaski, that the British were advancing on him from the south, a few miles away. Although moving to the northern foothills of the valley would have given Washington more time to deploy and possibly fortify, he ordered the army to drive south directly toward the British to take up a defensive position in the southern foothills of the valley. The position was 5 km long and strong, especially in the center. Washington sent an advance force under Brigadier Anthony Wayne to check the British progress. At about 2:00 p.m., his men encountered advanced units of Hessian jägers on a road. These forces began to skirmish, and the Americans nearly captured Colonel Carl von Donop when he had broken away from his main column with a company of jägers. The main British column, led by Lieutenant General Charles Cornwallis, encountered Wayne's militia in Pennsylvania on another road at about 3:00 p.m., who gave in and retreated in a panic. While this was going on, Washington, who was trying to organize the line of battle, had a change of heart about the position and ended up withdrawing the army north of the White Horse Tavern. He barely started moving, when it started pouring rain. Captain Johann Ewald of the jägers described it as “an extraordinary storm, […] combined with the strongest downpour in this world”.


The British Army stopped its advance, although General Wilhelm von Knyphausen ordered the Jägers to attack the enemy. Ewald and his men rushed forward, swords drawn from wet powder, and captured 34 men. The storm continued into the next day. The British were forced to build a makeshift camp (having left their tents behind that day), and Washington managed to form a battle line, but much of his ammunition was spoiled by the rain and the crates poorly constructed cartridges. On September 19, Washington withdrew once beyond the Schuylkill River to cover both the capital and its supply zone, but left behind Wayne's 1,500-man, four-gun Division of Pennsylvania with orders to harass the British rear. Howe's army found it nearly impossible to follow Washington over the bumpy roads. The decision was made to wait out the storm and then move on to their objective. Both armies had about 100 casualties each in the skirmishes. After the Battle of the Clouds was aborted by bad weather, Washington again withdrew across the Schuylkill River, leaving Wayne's Pennsylvania Division in Chester, Pennsylvania. When the British columns arrived, Wayne followed them to harass the British and try to capture all or part of his baggage train. Wayne assumed his presence had gone undetected and he camped near the British lines at Paoli. His Pennsylvania Division consisted of the 1st Brigade under Colonel Thomas Hartley (1st, 2nd, 7th, and 10th), the 2nd Brigade under Colonel Richard Humpton (4th, 5th, 8th, and 11th), Hartley's Continental Regiment, a Company attached artillery and a corps of light dragoons (1st and 2nd) under Polish Count Kazimierz Pulaski. Altogether some 1,600 strong, encamped less than a mile away was William Smallwood's militia in Maryland, with about 2,100 relatively inexperienced strongmen.


The British heard rumors that Wayne was in the area. Howe sent out spies who reported his location near the Paoli Tavern on September 19. As his position was only four miles from the British camp at Tredyffrin, Howe immediately planned an attack on Wayne's relatively exposed camp. There was a strong loyalist presence in Pennsylvania and the British had good intelligence during the campaign. Furthermore, 18th century warfare was, in many respects, an informal business and it seems likely that soldiers from both sides frequented the taverns, particularly Paoli's, which was located midway between the two camps. Howe was fully aware of Wayne's presence and had a precise understanding of his strength. On September 20, during the night, Howe sent Gray to deal with Wayne's Division. Major General Charles Gray left with his force at 10:00 p.m., he had 1,200 troops (42nd, 44th, 1 Light Company, Ferguson's sharpshooters, and 16th dragoons), 3 km away was the detachment of Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Musgrave with 600 troops (40th and 50th). By Grey's order, flintlocks had been removed from his men's muskets to ensure that no shots gave the Americans advance notice. The attack was to be with a fixed bayonet. Thus he acquired the nickname "No Flints" from Gray. The British, led by a local blacksmith forced to act as a guide, marched down the road from Moores Hall to Admiral Warren's Junction, approached Wayne's camp near General Paoli's tavern from a wood, and achieved a complete surprise. They stormed the camp in three groups: the light infantry, skirmishers and dragoons in the lead, the 44th in the second line, and the 42nd highlander in the third line.


As the main British light infantry approached the junction, an American picket fired. These shots are said to have alerted the Pennsylvania camp behind the woods south of the crossing. Completely unprepared, Wayne's troops fled the field and were pursued. Near the White Horse tavern, the British encountered Smallwood's force and routed it as well. The British had defeated an entire American Division. In the face of the British charge, the Pennsylvania troops were scattered and driven westward from the camp, many through a breach in a fence along the edge of the camp. The groups of British soldiers mixed with the Americans and the confused fight continued until the White Horse tavern. Smallwood's force approached from the west as the attack was drawing to a close and was attacked passing the White Horse public house. The inexperienced and poorly organized Maryland militia dissolved in confusion. The accusation was made against Wayne that he allowed his camp to be surprised. At his request, he was court-martialed which cleared him of this charge. Whether caught by surprise or not, the attack was well executed and highly successful, allowing Howe to take Philadelphia in a few days with little further resistance from the main US army under Washington. After the battle, the Americans vowed revenge on the British light infantry. To show their defiance, the 46th and 49th Light Companies, which were part of the Light Infantry, dyed their hat feathers red so that the Americans could identify them. An official investigation found that Wayne had made a tactical error. He was enraged and demanded a full court-martial.

The Battle of Paoli was a severe humiliation for the Pennsylvania Continental troops, but probably little else. The fight is known as the "Paoli Massacre" to Americans. But it's hard to see how that label can be justified in light of the small number of US fatalities, just 53 dead, 113 wounded of which 40 were serious, and 71 captured. The British had 4 killed and 7 wounded. Although it is said that the British did not take prisoners. This accusation was frequently made in the War of Independence and is made against both sides. In Wayne's Division 272 were lost including those who deserted. On September 26, Howe finally got past Washington and marched on Philadelphia unopposed. The capture of the rebel capital did not end the rebellion as the British thought. In 18th century warfare, it was normal for the side that captured the enemy's capital to win the war. But the war would continue for another six years, given the unconventional warfare tactics of the Patriots at the time.
What think about this new format of Chapters? I know I am following a lot the OTL but I don't feel need change it.

If want I can bring a intense post chapters bombing but are long chapters
What think about this new format of Chapters? I know I am following a lot the OTL but I don't feel need change it.

If want I can bring a intense post chapters bombing but are long chapters
I think they're decent but given they're following otl events, I'm just hoping we can see the end of them to see what's gonna happen to the rest of the world.
I think they're decent but given they're following otl events, I'm just hoping we can see the end of them to see what's gonna happen to the rest of the world.
Same here
Of course. I try to give more details now, not a general view of the success.

Apart, I choose follow a friend advice and follow the Kingdom of America inspired by works made by @Kaiser of Brazil or anothers.

PST: i take inspiration, not copy or plagiarism. I respect the anothers works if that work respect and don't is a sassy wank.
1778: The Darkest Hour of the Revolution.
«La vista era horrible. La noche era muy oscura. Las llamas ardientes se extendieron con toda rapidez y el viento soplaba violentamente. Los gritos de las voces humanas de jóvenes y viejos, que habían visto sus pertenencias consumidas por las llamas sin salvar nada, pusieron a todos en una melancolía».

«The sight was horrible. The night was very dark. The burning flames spread rapidly and the wind blew violently. The cries of the human voices of young and old, who had seen their belongings consumed by the flames without saving anything, put everyone in a melancholy».

— Attributed to Johann Ewald, a German officer serving with the British.


Following Charles Cornwallis's capture of Philadelphia on September 26, William Howe left 3,462 men behind for its defense by dispatching 9,728 troops to Germantown, 5 miles north, determined to locate and destroy the American forces. Howe established his headquarters at Stenton, the former residence of James Logan. As the British army split up, Washington now saw an opportunity for victory. He decided to attack the English garrison at Germantown in a last effort before winter. His plan was to attack the English at night with four columns from different directions, thus creating a double envelope, surprising the English and Hessian armies in the same way that he had surprised the Hessians at Trenton. Germantown was a small town of stone houses that stretched from Mount Airy in the north to Market Square in the south. Southwest of Market Square was Schoolhouse Lane, which ran 1.5 miles (2.4 km) to where the Wissahickon Creek empties into the Schuylkill River by way of a waterfall. William Howe had established base camp on the high ground above Schoolhouse and Church roads. The western sector of the camp was led by the Hessian General Wilhelm von Knyphausen, with two Jäger battalions on his left flank just above the mouth of the Wissahickon. A Hessian Brigade and two British Brigades camped along Market Square, and to the east of there another two British Brigades led by General James Grant, as well as the 1st Battalion. Covering the right flank was the New York loyalist unit known as the Queen's Rangers. At dusk on October 3, the US Army began a 16-mile march south toward Germantown in complete darkness. Since the attack was to take place at dawn, the soldiers were instructed to put a piece of white paper in their hats to distinguish themselves from the enemy.


They were not detected by either the Hessian jägers or the British light infantry, and the American troops were advancing on them. It seemed that the Continentals were going to repeat their success at the Battle of Trenton; however, the darkness made communication between columns difficult, and progress was slower than expected. By dawn, most of the US forces had not yet reached their positions, and the element of surprise had been lost. General Armstrong's column with the Pennsylvania militia, advancing along Ridge Road on the enemy's left, managed to position itself at the appointed time. However, instead of advancing to fall upon the enemy and attack their rear, he halted near the mouth of the Wissahickon, where he had a brief engagement with the jäger troops, shelling Knyphausen's camp before withdrawing. The only thing General Armstrong accomplished was to keep a sizable Hessian force initially out of the battle for the first part of the day. The Maryland militia under General William Smallwood and the New Jersey militia under General David Forman did much worse on the British right. They were lost during the night and arrived in time to join the retreat. Nathanael Greene's column, made up of Greene's and Adam Stephen's Divisions, and McDougall's Brigade, came down Limekiln Road. Sullivan and Greene's IDs did not reach Chestnut Hill, their original destination at dawn. As they descended the valley and approached Mount Airy, the sun was rising, but it was soon covered by a thick low-lying mist. Conway's BRI led the way with Sullivan's Division behind and Wayne's Division bringing up the rear. A Regiment from Conway's Brigade and a Regiment from Maryland advanced to the front. A detachment commanded by Captain Allen McLane of Delaware was sent to take the enemy's advanced picket line at Allen's house on Mt. His men killed the double sentinels with the loss of one man.


The outpost fired a 6lb cannon, alarming the entire British army and they fell back on the 2nd and 40th Battalions under Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Musgrave who were forming up in battle line on Mount Airy. Conway formed his brigade to attack the British head-on, while Sullivan deployed his division to the right of Allen Lane. The 2nd and 40th Battalions fought stubbornly, fighting behind every ditch, fence and wall. As they retreated, Howe hearing the shots rode forward, thinking they were being attacked by a scouting party or guerrillas, and gave orders to hold positions; At that moment, a canister shot scattered the leaves over his head, convincing him that it was not a small raid, but an attack in force. He immediately turned his horse and galloped back to the main British line and prepared to attack. Meanwhile, Musgrave's men encountered Conway's brigade and stopped him in his tracks. Sullivan deployed his men in a battle line west and to the right of the main road, but Musgrave refused to budge. Wayne's troops who attacked from the east to bayonet. The British fell back, vigorously contesting the ground as several fell prey to American bayonets. Due to heavy fog, Musgrave was able to withdraw with most of his forces, but ordered 6 companies of the 40th (about 120 men) to the Chief Justice's Chew House, located on the main road, and occupy it as a strong point. As Sullivan passed to the west of the house and Wayne to the east, Musgrave and his men fired at them. Sullivan, leaving Chew's house behind, sent word to Washington to take charge, and they continued their advance. General Washington with the reserve and stopped at the Chew House, which was fenced off. General Knox, as head of artillery and whose opinion was highly respected by Washington, insisted that a force could not be left in the rear.


He insisted that the garrison must be summoned to surrender and, if not, taken by force. Knox's opinion prevailed, and Lieutenant Colonel William Smith of Virginia volunteered to carry the Parliamentarian flag. As soon as he stepped out into the open, several shots rang out and he collapsed on the grass. He would die of his injuries 20 days later. Maxwell, with his brigade and 4 × 3 guns, attacked the house vigorously. A siege ensued that eventually lasted an hour, resulting in the deaths of more than 50 Americans and countless injuries. Every effort was made to dislodge those inside. By the time the front door was opened, the defenders had stacked furniture and formed a barricade, pushing back the attackers. Two regiments from New Jersey had attacked again and again receiving 46 casualties. Bodies littered the lawn when John Laurens of South Carolina and Sir Duplessis attempted to burn down the house. They reached a window, Duplessis jumped inside (the only American soldier to do so), however he was unsuccessful. Both officers withdrew; Laurens slightly injured in the arm. During this continued attack on the house by reserve forces, Sullivan and Wayne pressed the attack. Meanwhile, the rest of Greene's division launched a savage attack on the British line as planned and broke through, capturing several British troops. Sullivan and Wayne continued past Chew's house and began their attack. In the fog, Wayne's brigade met Stephen's brigade and the two American brigades exchanged fire. Both brigades broke and fled. Sullivan's brigade was attacked on both flanks, on his left by Grant with the 5th and 55th British, and on his right by Brigadier Gray. Sullivan's brigade was broken. The British then turned on Greene's isolated division, capturing Colonel Matthews and his 9th Virginia.


Attacked by the British 25th and 27th Guards, Greene withdrew up the main road to the northwest, assisted by efforts from Muhlenberg's brigade. Around 0830 hours, a general withdrawal was ordered. Washington was able to take all the guns and the wounded. Lt. Col Musgrave and his 6 companies of the 40th remained at Chew House until rescued by General Grant's forces. The Americans were chased north by the British who kept a respectable distance, occasionally lobbing cannon fire, which were answered by the Americans. They followed the Americans for about 15 km before withdrawing to their camp. Washington led his army back to Penneybacker's Mill, where, after 24 hours of continuous and strenuous efforts, he made quarters for the wounded and resumed his camp. When conditions deteriorated, Washington was forced to withdraw some 25 km, harassed by British light dragoons. Washington's casualties were 152 dead (30 officers and 122 men) and 521 wounded (117 officers and 404 men). More than 400 were captured including Colonel Mathews and the entire 9th Virginia. A cannonball amputated the left leg of General Francis Nash who died on October 8 at the home of Adam Gotwals. His body was buried with full military honors on October 9 at the Mennonite meetinghouse in Towamencin, Pennsylvania. Major John White, wounded at Cliveden, died on 10 October. Lieutenant Colonel William Smith, wounded while carrying the flag of truce to Chew's house, also died of his injuries. In all, 57 Americans were killed in the attack on Chew's house. Major General Stephen was court-martialed and demoted after it was discovered that he was drunk during the battle. Command of his division was handed over to the Marquis de Lafayette.

The English had a total of 70 dead (4 officers and 66 soldiers) and 450 wounded (30 officers and 420 soldiers). Among the dead English officers are General James Agnew and Lieutenant Colonel John Bird. Lieutenant Colonel Walcott of the 5th was mortally wounded. After his defeat at the Battle of Germantown, Washington's army withdrew along Skippack Pike to Pawling's Mill beyond Perkiomen Creek, where they camped until October 8. They then marched east on Skippack Pike, turned left on Forty-Foot Road, and marched up Sumneytown Pike, where they camped on Frederick Wampole's property near Kulpsville in Towamencin Township. On October 16, Washington's forces marched on Methacton, one group across the Forty-Foot Road and Skippack Pike, the other up the Sumneytown Pike and North Wales Road. On October 20, they marched down Skippack Pike to Whitpain. On November 2, Washington marched his forces, one column across Skippack Pike and the other on Morris Road and present-day Pennsylvania Avenue, to White Marsh, approximately 12 miles (20 km) northwest of Philadelphia. In early December, Howe decided to make one last attempt to destroy Washington's army before the onset of winter, and began preparations for the attack on American forces rumored to be in the process of moving to a new camp. The Washington intelligence network, led by Major John Clark, became aware of British plans to surprise Americans, through a Quaker housewife named Lydia Darragh. The Continental Army was ready when Howe left Philadelphia, with a force of approximately 14,000 men, at midnight on December 4. The advanced column, led by Lieutenant General Charles Cornwallis, headed up Germantown Pike. A second column, led by Major General Wilhelm von Knyphausen, marched to the American left. Washington and his men are itching to fight.

Washington, hearing complaints from Congress after losing two major battles and the city of Philadelphia in 3 months, would like nothing more than one more showdown with Howe. Washington's soldiers would love nothing more than the opportunity to take out their frustrations on Howe's redcoats. In the first week of December. The Continental Army, camped for the past month at Whitemarsh, 12 miles northwest of Philadelphia, was awaiting an attack that Washington spies assured them would come. Entrenched in heavily wooded hills, the continental troops were in a bad mood. They were cold, hungry and tired. And they hadn't been paid since late summer. They occupy fortified high ground, a circumstance that fosters feelings of invulnerability. The night sky had convinced some American soldiers that a big battle was coming. Howe had a bloody battle in mind, as he set out with nearly his entire army, some 12,000 British and German troops, from Philadelphia late on the night of December 4, leaving only 3,000 troops behind. Hoping for a decisive victory (or at least to drive back Washington's army so that British troops could safely venture out of the city on foraging expeditions), Howe wanted to make one last attack on the Continental Army before the arrival of winter. Howe had two strategic objectives in 1777. He achieved one when his army occupied Philadelphia in late September. The other was to destroy Washington's army, which had eluded him, even though he defeated the Americans at the Battles of Brandywine and Germantown. Both Howe and Washington were operating in the shadow of the devastating British defeat at the Battle of Saratoga. Howe knew that he could be criticized for not having done more to help Lieutenant General John Burgoyne, the defeated British commander, invade New York from Canada.

Howe has already offered his resignation from the ministry in London, complaining that the ministry had not given him enough staff. Washington was also covering his back. Some in Congress and the military had begun whispering about his leadership, particularly Brigadier General Thomas Conway, an Irish-born French citizen serving in the Continental Army. Conway believed that Major General Horatio Gates, the victor at Saratoga, should replace Washington as commander-in-chief. While Washington was upset by the criticism, he hadn't let it affect his judgment. With his usual desire to see things for himself, he had left his headquarters to explore the British defenses of Philadelphia. Washington found that the British fortifications, which ran from Kensington on the Delaware River to Upper Ferry at Schuylkill, were much stronger than he had been told, and an attack on Philadelphia was out of the question. How lucky for Washington, then, that Howe had decided to go after him. Howe and his officers had done their best to keep the impending attack secret, but the British preparations had not escaped the notice of patriotic Philadelphians, who have passed on the information to Washington spies. On December 4, after taking out 6 days' rations, the British left Philadelphia at midnight. When they appeared just outside Chestnut Hill in the pre-dawn hours, the Americans, some 15,000 strong, including reinforcements from Gates's army, were awake and waiting for them. Washington ordered the Pennsylvania militia on his right flank to advance and skirmish with the advancing light parties. Irvine took 600 men and marched them up the Wissahickon Valley toward Chestnut Hill.

General James Potter's brigade of about 1,000 Pennsylvania militiamen and Webb's 200-man Connecticut Mainland moved to support Irvine's right. The fight was short and fierce; the militia commander, General William Irvine, was wounded and captured as he tried to rally the retreating Pennsylvania militiamen. Potter's brigade immediately fled, despite orders to advance and skirmish with the British light infantry. The 2nd Connecticut made a brief stop, killing three and wounding eleven, including British captain James Murray-Pulteney. British Lieutenant Colonel Robert Abercromby decided to take advantage of him after dispersing Irvine's troops. He advanced north and captured the Episcopal Church of St. Thomas, located on a hill. Howe arrived soon after, and climbed to the top of the church steeple in an attempt to see the American positions. Deciding that the American defenses were too strong to be attacked with his force, he opted to bombard their defenses with artillery fire; however, his guns did not have the range to reach Washington's defenses. His forces camped on Chestnut Hill that night and planned a new form of attack for the following day. The action opened three days of maneuvers, as Howe's troops moved back and forth across the American front, keeping a mile apart, looking for an opening. Behind his lines, the Americans followed the British feints, denying Howe any point of attack. As Howe's soldiers marched and countermarched, they took out their anger on the civilian population, burning houses as they went. On December 6, Howe decided on a flank move to the American left, towards Jenkintown and Cheltenham Township, while Maj. Gen. Charles Gray's forces would create a diversion by attacking the American center.

Washington did not move from his position, and then decided to burn towns to provoke him. Johann Ewald, a German officer serving with the British, described the scene of the night when the army burned houses in the villages of Cresheim and Beggarstown: “The sight was horrible. The night was very dark. The burning flames spread rapidly and the wind blew violently. The cries of the human voices of young and old, who had seen their belongings consumed by the flames without saving anything, put everyone in a melancholy”. Even American opponents of the war are horrified. Robert Morton, a teenage Quaker from Philadelphia, writes in his diary that the soldiers "committed great atrocities against the inhabitants ... as if the sole purpose of the expedition was to destroy and spread ruin and desolation, to set the inhabitants to rebellion." , stripping them of their property…”. On December 7, Howe makes a last-ditch effort to swing toward the American left flank through Abington and Edge Hill, a ridge that runs parallel to the American lines. Washington quickly responded with Colonel Daniel Morgan's marksmanship and the Maryland militia. The Americans withdrew after some heavy fighting, but the British withdrew as well. Small-scale fighting, collectively known as the Battle of Edge Hill, continued throughout the day in the thick woods, but did not develop into a full-scale battle. On the morning of December 8, British generals and engineers once again surveyed American positions, looking for any vulnerabilities in American defenses that could be exploited. To the astonishment of both the British and the Americans, Howe decided to withdraw and return to Philadelphia.


Despite having been successful in two major skirmishes in the previous days, his maneuver had not gone as far as he had hoped and his troops' supplies were running low. Also, the nights were getting colder and the troops had left their lead and equipment in Philadelphia. At 2:00 p.m., the British began their withdrawal, lighting numerous fires, in a tactic similar to one used by Washington three days earlier, to conceal their movements. An American reconnaissance party, led by Captain McLane, discovered that Howe was marching back up the Old York Highway toward Philadelphia and reported this information to Washington. Morgan's troops harassed the enemy's rear, particularly Grey's column, which was hampered by the weight of the artillery it was carrying. A contingent of Hessians formed up to oppose them with their field pieces, and Morgan's troops withdrew. The British arrived in Philadelphia that same day. After the British withdrawal to Philadelphia. George Washington held a council of war to choose the winter quarters to retire. Although several locations were proposed, he selected Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, 30 km northwest of the city of Philadelphia. The area was close enough to the British to keep up their raids and forage in the Pennsylvania interior, but far enough away to avoid British surprise attacks. The high ground of Mount Joy and the adjoining high ground of Mount Misery combined with the Schuylkill River to the north, made it easy to defend the area. Within days of reaching Valley Forge, the troops built 1,500 to 2,000 log cabins in parallel lines that would house 12,000 soldiers and 400 women and children throughout the winter. Washington ordered that each cabin measure approximately 4 by 5 meters. Sometimes the soldiers' families joined them in space as well.


The soldiers were instructed to find straw in the field to use as bedding, as there were not enough blankets to go around. In addition to the huts, the men built miles of trenches, military roads, and roads. The camp "had the appearance of a small town" when viewed from a distance. General Washington and his closest aides lived in a two-story stone house near Valley Forge Creek. Lack of organization, shortages of food and money plagued the Continental Army during the first half of the Revolutionary War. These problems exacerbated the harsh living conditions in Valley Forge during the third year of the war. While the winter of 1777-78 was not exceptionally cold, many soldiers lacked proper clothing, rendering them unable to serve. Some were even barefoot. As Washington described in a December 23, 1777 letter to Henry Laurens, “…when I return to the field this day, not less than 2,898 men are in the camp unfit for duty because they are barefoot and otherwise naked…” Malnourished and poorly dressed, living in cramped and damp quarters, the army was ravaged by disease and infirmity. Typhoid fever, jaundice, dysentery, and pneumonia were among the many diseases that killed 2,500 men that winter. Although Washington repeatedly requested relief, the Continental Congress was unable to provide it, and the soldiers continued to suffer. Army records suggest that each soldier received a daily ration of half a pound of beef during January 1778, but food shortages during February left men without meat for several days at a time. A group of people called the Camp Followers also helped boost the morale of the soldiers and provided much-needed support to the men.


The supporters of the camp consisted of families, wives, children, mothers and sisters of the soldiers. These female followers often served as laundresses, cleaning and sewing the soldiers' uniforms. Washington understood that a soldier would quickly die of disease if his uniform was dirty and frayed. These women and children also provide emotional support to a soldier, allowing them to remain in camp and continue to train and be soldiers during the winter months. These women received half of the soldiers' rations, half of a soldier's salary, as well as a half pension after the war, if they had done enough. The children would receive a quarter ration if they had done enough work. Despite the harsh conditions, the valley is called the birthplace of the American military because, in June 1778, weary troops emerged with a rejuvenated spirit and confidence as a well-trained fighting force. Much of the credit is due to former Prussian military officer Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron Steuben. At the time, the Prussian army was widely regarded as one of the best in Europe, and von Steuben had a keen military mind, and he tirelessly drilled the soldiers. In his role, von Steuben set standards for camp design, sanitation, and conduct. For example, he demanded that latrines be placed, facing downwards, on the opposite side of the camp as kitchens. He helped prepare a manual called "Regulations for the Order and Discipline of United States Troops," also called the "Blue Book," which remained the official Army instruction manual for decades.
1778: Filadelfia.
France bitterly resented Canada's loss in the French and Indian War and sought revenge. She also wanted to strategically weaken Britain. After the declaration of Independence, the American Revolution was welcomed by both the general population and the aristocracy in France. The Revolution was perceived as the incarnation of the Spirit of Enlightenment against "English tyranny." Benjamin Franklin traveled to France in December 1776 to rally the nation's support, and was received with great enthusiasm. At first, French support was covert: French agents sent Patriot military aid (predominantly gunpowder) through a company called Rodrigue Hortalez et Compagnie, beginning in the spring of 1776. Estimates place the percentage of arms supplied by the Patriots French to the Americans in the Saratoga campaign by up to 90%. By 1777, more than five million pounds of aid had been sent to the American rebels. Motivated by the prospect of glory in battle or buoyed by sincere ideals of freedom and republicanism, volunteers like Pierre Charles L'Enfant joined the US Army. The most famous was Lafayette, a charming young aristocrat who defied the king's order and enlisted in 1777 at age 20. He became an aide to George Washington and a combat general. More importantly, he solidified a favorable American view of France. Lafayette provided a legitimacy for the war and confidence that there was serious European support for independence. Lafayette's personal style was very attractive; the young man learned quickly, adapting to the patriot style, eschewed politics, and became a quick friend of General Washington. Fifty years later, after an important career in French politics, he returned as a beloved hero of the war.

Aid provided by France, much of which passed through the neutral Dutch West Indies port of Sint Eustatius, contributed to George Washington's army. The survival of the British against attack in 1776 and 1777. Aid was also a major factor in the defeat of General Burgoyne's expedition down the Champlain Corridor which ended in British disaster at the Battle of Saratoga. French ports accommodated American ships, including privateers and warships of the Continental Navy, operating against British merchant ships. France provided considerable financial aid, either in the form of donations or loans, and also offered technical assistance, giving some of its military strategists "vacations" so that they could assist US troops. A delegation consisting of Benjamin Franklin, Deane and Arthur Lee, was appointed to press for the participation of European nations. Franklin, 70 years old and known in French intellectual circles for his scientific discoveries, served as chief diplomat with the title of "minister" (the term ambassador was not used). He dressed in rough frontier clothing rather than formal court attire, and met many leading diplomats, aristocrats, intellectuals, scientists, and financiers. Franklin's image and writings caught the French imagination (there were many images of him sold on the market) and he became the image of the new American archetype and a hero of aspirations for a new order within France. When the international climate at the end of 1777 had become more tense, against Prussia in line with the Franco-Austrian Alliance. France refused, causing the relationship with Austria to turn sour. Under these conditions, asking Austria to help France in a war against the British was impossible. Attempts to reunite Spain also failed: Spain did not immediately recognize the US, and feared that the American revolutionary spirit threatened the legitimacy of the Spanish Crown in its own American colonial domains.

Public opinion in France was in favor of open warfare, but King Louis XVI and his advisers were reluctant due to the potential risks and large expense involved. The King's economic and military advisers were reluctant. The French Navy was rapidly rebuilding, but there were questions about its readiness for serious conflict. The financiers Turgot and Necker warned that the war would be too costly for France's shaky system of taxation and finance. The Americans argued that an alliance of the United States, France, and Spain would ensure a swift defeat of the British, but Vergennes, waiting until his navy was ready, hesitated. On July 23, 1777, Vergennes decided it was time to decide total assistance, with war, or abandonment of the new nation. The choice, ratified by the King, was war. The alliance was formally negotiated by Benjamin Franklin, but progressed slowly until news of the American victory at the Battle of Saratoga reached France. On February 6, 1778, two treaties were signed. The first, the Franco-American Treaty of Friendship and Commerce, recognized the independence of the United States and established trade relations between them. In the second treaty, the Treaty of Alliance of 1778 was a military alliance and was signed immediately afterwards, as insurance, if fighting with Great Britain erupted as a result of the signing of the commercial treaty. Hostilities soon followed after Britain declared war on France on March 17, 1778. The British naval force, the largest fleet at the time, and the French fleet were at odds from the start. The British avoided intercepting a French fleet that left Toulon under the Earl of Estaing in April for North America, fearing the French fleet at Brest might be used to launch an invasion of Britain. Major General Charles Lee rejoined the Continental Army.

Lee was a former British Army officer who had retired to Virginia before the revolution and had been touted as a possible army commander alongside Washington when the war broke out. He had been captured in December 1776 following Washington's defeat in New York, and had been released in April in a prisoner exchange. He had criticized Washington's indecisiveness in New York and was insubordinate during the withdrawal from the city. But Washington had regarded her as his most trusted adviser and the best officer in the Continental Army, and welcomed Lee as his second-in-command. Sixteen months in captivity hadn't softened Lee. He remained respectful to Washington's face, but continued to be critical of the Commander-in-Chief's skills with others, and it is likely that Washington's friends reported this to Washington. Lee dismissed the Continental Army, denigrated Steuben's efforts to improve it, and bypassed Washington's head to present to Congress a plan to reorganize it on a militia basis, causing Washington to rebuke him. However, Lee was respected by many of Washington's officers and held in high regard by Congress, and Washington gave him command of the Division that would soon drive the Continental Army out of Valley Forge. In April, before news of the French alliance reached him, Washington issued a memorandum to his generals seeking their views on three possible alternatives for the upcoming campaign: attack the British in Philadelphia, move operations to New York, or stay on the defensive in Valley Forge and continue building your army. Of the twelve responses, all agreed that it was vital that, whatever course was chosen, the army had to function well if public support for the revolution was to be maintained after the disappointments of the previous year.

Most of the generals supported one or the other of the offensive options, but Washington sided with the minority, including Steuben, who argued that the Continental Army still needed to improve at Valley Forge before it was ready to engage the Americans. British. After news of the Franco-American alliance broke and as British activity in and around Philadelphia increased; Washington met with ten of his generals on May 8 to discuss the plans further. This time they unanimously favored the defensive option and waited for British intentions to become clear. In May, it became clear that the British were preparing to evacuate Philadelphia, but Washington still did not have a detailed understanding of Clinton's intentions and was concerned that the British might escape overland through New Jersey. The 2nd New Jersey, which had been conducting operations against British collectors and sympathizers in New Jersey since March, was a valuable source of intelligence, and by the end of the month a British evacuation by land seemed increasingly likely. Washington reinforced the regiment with the rest of the New Jersey brigade, commanded by Brigadier General William Maxwell, with orders to obstruct and harass British activities. The Continentals were to cooperate with the experienced New Jersey militia, commanded by Major General Philemon Dickinson, one of the ablest militia commanders of the war and Washington's best source of intelligence on British activities. On May 18, Washington dispatched the inexperienced Major General Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, 20-year-old Marquis de Lafayette, with 2,200 men and 5 guns to set up an observation post on Barren Hill, 18 km from Philadelphia, (halfway between Valley Forge and Philadelphia).

Its mission was to reconnoiter British intentions, as well as to intercept British detachments searching for food and fodder in the surrounding countryside. On May 18, Lafayette left the Valley Forge camp with 2,100 soldiers, including Enach Poor's brigade, an experienced general, and 5 artillery pieces. After crossing the Schuylkill River and turning south, he took up a position on Barren Hill, which was near Matson's Ford. Poor's brigade (1,500) and guns were placed on the high ground, near a church, to the south. Another position was on the Ridge Road to the south under Major Allen McLane with 150 Rangers and 50 Oneida Indians, and the Pennsylvania Militia Brigade (600) under Brigadier James Potter was sent to guard the road leading west. from White Marsh. The British quickly discovered that the American force was close by and decided to attack and destroy it. On May 19, around 10:30 p.m., Major General James Grant and a 5,000-strong British force, including 15 guns, were sent towards Barren Hill. The plan was to take a winding route that would lead to the junction of White Marsh and Ridge Roads. This would cut off any avenue of retreat for the Americans. A corps of 2,000 grenadiers and dragoons would move along Lafayette's left flank, while another group would move to the American right flank. The plan would result in the American position being surrounded on three sides, trapping them against the river. The British force was to wait until morning to attack and destroy or capture the entire American force. General William Howe, commander of the British forces in Philadelphia, was so sure of a British victory that he planned a huge dinner for the night of May 20 to celebrate Grant's victory and to meet Lafayette in person.

On May 20, the British launched their attack. The militia dispersed upon seeing the British troops, offering no resistance and without warning Lafayette of the attack. At Ridge Road, the American group learned of the British attack. A small group was sent to combat a delaying action against the British while their commander sent word to Lafayette about developments. After Lafayette learned of the attack, another Patriot approached him and told him about the British advance down the White Marsh Road. Lafayette knew of another small road leading back to Matson's Ford that would bypass the British force. It ran along low ground that would hide the Americans from the British. The British did not know about this road. Lafayette ordered his men to retreat down this road while he ordered a rearguard to delay the British at the church. Some small patrols were sent to engage the British, leading them to think that the American force wanted to stay and fight. Lafayette calmed his retreating force and slipped away with relatively few casualties. General William Howe, commander of the British forces in Philadelphia, was so sure of a British victory that he had a big dinner planned for the night of May 20 to celebrate Grant's victory and to meet Lafayette in person. The British, having failed to capture Lafayette, resumed their retreat from Philadelphia to New York. In early June, Lieutenant General Howe returned to England, being relieved of his appointment to command in North America at his request, and replaced by Lieutenant Gen Henry Clinton. Due to the Franco-American alliance, Great Britain no longer considered the rebels as the main threat but the French. They decided to abandon Philadelphia and move further into a defensive position in the north.

So they gave Clinton orders to evacuate Philadelphia and concentrate British forces in New York. Upon his arrival, he was to send 5,000 of his troops to the West Indies for offensive operations against the French, 3,000 men were sent to the Southern colonies and the rest were to stay in New York. Intelligence had reported that the French had sent a fleet and 4,000 men to the Americas under Admiral d'Estaing, but they did not know where he would land. At first Clinton planned to withdraw by sea, but since he did not have enough transport for the evacuation, he carried out the withdrawal by land. From June 14 to 18, Clinton crossed the Delaware River by Cooper's Ferry, and on June 18, Clinton's 20,000-strong British army, with artillery, supplies, and the city's loyalist population of 3,000, began the walk along a path parallel to the Delaware River. Washington learned that the British were evacuating Philadelphia on June 17. He immediately called a council of war, in which all but 2 of 17 generals believed that the Continental Army could not yet win a pitched battle against the British, and Lee argued that it would be criminal to try. Unsure of Clinton's exact intentions and with his officials urging caution, Washington decided to pursue the British and advance to a surprising distance. He first sent Major General Charles Lee with 5,540 troops in Scott's brigade (600 and 2 guns), Varnum's brigade (300 and 2 guns), Wayne's brigade (1,000 and 2 guns), Scott's brigade (1,440 and 4 guns), Jackson's Regiment (250), Maxwell's Brigade (1,000 and 2 guns), Jackson's Regiment (200 light horsemen), with the mission to advance and cut off the retreat. He also sent Colonel Daniel Morgan with 824 troops (gunners, light infantry, light dragoons and 25 woodcutters) to harass the British flank columns; and Major General Philemon Dickinson with 1,200 troops (of the Pennsylvania New Jersey militia) to attack the British columns from the rear.

On June 18, Clinton departed Cooper's ferry at dawn, arriving in Haddonfield at dusk, where the Billingsport garrison joined. At dawn they set out, but only covered 10 km, being forced to stop at Evesham by heavy rain. The next day they left and traveled 11 km, reaching Mount Holly, where Clinton stayed until June 21, when the first clashes between the Hessian jägers and Dickinson's militia took place. The British rear guard commanded by Cornwallis stayed one day at Maunt Holly, which was a good defensive position, while Clinton arrived at the Black Horse public house, where he established his headquarters. During the march they had been harassed by Morgan's forces, whose loggers were chopping down trees to bar their way while sharpshooters fired at those trying to remove them. Cornwallis rearranged the order of march, sending light troops and sappers forward to counter the militia's efforts to break the retreat. On June 23 in the open, Clinton organized his forces into two columns, Kniphausen on the right with the baggage train, and Cornwallis on the left led by Leslie's brigade. They left at 04:00, at Recklesstown they met 50 militiamen who retreated to Crosswick Creek where they fired again, destroyed the bridge, were driven out by British light infantry and repaired the bridge, pursuing the militia. The next day both British columns met at Bordentown. On June 25, Kniphausen with his division left Imlaystown at 04:00, being followed 4 hours later by the rest. Clinton decided not to continue to New York by land, but instead to target Sandy Hook, and trust the navy to transport him from there. Clinton arrived in Monmouth, New Jersey, on the afternoon of June 26, after a grueling 20-mile march in temperatures reaching 100°F.

The next day the British expected an attack, which did not come; so on the morning of the 28th the withdrawal continued. The American vanguard under General Charles Lee caught up with the British rear that morning. Meanwhile, on June 24, Dickinson reported to Washington that the efforts he and Maxwell were making to rein in Clinton were having little impact, and that he believed Clinton was deliberately in New Jersey to provoke a battle. Washington called another war council in which the 12 officers in attendance recommended varying degrees of caution. Lee argued that a victory would be of little benefit, while a defeat would do irrevocable damage to the revolutionary cause. He preferred not to risk the Continental Army against a professional and well-trained enemy until French intervention tipped the scales in favor of the Americans and proposed that Clinton be allowed to proceed to New York unmolested. Four other generals agreed. Even the most aggressive of the rest wanted to avoid a major confrontation. Brigadier General Anthony Wayne suggested sending an additional 2,500 to 3,000 troops to reinforce Morgan and Dickinson which would allow them, with a third of the army, to give the impression of a large force. In the end, a compromise was agreed upon in which 1,500 chosen men would reinforce the advance guard under Brigadier General Charles Scott with the 1st Brigade (429), 2nd Brigade (487), and 3rd Brigade (438) from Pennsylvania and various pickets. . Shortly after the council adjourned, Wayne, who had refused to put his name on the pledge, Lafayette and Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene contacted Washington individually with the same plea for stronger frontline action supported by the main body. , while avoiding a major battle. Lafayette assured Washington that Steuben and Brigadier General Louis Duportail were in agreement, telling Washington that "it would be shameful for the leaders and humiliating for the troops to allow the enemy to cross territory with impunity."

Greene emphasized the political aspect, warning Washington that the public expected him to attack and that even if a limited attack led to a major battle, he thought his chances of success were good. Washington, eager to erase the losses of the previous year and prove his critics wrong, needed to listen. In the early hours of June 25, he had ordered Wayne to follow Scott with 1,000 other chosen men. He wanted to do more than just harass Clinton, and while avoiding the risk of a major battle, he hoped to inflict a heavy blow on the British, one that would surpass his success at the Battle of Trenton in 1776. Washington offered Lee command of the vanguard, but Lee at first refused, stating that the force was too small for a man of his rank and position. Washington in response named Lafayette head of the vanguard. Washington grew increasingly concerned, and on the morning of June 26 he warned Lafayette not to "distress his men by too hasty a march." By that afternoon, Lafayette was at Robin's Tavern, where Clinton had been the night before. He was 5km from the British, too far from the main army for them to support, and his men were exhausted and hungry. He remained eager to fight and discussed with his officers a night march with the intention of attacking Clinton the next morning. That night, Washington ordered Lafayette to leave Morgan and the militia as a cover and move to Englishtown, where he could be supported with both supplies and the main army. At this point Lee, realizing that the vanguard force had been strengthened and that Lafayette had been appointed, changed his mind and had asked to remain in command. Washington ordered Lee to assemble the entire vanguard and meet with Lafayette at Englishtown and take command of all the vanguard forces.

By June 27, Lee's vanguard of some 4,500 troops was at Englishtown, 10 km from the British at Monmouth Court House. Washington was with the main body of just over 7,800 soldiers and most of the artillery at the Manalapan Bridge, 6 km behind Lee. Morgan's light infantry were at Richmond Mills, just over two miles south of Monmouth Court House. Dickinson's 1,200 militiamen were on Clinton's flanks, with a significant concentration about 2 miles west of the Monmouth courthouse. On the afternoon of June 27, Washington conferred with the senior officers of the advance guard at Englishtown, but did not offer a battle plan. Lee, Washington's second-in-command, advised waiting for events as he did not wish to commit the American force against British regulars. However, Washington determined that the British column was vulnerable to attack while traveling through New Jersey with its baggage train and moved from Valley Forge in pursuit. Washington was still undecided on how to attack the British column and held a council of war. The council, however, was divided on the issue; with a small group of officers, including Brigadier General Anthony Wayne, urging a partial attack on the British column while it was on the road. Lee remained cautious, only advising harassing attacks with light forces. On June 26, Washington decided to send 4,000 men as an advance force to attack the British rearguard as they emerged from the Monmouth Court House, in order to delay the British withdrawal until the main American force could give battle. On the morning of June 28, the British camped along Dutch Lane and Freehold-Mount Holly Road, while the main Continental Army was camped at Manalapan Bridge, four miles west of Englishtown.

At 8:00 am. , Lee's advance corps of 5,000 soldiers and 12 guns closed in on the British rear a few miles north of Monmouth Court House. They slowly advanced. Dickinson reported that he was engaged with the British and they seemed to be backing down. Wayne's division was confronted by a converging British group, but almost immediately Lee lost control of this situation. He gave various orders to move units from one place to another, never developed a clear plan of attack and his subordinates became confused. Lee had been unable to gather data on the terrain or the position of the British, and now he heard conflicting reports that the British were moving in and that they were preparing an attack. Lee was upset at the lack of intelligence on the British, which he had not ordered collected. The British were falling back, moving their baggage, and preparing a rear attack, but Lee could get no clear indication of this. Lee finally got a picture of the British locations in his head and ordered units to move left and right, to cut off the 1,500-man British rearguard and capture them. The units marched to the flanks, but then received no orders. Wayne, center, was instructed to fake an attack. Lee wanted to hold the rear while he surrounded the British, but his officers were unaware of the plan. Wayne's brigade was the first to make contact with the British, just north of Monmouth. The ensuing fighting alerted Clinton to the approach of a major American column to his rear. Brigadier General Wilhelm von Knyphausen was ordered to guard his left flank and march on. Meanwhile, Clinton turned Cornwallis's wing of 14 battalions and the 16th Light Dragoons to meet and crush Lee's vanguard before the rest of the US Army could reach the field.

The British move disrupted Lee's plan to isolate and destroy his rear and threatened the American right flank. Lee sent Lafayette to the right to support him. As they did, the British opened fire on the Americans with their cannon. Lee sent some of his men to Monmouth to avoid the fire. On the left, flank units saw what appeared to be a retreat in the center as Lee's men took cover. At the same time, Oswald's artillery unit in the area moved to the rear as they ran out of ammunition. The left flank units fell back, as they had no orders. They did not inform Lee of his movements or send a message for orders, although they did ask some of Lee's aides if they had any orders for them. Lee quickly lost control of the situation and his command began to retreat southwest and west along the causeway across Middle Ravine. Clinton's infantry quickly pursued the fleeing Americans. Some attempts were made to establish hasty defensive positions during the retreat, but much of Lee's command moved like a disorganized mob. Lee gave no orders, he had no rear, and no one understood why they retreated. Lafayette sent for Washington to appear. Lee thought that he was saving the advance corps by moving it out of harm's way. Washington sent a request to Lee for a report of the battle, and Lee sent word that he was "well enough." Not satisfied with this response, Washington advanced to find the roads full of retreating US troops. He sent helpers to find the cause of the withdrawal. The troops reported that Lee ordered them to withdraw. Riding down the road, he found Lee leading a retreat through Rhea Farm. Washington asked what this meant, and Lee thought that he had saved the army by retreating. Washington repeated the question and Lee stammered out some excuses about not following his orders, then said that the US military should not engage in a general confrontation with the British.

Washington returned to the rear of the retreating troops, where his aides reported that the British were within minutes of reaching the retreating column. Seeing that the corps was in danger, Washington assembled the disorganized elements of Lee's command in a new line behind a hedge, in blocking positions. Hopefully this would delay the British until the rest of his army could arrive. Washington ordered Lee to begin a delaying action while his main force regrouped. These units offered strong resistance and then, under pressure, withdrew to safety. Washington began to order the troops to form a strong defensive line. The artillery rushed forward and Greene dismounted at least 4 guns on prominent high ground below the creek known as Comb's Hill. Supported by an infantry brigade, Greene's artillery turned on the advancing British. This fire, combined with small arms and supported by other artillery fire from the front, temporarily stabilized the holding position. Clinton brought the artillery on him and started an artillery double. This was one of the most intense artillery duels of the war. A mounted attack on Washington's left, coupled with a final British push of mounted infantry and grenadiers, doubled and broke the line of contention. At 12:30 p.m. m ., the battle resumed as the British pushed through Dividing Brook. After brief fierce fighting in a wooden lot and along the hedgerow, the Americans, under Lee, fell back across Spotswood Middle Brook. When the British charged the bridge, they found the Americans holding a very strong position on the ridge of Perrine Farm behind a battery of 10 guns. Exhausted by a forced march and shelled with grapeshot, the British faltered and the attack collapsed.

To silence the American artillery commanding the bridge, the British placed 10 cannons and howitzers in front of the hedge. For hours, the largest ground artillery battle of the war raged. The Americans won the artillery duel in the late afternoon. As fighting continued in the north, Cornwallis mounted an attack in the south against Greene's front. In precise ranks, they advanced on the Americans. Greene's men fired at the British from the front and his flanks were torn by his artillery. The cannons raked through the hedge, forcing the British artillery to withdraw and their infantry to change position. Unable to break through and having suffered heavy losses, Cornwallis surrendered. A series of heavy attacks were launched on Wayne's men in the center of the American line before Cornwallis finished, but these too were repulsed. When the British artillery fell silent, Washington cautiously counterattacked. First, two New England battalions advanced along the Spotswood North Brook to skirmish with the retreating Royal Highlanders. Wayne then led three Pennsylvania regiments across the bridge to attack the retreating British Grenadiers. After some heavy fighting, Wayne's men were forced to return to the shelter of the parsonage and orchard buildings. At 3:30 p.m. m., after a bitter stand-up fight in the afternoon heat and humidity, Clinton orders his troops to stand down. Washington wanted to pursue the fleeing British, but in the heat and humidity, his troops were too exhausted. At 5:30 p.m. With Wayne's men now in line with Alexander and Greene, Washington straightened his forehead and waited for Clinton's next move. That move never came. As night fell he had fresh troops ready to attack around the British flanks, but they had to hold out due to the loss of daylight. Clinton withdrew troops from him about 1 mile to the east.

During the battle, Mary Ludwig Hayes (later known as Molly Pitcher), a camp follower who brought water to the troops from a nearby spring, took her wounded husband's place by a cannon when he was wounded. Under fire and losing men, the artillery unit would fall back until she offered to take her place. Bravely, she served the cannon instead of her husband. At 10:00 p.m. m., after being allowed to camp for a few hours, Clinton quietly woke his troops and ordered them to begin following the baggage train. They broke camp and marched on Sandy Hook in the far northeast of New Jersey. From there, British troops embarked on naval transports on July 6, and the Royal Navy took Clinton's army on a short trip over New York Harbor and through The Narrows to the safety of Manhattan. The timing was fortuitous for the British; On July 11, a superior French fleet commanded by Vice Admiral Charles Henri Hector d'Estaing anchored off Sandy Hook, and Washington wisely decided not to proceed, instead marching his army north to join other American forces encamped just off the coast. along the Hudson River. Although Washington failed to destroy the British column, he inflicted damage on his troops and demonstrated that American troops, if he led them properly, could take on British regulars. The British had defended their baggage train, but were unable to defeat the Americans in open battle. Clinton reported 358 total casualties after the battle: 65 killed, 59 killed by fatigue, 170 wounded, and 64 missing. Washington counted some 250 British dead, a figure later revised to just over 300. In his post-battle report to Lord George Germain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, Clinton claimed that he had carried out a successful operation to redeploy his army against a superior force.

The counterattack was, he reported, a diversion intended to protect the baggage train and ended on his own terms, though in private correspondence he admitted that he too hoped to inflict a decisive defeat on Washington. After leading his army through the heart of enemy territory without the loss of a single tank, he congratulated his officers on "the long and difficult retreat in the face of a vastly superior army without being marred by the greatest affront." small". While some of his officers showed grudging respect for the Continental Army, his misgivings were not based on the battlefield but rather on the realization that France's entry into the conflict had altered the strategic balance against Great Britain. Brittany. For Washington, the battle was fought at a time of serious doubt about his effectiveness as commander-in-chief, and it was politically important for him to present it as a victory. On July 1, in his first major communication to Congress from the front since the disappointments of the previous year, he wrote a full account of the battle. The content was measured, but unequivocal in claiming a significant victory, a rare occasion when the British had abandoned the battlefield and wounded the Americans. Congress received it enthusiastically and voted a formal thanks to Washington and the army to honor "Monmouth's important victory over the great British army." In their accounts of the battle, Washington officials invariably wrote of a major victory, and some used the opportunity to finally put an end to criticism of Washington; Hamilton and Lt. Col. John Laurens, another of Washington's aides, wrote to influential friends, in Laurens's case his father Henry, President of the Continental Congress, praising Washington's leadership.

The American press portrayed the battle as a triumph with Washington at its center. Governor William Livingston of New Jersey, who never got any closer to Monmouth during the campaign than Trenton, nearly 25 miles away, published an anonymous "eyewitness" account in the New Jersey Gazette just days after the campaign. battle, in which he credited Washington with victory. Articles were still being published in a similar fashion in August. Congressional delegates who were not supporters of Washington, such as Samuel Adams and James Lovell, were reluctant to give Washington credit, but were forced to acknowledge the importance of the battle and not question British success in reaching New York. York. Washington loyalist Elias Boudinot wrote that "none dare acknowledge themselves to be his enemies." Washington supporters were encouraged to defend his reputation; in July Major General John Cadwalader challenged Conway, the officer at the center of what Washington had perceived as a conspiracy to remove him as commander-in-chief, to a duel in Philadelphia in which Conway was wounded in the mouth. Thomas McKean, Chief Justice of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, was perhaps the only congressional delegate to register his disapproval of the matter, but he did not think it wise to bring Cadwalader to court to answer for it. Faith in Washington had been restored, Congress became almost deferential to him, public criticism of him almost ceased, and for the first time he was hailed as the Father of his country. The epithet became commonplace by the end of the year, by which time the careers of most of his major critics had been eclipsed or in shambles. Even before the day was out, Lee was cast as the villain, and the vilification of him became an integral part of the narrative that Washington's lieutenants constructed as they wrote in praise of his commander-in-chief.

Lee continued in his position as second-in-command immediately after the battle, and it is likely that the problem would have simply disappeared if he had let it go. But on June 30, after protesting his innocence to all who would listen, Lee wrote a saucy letter to Washington blaming "dirty earwigs" for turning Washington against him, asserting that his decision to withdraw had saved the day and declared that Washington was "guilty of an act of cruel injustice" toward him. Instead of the apology Lee tactlessly sought, Washington responded that the tone of Lee's letter was "highly inappropriate" and that he would launch an official investigation into Lee's conduct. Lee's response demanding a court-martial was again insolent; Washington ordered his arrest. The court convened on July 4, and three charges were brought before Lee: disobeying orders not to attack on the morning of battle, against "repeated instructions"; carry out an “unnecessary, disorderly and embarrassing withdrawal”; and lack of respect for the commander in chief. The trial concluded on August 12, but the accusations and counter-accusations continued until Congress confirmed the verdict on December 5. Lee's defense was articulate but fatally flawed by his efforts to make it a personal contest between himself and Washington. He denigrated the commander-in-chief's role in the battle, calling the official Washington account "from start to finish a most abominable bloody lie," and falsely cast his own decision to withdraw as a "masterful maneuver" designed to lure the British to the main body. Washington stayed out of the controversy, but his allies portrayed Lee as a traitor who had allowed the British to escape and linked him to the previous winter's alleged conspiracy against Washington.

Although the first two charges turned out to be dubious, Lee was undoubtedly guilty of disrespect, and Washington was too powerful to cross it. As historian John Shy noted, "Under the circumstances, an acquittal on the first two counts would have been a vote of no confidence in Washington." Lee was found guilty on all three counts, although the court removed "shameful" from the second, noting that the withdrawal was "disorderly only in some cases." Lee was suspended from the military for a year, a sentence so lenient some interpreted it as vindicating all but the charge of disrespect. Lee's fall from grace removed Washington's last significant critic of the military and the last realistic alternative to Washington as commander-in-chief, and silenced the last voice to speak for a militia army. Washington's position as the "indispensable man" was now unassailable.

By the summer of 1778, Stockbridges Mohawks had served in every major campaign in the eastern theater of the American Revolutionary War, from Bunker Hill to Monmouth. In the last battle, fought just ten days after the British evacuated Philadelphia in a move to consolidate their forces in North America, some 20 Stockbridges fought in various New England regiments, shoulder to shoulder with their neighbors in what became the largest and longest land battle of the entire war. In early July, the British settled in and around Manhattan, while American forces camped in White Plains, just several miles to the north. The area between the two armies, now the Bronx and Yonkers, was indeed dark and bloody terrain, as patrols watched each other and laid ambushes. On the British side, the best unit for such maneuvers were the Queen's Rangers led by young Colonel John Simcoe. This unit was a direct descendant of Rogers's rangers from the French and Indian War some twenty years earlier, and in fact Rogers was the first commander of the Queen's rangers during the Revolution. Composed of loyalists, the RI was formed into cavalry and infantry units, all dressed in short green coats. While serving in the Bronx area, the regiment often worked cooperatively with Hessian troops. On the American side of the lines, the advanced troops consisted of light infantry commanded by Colonel Mordecai Gist from Maryland, where the stockbridges were stationed. These men were the shock troops of the Continental Army, lightly equipped and always ready to move quickly. They patrolled the no man's land between the two armies during the summer of 1778. During July, a group of stockbridgers under Daniel Nimham joined the US Army at White Plains.

Abraham Nimham, seeking to fight alongside his father, petitioned the army to allow all stockbridges from the various regiments to serve together. In addition to the stockbridges, it is possible that other Indians in the New England regiments were allowed to join up with the Mohicans for their patrol activities. This combined Indian force served alongside light infantry. Thus, the stage was set for a showdown between the Queen's loyalist rangers and the stockbridges. On one occasion during July, a group of British troops led by Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe were patrolling near Valentine's house. Proceeding north on Mile Square Road, they stopped at a lane entrance by Daniel DeVoe's farm, being ambushed by stockbridges. Simcoe was not one to let this incident go unanswered. Towards the latter part of August he devised his own ambush to punish the stockbridges. On August 31, Simcoe implemented his planned revenge on him. Advancing from the Kingsbridge section of the Bronx early in the morning with 500 men from various units, Simcoe hoped to lure the Americans forward down the Mile Square Road from his positions. At the same time, he would divide his own forces in an effort to encircle and trap the Americans. Emmerick's corps would take up a position west of Tibbet Creek and Mile Square Road, near Frederick De Voe's residence, while the Queen's rangers moved along the Bronx River; both units were hidden from the Americans by the elevations. With his troops in position by 1000 hours, the stockbridges discovered Emmerick, and the Queen's rangers moved quickly to gain the heights, Lt. Col Tarleton immediately advancing with the Legion's hussars and cavalry. The Indians from some fences fired at the company of grenadiers, wounding four of them and Lt. Col Simcoe.

But finally they were driven from the fences by the rangers and grenadiers, and they began to flee in the open field. Lt Col. Tarleton with the cavalry got between them and chased them quickly up Cortlandt Ridge, he was nearly killed when he fell from his horse chasing an Indian, fortunately the Indian had no bayonet and his musket had been discharged. As the stockbridges engaged the main force of enemy troops, the American light infantry took up position north and west of the Mile Square Road. The American infantry took off. One source from the battle states that there were 70 light infantry and 48 Stockbridge Indians, the American forces were outnumbered almost five to one. At 7:00 p.m., it was all over. Some of the Indians escaped over Tibbetts Brook and hid among the rocks. Unable to scale the rocks, the British soldiers called on the fugitives to surrender, promising their lives. According to one account, three Indians ventured out and surrendered, but were killed by the British. The site of this alleged atrocity would become known as the Indian Bridge. As for battle casualties, the British reported 37 Indians and a small number of other rebel soldiers killed, and 10 taken prisoner. Four British soldiers were reported killed and three wounded, including Simcoe, although one Hessian officer reported as many as 40 English dead.

France, after signing the treaty of alliance with the USA, sent Admiral Jean-Baptiste Charles Henri Hector, Count d'Estaing with a fleet of 12 ships of the line: Languedoc (80), Tonnant (80), Cesar (74), Zele (74), Hector (74), Protecteur (74), Marseillois (74), Guerrier (74), Vaillant (64), Provence (64), Fantasque (64), Sagittaire (50); 4 frigatebirds: Chimere (28), Alcmene (28), Aimable (28), and Dauphin (28); altogether 958 guns with 7,500 sailors transporting 2,500 marines and 1,500 French army soldiers to North America in April 1778 in their first major attempt at cooperation with the Americans, with orders to blockade the British American fleet on the Delaware River. British leaders had early information that d'Estaing was headed for North America, but political and military differences within the government and navy delayed the British response, and he sailed unopposed through the Strait of Gibraltar. It was not until early June that a fleet of 13 ships of the line left European waters in search of him, under the command of Admiral John Byron. Estaing's Atlantic crossing took three months, but Byron was also delayed by bad weather and did not arrive in New York until mid-August. (Byron was called "Jack Bad Weather" because of his repeated bad luck with the weather.) The British had evacuated from Philadelphia to New York City before d'Estaing's arrival. The British fleet was no longer on the river when the French fleet reached Delaware Bay in early July. Estaing decided to sail for New York, but its well-defended harbor presented a daunting challenge to the French fleet. The French and their American pilots believed that Estaing's larger ships would not be able to cross the bar into New York Harbor, so the French and American leaders decided to deploy their forces against British-occupied Newport, Rhode Island.

While Estaing was out of port, British General Henry Clinton and Admiral Richard Howe dispatched a fleet of transports with 2,000 troops to reinforce Newport across Long Island Sound. The troops reached their destination on July 15, bringing Major General Robert Pigot's garrison to over 6,700 men. American and British forces had been engaged in clashes on Aquidneck Island since the British occupation began in late 1776. Major General Joseph Spencer of the Rhode Island defenses had been ordered by Major General George Washington to launch an assault on Newport in 1777, but he had not performed and was relieved of command. In March 1778, Congress approved the appointment of Major General John Sullivan to Rhode Island. By early May, Sullivan had arrived in the state and produced a detailed report on the situation. He began logistical preparations for an attack on Newport, stockpiling equipment and supplies on the eastern shore of Narragansett Bay and the Taunton River. British General Pigot was aware of Sullivan's preparations and launched an expedition on May 25 that raided Bristol and Warren. This destroyed military supplies and looted the cities. Sullivan's response was to make new calls for assistance, which were reinforced by a statement from Congress after a second raid in Freetown on May 31. General Washington wrote to Sullivan on July 17 to order him to raise 5,000 troops for possible operations against Newport. Sullivan did not receive this letter until July 23, and the following day Colonel John Laurens reached him with the news that Newport had been chosen as the Allied objective on the 22nd and that he must muster as large a force as possible. Sullivan's force at the time numbered only 1,600 personnel. Laurens had left Camp Washington on the 22nd, riding ahead of a column of Continental troops (John Glover's and James Mitchell Varnum's brigade) led by the Marquis de Lafayette.

News of the French involvement garnered support for the cause, and militia began pouring into Rhode Island from neighboring states. Half of the Rhode Island militia was called up and led by William West, and large numbers of militiamen from Massachusetts and New Hampshire along with the Continental artillery came to Rhode Island to join the effort. However, it took a while for these forces to assemble, with most of them not arriving until the first week of August. Washington sent Major General Nathanael Greene, a native Rhode Island officer, to further bolster Sullivan's leadership corps on July 27. Sullivan had been regularly criticized in Congress for his performance in previous battles, and Washington urged him to seek advice from Greene and Lafayette. Greene wrote to Sullivan about the matter and reinforced the need for a successful operation. Estaing sailed from his position off New York Harbor on July 22, when the British judged the tide high enough for the French ships to cross. He initially sailed south before turning northeast towards Newport. The British fleet in New York consisted of 8 ships of the line under the command of Richard Howe, and they sailed after him once they discovered their destination was Newport. Estaing arrived at Point Judith on July 29 and immediately met with Generals Greene and Lafayette to develop his plan of attack. Sullivan's proposal was for the Americans to cross to the east coast of Aquidneck Island from Tiverton; while French troops would use Conanicut Island as a staging ground and cross from the west, cutting off a detachment of British soldiers at Butts Hill in the northern part of the island. The next day Estaing dispatched frigates to the Sakonnet River (the channel east of Aquidneck) and to the main channel leading to Newport.

When the Allied intentions became clear, General Pigot decided to deploy his forces on the defensive, withdrawing troops from Conanicut Island and Butts Hill. He also decided to move most of the livestock into the city, ordered orchards cleared to provide a clear line of fire, and destroyed carts. The French ships that arrived ran aground several of his support ships, which were burned to prevent their capture. As the French advanced up the channel towards Newport, Pigot ordered the remaining ships to spread out to block the French's access to Newport harbour. On August 8, Estaing moved most of his fleet into Newport Harbor. On August 9, Estaing began landing some of his 4,000 troops on nearby Conanicut Island. On the same day, General Sullivan learned that Pigot had abandoned Butts Hill. Against the agreement with Estaing, Sullivan crossed the troops to seize that high ground, worried that the British could return to occupy it again. Estaing later approved of the action, but the initial reaction from him and some of his officers was disapproval. John Laurens wrote that the action "provoked much indignation from French officers." Howe's fleet consisted of 9 ships of the line: Eagle (64), Trident (64), Somerset (64), Nonsuch (64), Ardent (64), St Albans (64), Preston (50), Experiment ( 50), and Isis (50); 8 frigates: Phoenix (44), Roebuck (44), Venus (36), Amazon (32), Pearl (32), Apollo (32), Richmond (32), and Vigilant (20); 2 Carcass and Thunder bombards. He was delayed from New York by headwinds, and arrived at Point Judith on August 9. Estaing feared that Howe would be reinforced and finally gain a numerical advantage, so he boarded the French troops and sailed out to battle with Howe on 10 August. The weather deteriorated into a major storm as the two fleets maneuvered into position and prepared for battle.

The storm raged for two days and scattered both fleets, severely damaging the French flagship. He also foiled Sullivan's plans to attack Newport without French support on August 11. Sullivan began siege operations while awaiting the return of the French fleet, closing on the British lines on August 15 and opening trenches northeast of the fortified British line north of Newport the following day. As the two fleets attempted to regroup, the individual ships encountered each other and there were several minor naval skirmishes; two French ships, already suffering storm damage, were heavily damaged in these encounters, including Estaing's flagship the Languedoc (80). The French fleet regrouped at Delaware and returned to Newport on August 20, while the British fleet regrouped at New York. Admiral Estaing was pressured by his captains to immediately sail to Boston to make repairs, but instead he sailed to Newport to inform the Americans that he could not help them. He reported to Sullivan upon his arrival on August 20; Sullivan argued that the British might be forced to surrender in just a day or two if the French were left to help, but Estaing refused. Estaing wrote: "It was ... difficult to convince myself that some six thousand men well entrenched and with a fort before which trenches had been dug could be taken in twenty-four hours or two days." Estaing's captains also opposed the idea of the French fleet remaining in Newport, with whom he had a difficult relationship due to his arrival in the navy at a high rank after service in the French army. The fleet sailed for Boston on August 22. The French decision provoked a wave of anger in the American ranks, as well as among their commanders. General Greene wrote a complaint that John Laurens called "sensible and forceful," but General Sullivan was less diplomatic.

He penned a missive containing much inflammatory language, in which he called Estaing's decision "disparaging the honor of France," and included new complaints on the agendas that were later dropped when tempers cooled. US soldiers called the French decision a "desertion" and noted that French forces "left us in the most ruthless way." The French departure caused a mass exodus of American militia, significantly reducing the American force, many of whom had only enlisted for a 20-day period, anyway. On August 24, General Washington alerted Sullivan that Clinton in New York was assembling a relief force. That night, his council made the decision to withdraw to positions in the northern part of the island. Sullivan continued to seek French help, sending Lafayette to Boston to negotiate further with Estaing, but this ultimately proved fruitless. Estaing and Lafayette met with fierce criticism in Boston, with Lafayette commenting that "I am more on the warpath in the American lines than when I approached the British lines at Newport". Meanwhile, the British in New York had not been idle. Admiral Howe was bolstered by the arrival of ships from Byron's storm-tossed squadron, and sailed to catch Estaing before he reached Boston. General Clinton organized a force of 4,000 men under Major General Charles Gray and sailed with him on August 26, bound for Newport. On the morning of August 28, the American war council decided to withdraw the last troops from their siege camps. They had engaged the British with occasional fire for a few days as some of their equipment was being withdrawn. The deserters had informed General Pigot of the American plans to withdraw on August 26, so he was prepared to respond when they withdrew that night.

On the morning of August 28, the American war council decided to withdraw the last troops from their siege camps. They had engaged the British with occasional fire for a few days as some of their equipment was being withdrawn. The deserters had informed General Pigot of the American plans to withdraw on August 26, so he was prepared to respond when they withdrew that night. On August 29, the British sensed that the Americans were attempting to leave the island and moved out of their lines to attack, hoping to break the retreat. The Americans were heading to the northern end of the long, narrow island and crossing the narrow water to the mainland. The Americans held out at Butt's Hill, 12 miles from Newport, which they had fortified. The British attempted to turn their right wing around in the morning, when Greene, in command, changed sides, vigorously attacking the pursuers and driving them into his strong defense on Quaker Hill. A general engagement ensued, as the British line was broken and driven back in the confusion to Turkey Hill. The day was very hot, and many perished from the heat. The action ended around 3:00 p.m. m., but a slow cannonade was maintained until sunset. The 1st Rhode Island, the first black regiment in US history, participated in the action. Positioned on the right (west) side of the American line, they defended their part of the hill against fierce attacks by German troops. With 400 men, the 1st Rhode Island held its own, fending off three separate and distinct charges of 1,500 Hessians under Earl Donop. They were driven back with such tremendous loss that Donop immediately requested a trade, fearing that his men would kill him if he returned to battle with them, for having exposed them to such slaughter.

After a 12-day siege by the Americans entrenched on Honeyman's Hill in Middletown, a weary and disappointed Sullivan realized that the ground attack alone could not break through the English line. With extreme regret, Sullivan was forced to order a retreat. On August 30, around midnight, the last of the Continentals was withdrawn from Aquidneck. Regular troops were sent to rejoin Washington, the militia returned home, and only a small force remained to man the guns at Fort Barton. The Battle of Rhode Island was over. Continental forces withdrew to Bristol and Tiverton on the night of August 30, leaving Rhode Island (Aquidneck Island) under British control. However, their withdrawal was championed by the Rhode Island RI, a slave unit of Rhode Islanders (African-Americans, Narragansetts, and mixed-race men) who were promised their freedom in exchange for enlisting. They wore uniforms of cream colored pants and jackets, with tall white hats patterned with blue anchors and topped with large blue feathers. Twice the Hessians charged with their bayonets. Twice, in deadly hand-to-hand fighting, the Rhode Island RI-1 drove them back. The Hessians took reinforcements and attacked again, again being repulsed, while the troops withdrew in an orderly and unhurried manner. According to an account in the New Hampshire Gazette, it was accomplished "in perfect order and safety, not leaving behind the slightest item of provision, camping equipment, or military stores." General Sullivan's incendiary writings reached Boston before the French fleet arrived, and Admiral d'Estaing's initial reaction was reported to be a dignified silence. Politicians worked to smooth over the incident under pressure from Washington and the Continental Congress, and d'Estaing was in high spirits when Lafayette arrived in Boston.

He even offered to march the troops overland to support the Americans: "I offered to become a colonel of infantry, under one who was a lawyer three years ago, and who certainly must have been an uncomfortable man for his clients." Clinton and Gray's relief force arrived in Newport on September 1. Since the threat was over, Clinton ordered Gray to attack several communities on the Massachusetts coast. Admiral Howe was unsuccessful in his attempt to catch up with Estaing, who had a strong position at Nantasket Roads when Howe arrived there on 30 August. Byron succeeded Howe as New York station chief in September, but was also unsuccessful in blocking Estaing. His fleet was scattered by a storm when he reached Boston, after which Estaing escaped, bound for the West Indies. Clinton sharply criticized General Pigot for not waiting for the relief force, which could have successfully trapped the Americans on the island. He left Newport for England soon after. The British abandoned Newport in October 1779, leaving behind a war-ravaged economy. Naval action turned to the West Indies, late in 1778. The Earl of Estaing fled to Boston after a sea battle on October 24, from which port he did not leave until the following December 5. From there he went to the West Indies for the following winter, where the French took their time without purpose of great consequence. Meanwhile, the British on December 14 seized the French Saint Lucia, a valuable plantation in the West Indies, capturing an immense treasure estimated at more than 300,000 pounds sterling.
1778: La Frontera
«La línea occidental fue arrollada y los indios los obligaron a regresar al centro en la retaguardia; y los muchachos campesinos, no acostumbrados a los gritos espeluznantes de los guerreros salvajes, fueron arrojados a una confusión y pánico indescriptibles».

«The western line was overwhelmed and the Indians forced them back to the center in the rear; and the peasant boys, unaccustomed to the blood-curdling cries of savage warriors, were thrown into unspeakable confusion and panic.».
— Attributed to coronel Nathan Denison.
Concerned that the French might try to recapture parts of New France that they had lost in the French and Indian War, the British Army adopted a defensive strategy in Quebec. They recruited loyalists and Indian allies to wage border warfare along the northern and western borders of the Thirteen Colonies. Colonel John Butler recruited a regiment of Loyalists, while the Sayenqueraghta and Cornplanter chiefs recruited mainly Seneca warriors. Joseph Brant, a Mohawk warlord whose real name was Thayendanegea and who had attended British schools, recruited mainly Mohawks for what became a guerrilla war against American frontier settlers. By April, the Senecas were raiding settlements along the Allegheny and Susquehanna rivers. In early June, the three groups met in the Indian village of Tioga, New York. Butler and the Senecas decided to attack the Wyoming Valley, while Brant and the Mohawks (who had already ravaged Cobleskill in May) attacked settlements further north. American military leaders, including General George Washington and the Marquis de Lafayette, also sought to recruit the Iroquois, primarily as a distraction to keep the British busy in Quebec. However, these recruitment attempts met with more limited success. The Oneidas and Tuscaroras were the only tribes in the Six Nations to become Patriot allies. On July 1, John Butler's British force of approximately 1,000 regulars, loyalist irregulars, and Indians entered the Wyoming Valley and took control of Yankee Forts Wintermoot and Jenkins, on the western banks of the Susquehanna River, just above Wilkes-Barre. The following morning, July 2, the combined Indian-Loyalist force of 500 marched south and demanded the surrender of Fort Forty.

Colonel Zebulon Butler and other high-ranking officers urged caution, debating whether to stay in the fort and wait for reinforcements, or go out and face the raiders in the open. With Washington and the Continental Army en route to New Jersey, there was little hope of immediate support. The more the officers debated, the more the younger militiamen pressed for an attack, accusing them of cowardice. The British commander sent under a flag of truce, and under the escort of an Indian and a ranger, a message delivered by Daniel Ingersol. Ingersol was not allowed to say a word of his hearing to either Colonel Butler or Colonel Denison. His demand for surrender was rejected. Shortly before noon on July 3, Colonel Zebulon Butler and his 386th (240th Connecticut Regiment, a detachment of Continentals, and Wyoming volunteers) left Fort Forty to fight British and Allied forces. Lieutenant John Jenkins, Jr. was left in command of the fort. Some old men had stayed with him, including the minister of the settlement. Reverend Jacob Johnson's daughter, Lydia, had married Colonel Zebulon Butler. Others at the fort included Captain Obadiah Gore, Captain Wiliam Gallup, and Thomas Bennet. At 2:00 p.m. to the rhythm of fife and drum, it is said that they played “Stars and Stripes” for the first time; Butler, who was on leave from the Continental Army at the time, led the small army. Colonel Nathan Denison was second in command. As they marched to Wintermoot to launch their attack, the troops were spotted by an Indian foraging party. Reporting to British Colonel John Butler that they were within a mile of his position, Butler ordered Fort Wintermute “to be seized.” set it on fire so that the enemy would be deceived into believing that they were retreating.” Butler then proceeded to organize his battle line in the surrounding woods.

The men marched to what is now Wyoming Avenue. They stopped at a bridge that spanned Abraham's Creek. Thomas Bennett boldly declared that "they were marching into a trap and would be destroyed"; and he left them at Abraham Brook and returned to the fort. He stopped again at Swetland Hill. This time the scouts reported that the enemy was in full retreat. Here Butler, Dorrance, and Denison wanted to hold the line until reinforcements from Washington and John Franklin arrived. But Stewart prevailed. When the British Butler saw the colonists forming a battle line, he had already set fire to Fort Wintermute and ordered Fort Jenkins to be the same. Seeing the thick black smoke, the soldiers believed that the enemy was retreating. As Butler had planned, the colonists were tricked into advancing more quickly. British Butler had 110 Rangers and 464 Allied Indians, he deployed the Rangers to the front and the Indians to the flank had stripped off their uniform and rank insignia. He tied a black scarf around his head to identify himself, then waited with his rangers lying on the ground for the battle to begin. The Americans advanced to within 600 meters of the British line when they began to fire. The rangers lay silent on the ground until the Americans were within 300 meters of them. The Indians began attacking the settlers on the right. Captain Hewitt's company had driven this party back; but not until Lieutenant Daniel Gore was wounded and Captain Robert Drake was mortally wounded. The American right advanced more rapidly. The rangers got up from the ground shortly after the Indians began the attack on the American left. The rangers withdrew a short distance and returned fire. The colonists mistook that for retreat. It was for this reason that the right had about thirty bars in front of the left.

The soldiers on the left, in closest contact with the swamp, were suddenly attacked by the Senecas. Outflanked, Denison ordered Captain Whittlesey to fall back and make an angle with the main line. He hoped this would protect the left flank. “The western line was overwhelmed and the Indians forced them back to the center in the rear; and the peasant boys, unaccustomed to the blood-curdling cries of savage warriors, were thrown into unspeakable confusion and panic.” The orders of the officers had been confused with the order to withdraw. The fleeing soldiers of the left wing dragged the center and the right wing. Colonel Dorrance tried to stop the panic but was shot down and captured. Neither Butler nor Denison could stop their men from fleeing. Garrett was killed and Hewitt held his part of the line. His men retreated slightly and returned fire. Seeing the panic on the other line, an officer is quoted as saying to Hewitt “the day is lost, look the Indians are sixty yards from our rear, we will withdraw…I will be damned if I do” was his reply. . "Drummer play," he yelled, as he tried in vain to rally his men. At that moment, a bullet mortally wounded him, and the last of the crumbling line gave way in a rout. Reports from those who survived indicate that few men were killed in the actual battle. The battle lasted 45 minutes, in the actual combat there were few casualties, most were during the flight and pursuit. The British had 3 dead and 8 wounded, of the Americans only about 60 militiamen and another 60 continentals managed to flee. Butler claimed that his force had taken 227 scalps, burned 1,000 houses, and drove 1,000 cattle plus many sheep and pigs. Seneca Indians were angered by accusations of atrocities they said they had not committed, and the militia took up arms after being paroled.

Later that year, Joseph Brant, under Butler's command, retaliated in the Cherry Valley Massacre. Reports of the prisoner massacres and atrocities in Wyoming angered the American public. Later, Colonel Thomas Hartley arrived with his additional Continental regiment to defend the valley and attempt to harvest. They were joined by some militia companies, including Denison's, who violated his parole to join the force. In September, Hartley and Denison ascended the East Branch of the Susquehanna with 130 soldiers, destroying Indian villages as far as Tioga and recovering a large amount of loot taken during the raid. They fought off hostile Indians and withdrew when they learned that Joseph Brant was mustering a large force at Unadilla. When he laid waste to the settlements at Springfield and Andrustown in July, Joseph Brant left the survivors with warnings that German Flatts would soon be attacked as well. The German Flatts settlement had been founded in 1723 by immigrants from the German Palatinates. The district was defended by a local militia regiment under the command of Colonel Peter Bellinger. There were two main forts, Fort Dayton and Fort Herkimer, on either side of the Mohawk River. Although Brant had planned to attack German Flatts before September, the absence of John Butler delayed his plans. Butler had returned to Fort Niagara after his attack on Wyoming Valley communities in July, sending Captain William Caldwell to Unaquaga to recruit men for the unit known as Butler's Rangers. By early September it was clear that Butler would not return to the area, so Brant and Caldwell launched the expedition with what men they had. The exact composition of the force that departed from Unadilla is unclear. 152 Iroquois, mainly Mohawks, were in the force, but loyalists (in Caldwell's company of rangers and in Brant's company of volunteers) numbered between 200 and 300.

Due to earlier warnings that Brant was planning an attack, Colonel Bellinger had been sending scouts in the direction of Unadilla to obtain information. On September 16, Brant's company overwhelmed a 9-man scouting party, killing a few and scattering the rest. One of the survivors was Adam Helmer, who ran 26 miles, his own Marathon ahead of the advancing force to warn German Flatts. Colonel Bellinger issued a call to arms for his regiment and sent an urgent aid request to Colonel Jacob Klock to assist his regiment while the colonists took refuge in the forts. Caldwell, Brant, and their men reached German Flatts shortly after Helmer's warning, on the afternoon of September 16, and began their attack the next morning. Because the settlers had taken refuge in the forts, there was no significant opportunity for raiders to take prisoners or scalps. They demonstrated before the forts, but lacked the heavy cannons to properly assault them. Instead, they laid waste to communities on both sides of the Mohawk River, destroying 63 houses, a similar number of barns, three mills, and a sawmill. They drove off a large number of horses, cattle, and sheep, killing those they could not take with them. The only buildings left standing were the forts, a barn, the church, and the houses of the minister and some loyalists. More than 700 people were left homeless by its destruction. Due to Helmer's warning, only three Americans were killed. Captain Caldwell wrote that his men "would probably have killed most of the inhabitants of German Flatts had they not been warned of our arrival by one of the scouts who came in and warned of our approach, and perhaps reached their strongholds." .

Klock's Regiment arrived when the raiders had left. The militia chased the assailants, but could not catch up with them. However, some friendly Oneida and Tuscarora Indians took advantage of Brant's absence from Unadilla to raid that town, freeing the prisoners Brant had taken while he was on his way to German Flatts. The Americans launched retaliatory attacks in early October that destroyed Unadilla and Onaquaga. Brant and John Butler's son Walter organized a retaliatory expedition against Cherry Valley. The lurid propaganda associated with the accusations against the Senecas in the Wyoming Valley Massacre, even though Brant was not present, fueled among his opponents a view of him as a particularly brutal opponent. Brant then joined forces with Captain Walter Butler (John Butler's son), leading two companies of Butler's Rangers commanded by Captains John McDonell and William Caldwell for an attack on the important Cherry Valley settlement of Schoharie Creek. Butler's forces also included 300 Senecas, probably led by Cornplanter or Sayenqueraghta, and 50 regulars from the 8th. As the force moved into Cherry Valley, Butler and Brant quarreled over Brant's recruitment of Loyalists. Butler was dissatisfied with Brant's successes in that sphere and threatened to withhold the provisions of Brant's loyalist volunteers. Ninety of them ended up abandoning the expedition, and Brant himself was about to do so when his Indian supporters convinced him to stay. The dispute did not sit well with the Indian forces, and may have undermined Butler's tenuous authority over them. Cherry Valley had a stockade fortress (built after Brant's raid on Cobleskill) surrounding the town meeting house. It was garrisoned by 300 soldiers from the 7th Massachusetts Continental Army, commanded by Colonel Ichabod Alden.

Alden and his staff were alerted on November 8 by Oneida spies that the Butler-Brant force was moving against Cherry Valley. However, he took no precautions and continued to occupy his headquarters some 400 meters from the fort. Late in the day on November 10, Butler's force arrived near Cherry Valley and established a cold camp (no fires) to avoid detection. Reconnaissance of the town identified weaknesses in Alden's dispositions, and the raiders decided to send one force against Alden's headquarters and another against the fort. Butler obtained promises from the Indians that they would not harm noncombatants at a council held that night. On November 11, the attack began early in the morning. Some overeager Indians spoiled the surprise by shooting at settlers chopping wood nearby. One of them escaped and raised the alarm. Little Beard led some of the Senecas to surround Wells's house, while the main body surrounded the fort. The attackers killed at least 16 officers and troops from the guards, including Alden, who was cut down as he fled from Wells's home to the fort. Most sources say that Alden was within range of the gates, only to stop and attempt to shoot a pursuer, who may have been Joseph Brant himself. His wet pistol missed repeatedly and he was killed by a thrown tomahawk that hit him in the forehead. Lieutenant Colonel William Stacy, second in command, also quartered in Wells's house, was taken prisoner. Those who attacked Wells's house eventually managed to get inside, leading to a melee inside the house. After killing most of the soldiers stationed there, the Senecas slaughtered everyone in Wells's house, 12 in all. The raiders' attack on the fort was unsuccessful.

Lacking cannons, they were unable to do any significant damage to their palisade walls. The fort was guarded by loyalists while the Indians razed the rest of the settlement. Not a single house was left standing, and the Senecas, seeking revenge, were reported to have murdered anyone they encountered. Butler and Brant attempted to restrict their actions, but were unsuccessful. Brant, in particular, was dismayed to learn that several families he knew well and had counted as friends had borne the brunt of the Senecas' uproar. Cherry Valley is south of the Mohawk River and east of the north end of Otsego Lake. Unadilla is to the southwest, near where the Unadilla River joins the Susquehanna. Onaquaga is located a little further to the southwest, on the Susquehanna. Lieutenant William McKendry, a quartermaster in Colonel Alden's regiment, described the attack in his diary: “442 Five Nations Indians were immediately found, 200 Tories under the command of a Colonel Butler and Captain Brant; attacked headquarters, killed Colonel Alden; took Colonel Stacy prisoner; attacked Fort Alden; after three hours he unsuccessfully withdrew from taking the fort. Most of the soldiers killed had been at Wells's house." On November 11, Butler sent Brant and some Rangers back to the village to complete its destruction. The raiders took 70 captives, many of them women and children. Around 40 of them managed to be freed by Butler, but the rest were distributed among the villages of their captors until they were exchanged. Stacy was taken to Fort Niagara as a prisoner of the British. A Mohawk chief, justifying the action in Cherry Valley, wrote to an American officer that "you burned our houses, which makes us and our brothers, the Seneca Indians, angry, so we destroy men, women and children in Chevalle. ”. The Senecas declared that they would no longer be falsely accused, nor would they fight the enemy twice.

Butler reported that "in spite of my greatest precautions and efforts to save the women and children, I could not prevent some of them from being unhappy victims of the fury of the savages", but also that he spent most of his time guarding the fort during the raid. Quebec Governor Frederick Haldimand was so upset by Butler's inability to control his forces that he refused to see him, writing that "such indiscriminate revenge taken even against the treacherous and cruel enemy against whom they are confronted is futile and a bad reputation for themselves, as it is contrary to the provisions and maxims of the King whose cause they are fighting.” Butler continued to insist in later writings that he was not to blame for the day's events. The violent border war of 1778 prompted calls for the Continental Army to take action. Cherry Valley, along with allegations of noncombatant murder in Wyoming, helped pave the way for the launch of the Sullivan Expedition of 1779, commissioned by Commander-in-Chief General George Washington and led by Major General John Sullivan. The expedition destroyed more than 40 Iroquois villages on their land in central and western New York and drove the women and children to refugee camps at Fort Niagara. However, he was unable to stop the border war, which continued with renewed severity in 1780. In 1777, George Rogers Clark was a 25-year-old Virginian in the Kentucky County militia. Clark believed that he could end the Kentucky raids by capturing the British posts in the Illinois country and then moving against Detroit. In April 1777, Clark sent two spies into the Illinois Country. They returned after two months and reported that the fort at Kaskaskia was not guarded, that the French-speaking residents were not very attached to the British, and that no one expected an attack from Kentucky.

Clark wrote a letter to Governor Patrick Henry of Virginia outlining a plan to capture Kaskaskia. Because the Kentucky settlers lacked the authority, manpower, and supplies to launch the expedition themselves; In October 1777, Clark traveled to Williamsburg via the Wilderness Road to meet with Governor Henry, joining a group of about 100 settlers leaving Kentucky to avoid Indian raids. Clark presented his plan to Governor Henry on December 10, 1777. To maintain secrecy, Clark's proposal was only shared with a small group of influential Virginians, including Thomas Jefferson, George Mason, and George Wythe. Although Henry initially expressed doubts about whether the campaign was feasible, Clark managed to gain the trust of Henry and the others. The plan was approved by members of the Virginia General Assembly, who were given only vague details about the expedition. Publicly, Clark was authorized to recruit men for the defense of Kentucky. In a secret set of instructions from Governor Henry, Clark was instructed to capture Kaskaskia and then proceed as he saw fit. Governor Henry commissioned Clark as a Tcol in the Virginia Militia and authorized him to assemble 7 Militia Cos, each with about 50 men. This unit, later known as the Illinois Regiment, was part of the Virginia State Militia and therefore not part of the Continental Army. The men were drafted to serve for three months after they arrived in Kentucky. To maintain secrecy, Clark did not tell any of his recruits that the purpose of the expedition was to invade the country of Illinois. To recruit men and buy supplies, Clark received £1,200 in continental currency. Clark established his headquarters at Redstone Old Fort on the Monongahela River, while three of Clark's associates from the Dunmore War, Joseph Bowman, Leonard Helm, and William Harrod, began recruiting men.

Clark commissioned Captain William Bailey Smith as a major, giving him £150 to recruit four companies in the Holston River valley and then meet Clark in Kentucky. For a variety of reasons, Clark was unable to muster the 350 men authorized for the Illinois Regiment. His recruiters had to compete with recruiters from the Continental Army and other militia units. Some believed that Kentucky was too sparsely populated to warrant diverting troops, and recommended that it be evacuated rather than defended. Settlers in the Holston Valley were more concerned with the Cherokees to the south than the Indians to the north of Ohio, and were reluctant to enlist in operations to the north. Although some Pennsylvanians enlisted in the Illinois regiment, the long-running boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia meant that few Pennsylvanians volunteered for what was perceived as a campaign to protect Virginia territory. After repeated delays to allow time for more men to join, Clark left Redstone by ship on May 12, 1778, with about 150 recruits, organized into three companies under Captains Bowman, Helm, and Harrod. Clark expected to meet Holston's 200 men under Captain Smith at the Falls of the Ohio in Kentucky. Traveling with Clark's men were about 20 families set to settle in Kentucky. On the journey up the Ohio River, Clark and his men picked up supplies at Forts Pitt and Henry that were provided by General Edward Hand, commander of the Western Department of the Continental Army. They arrived at Fort Randolph (Point Pleasant, West Virginia) shortly after being attacked by an Indian war party. The fortress commander asked for Clark's help in pursuing the raiders, but Clark refused, believing that he had no time to waste.

As he neared the falls of the Ohio River, Clark stopped at the mouth of the Kentucky River and sent a message upriver to Major Smith, telling him it was time to rendezvous. Clark soon learned, however, that of Smith's promised four companies, only a partial company under a Captain Dillard had reached Kentucky. Clark therefore sent a message to Colonel John Bowman, the senior militia officer in Kentucky, requesting that the colonel send Dillard's men and any other recruits he could find to the falls. Clark's small flotilla reached the Falls of the Ohio on May 27. He established a base camp on a small island in the middle of the rapids, later known as Corn Island. When the additional recruits from Kentucky and Holston finally arrived, Clark added 20 of these men to his force and sent the others back to Kentucky to help defend the settlements. The new recruits were placed in a company under Captain John Montgomery. In Montgomery's company was a scout named Simon Kenton, who would become a legendary Kentucky frontiersman. On the island, Clark revealed that the true purpose of the expedition was to invade the country of Illinois. The news was greeted with enthusiasm by many, but some of Holston's men deserted that night; seven or eight were caught and brought back, but others escaped capture and returned to their homes. While Clark and his officers briefed the troops in preparation for Kaskaskia's expedition, families who had traveled with the regiment down the Ohio River settled on the island and planted a corn crop. While Clark and his officers briefed the troops in preparation for Kaskaskia's expedition, families who had traveled with the regiment down the Ohio River settled on the island and planted a corn crop.

Clark and his men set out from Corn Island on June 24, 1778, leaving behind seven soldiers who were deemed not tough enough for the journey. These men stayed with the families on the island and kept the provisions stored there. Clark's force numbered about 175 men, organized into four companies under Captains Bowman, Helm, Harrod, and Montgomery. They passed over the white waters of the falls during a total solar eclipse, which some of the men considered a good omen. On June 28, the Illinois Regiment reached the mouth of the Tennessee River, where they landed on an island and prepared for the final leg of the journey. Normally, travelers to Kaskaskia would continue to the Mississippi River and then paddle upriver to the town. As Clark expected to take Kaskaskia by surprise, he decided to take his men through what is now the southern tip of Illinois and approach the village by land, a journey of approximately 90 km. Clark's men captured a boat of American hunters led by John Duff who had recently been in Kaskaskia. They provided Clark with intelligence on the village and agreed to join the expedition as guides. That night, Clark and his troops landed their ships on the north side of the Ohio River, near the ruins of Fort Massac, a French fort abandoned after the French and Indian War. The men marched 80 km through the forest before emerging on the grassland. When a guide announced that he was lost, Clark suspected treachery and threatened to kill the man unless he found his way. The guide got back on track and the walk resumed. They reached the outskirts of Kaskaskia on the night of July 4. Thinking they would have arrived sooner, the men had brought only four days' worth of rations; they had gone without food for the last two days of a six-day march. Joseph Bowman wrote, "In our starving condition, we unanimously decided to take the city or die trying."

They crossed the Kaskaskia River around midnight and quickly secured the town without firing a shot. At Fort Gage, the Virginians captured Rocheblave, who was sleeping in his bed when the Americans stormed the lightly guarded fort. The next morning, Clark worked to secure the loyalty of the townspeople, a task made easier because Clark brought news of the Franco-American alliance. Residents were asked to swear allegiance to Virginia and the United States. Father Pierre Gibault, the town priest, was won over after Clark assured him that the Catholic Church would be protected by Virginia law. Rocheblave and several others considered hostile to the Americans were held prisoner and later sent to Virginia. Clark soon extended his authority to nearby French settlements. On the afternoon of July 5, Captain Bowman was dispatched with 30 mounted men, along with some citizens of Kaskaskia, to secure Prairie du Rocher, Saint-Philippe, and Cahokia. The cities offered no resistance, and within 10 days more than 300 people had taken the oath of American allegiance. When Clark turned his attention to Vincennes, Father Gibault offered to help. On July 14, Gibault and some companions set out on horseback for Vincennes. There, most of the citizens agreed to take the oath of allegiance, and the local militia garrisoned Fort Sackville. Gibault returned to Clark in early August to report that Vincennes had been conquered and the American flag was now flying from Fort Sackville. Clark sent Captain Helm to Vincennes to take command of the Canadian militia. In Detroit, Henry Hamilton learned of Clark's occupation of the Illinois Country in early August 1778. Determined to retake Vincennes, Hamilton mustered some 30 British soldiers, 145 Canadian militiamen, and 60 Indians under Egushawa, the influential leader of the Odawa War.

Captain Normand MacLeod of the Detroit Volunteer Militia led an advanced group of militiamen. On October 7, the main contingent from Hamilton began the journey of more than 300 miles to Vincennes. Going down the Wabash, he stopped at Ouiatanon and recruited Indians who had declared allegiance to the Americans after Clark's occupation of the Illinois Country. By the time Hamilton entered Vincennes on December 17, so many Indians had joined the expedition that his force had grown to 500 men. As Hamilton approached Fort Sackville, the Canadian militia under Captain Helm deserted, leaving the American commander and some soldiers to surrender. The townspeople quickly renounced their allegiance to the United States and renewed their oaths to King George. After Vincennes was recaptured, most of Detroit's Indians and militia went home. Hamilton stationed himself at Fort Sackville for the winter with a garrison of about 90 soldiers, planning to retake the remaining Illinois towns along the Mississippi River in the spring.
1778: El Sur
«consideradas por el Rey como un objeto de gran importancia en la escala de la guerra».
«considered by the King as an object of great importance in the scale of the war».
— Attributed to Lord George Germain, the British Secretary to Henry Clinton about the conquest of the Southern Colonies.​

In March 1778, after the defeat of a British army at the Battle of Saratoga and France's subsequent entry into the war as an American ally; Lord George Germain, the British secretary responsible for war, wrote to Lieutenant General Henry Clinton that the southern colonies he captured were "regarded by the King as an object of great importance in the scale of the war". Germain's instructions to Clinton, framed as recommendations, were that he should leave Philadelphia and then undertake operations to recapture Georgia and the Carolinas, while making diversionary attacks on Virginia and Maryland. In June and July 1778, Clinton successfully withdrew his troops from Philadelphia to New York. In November, after facing the threat of a French fleet off New York and Newport, Rhode Island, Clinton turned his attention south. He organized a force of about 3,000 men in New York and sent orders to St. Augustine, the capital of eastern Florida, where Brigadier General Augustine Prevost would organize all available men and Indian agent John Stuart would muster local Creek warriors and Cherokees to assist in operations against Georgia. Clinton's basic plan, first proposed by Thomas Brown in 1776, began with the capture of the Georgian capital, Savannah. Clinton gave command of the 3,000-strong detachment to Colonel Archibald Campbell. The force consisted of two 71st Highlander brigades, 2 Hessian regiments from Wöllwarth and Wissenbach, and 4 militia battalions: a battalion of New York Volunteers, two battalions of Lancey's brigade, and a battalion of Skinner's brigade. Campbell sailed from New York on November 26, arriving at Tybee Island. The troops sailed from Sandy Hook, New York, on November 27, 1778, escorted by a Royal Navy squadron under Commodore Hyde Parker. Campbell's force reached Tybee Island, at the mouth of the Savannah River, on December 23, 1778. The state of Georgia was defended by two separate forces.

Continental Army units were under the command of General Robert Howe, who was responsible for the defense of the entire South, while state militia companies were under the overall command of Georgia Governor John Houstoun. Howe and Georgia authorities had previously argued over control of military expeditions against Prevost in eastern Florida, and those expeditions had failed. These failures led the Continental Congress to decide in September 1778 to replace Howe with Major General Benjamin Lincoln, who had successfully negotiated the militia's participation in events surrounding the British at the Battle of Saratoga. Lincoln had not yet arrived when news reached Howe that Clinton was sending troops to Georgia. During November 1778, British raids on Georgia became increasingly threatening to population centers in the state. Despite the urgency of the situation, Governor Houstoun refused to allow Howe to direct the movements of the Georgia militia. On November 18, Howe began marching south from Charleston, South Carolina, with 550 Continental Army troops, arriving in Savannah later that month. He learned that Campbell had sailed from New York on December 6. On December 23 sails were seen on Tybee Island. The next day, Governor Houstoun assigned 100 Georgian militia to Howe. A council of war decided to attempt a vigorous defense of Savannah, despite the fact that they would likely be significantly outnumbered, hoping to last until Lincoln's troops arrived. Due to the large number of potential landing points, Howe was forced to hold most of his army in reserve until the British had landed.

By December 27, the entire British fleet had anchored off Tybee Island. The squadron consisted of the ship of the line Phoenix (44), and the frigates Vigilant (28), Rose (24), Fowey (24), the brig Keppel, the sloop Greenwich and the Comet galley and transport ships. Campbell landed a group of Highlander soldiers on Wilmington Island and took two civilians prisoner and brought them back for questioning. These two men revealed much information about the size of the garrison in Savannah and the positions of the American troops. On December 28, the British squadron sailed 3 km from Savannah, opposite the Girardeau plantation, and preparations were made for an early landing the following morning. Howe was misinformed about the enemy's strength, and believing that he could stand up to them, determined to defend the city. Observing this movement of the enemy, he rightly concluded that the British troops would land below Brewton Hill and advance towards the city along the great road, now known as the Thunderbolt Road, and Captain John C. Smith, with his company of Carolinians from the south, was sent to the hill to watch the enemy. Campbell realized that Brwton Hill had to be controlled before his forces could land, and sent two companies of the 71st to take control of it. The Carolinians opened fire at approximately 100 meters; the British, instead of returning fire, quickly charged with fixed bayonets, denying the Continentals a second shot. The Carolinians withdrew, having killed 4 and wounded 5 at no cost to themselves. By noon, Campbell had landed his army and began to advance cautiously towards the city. The swamp on the eastern side of Savannah was much wider and more difficult to cross than it is today. On the high ground west of the swamp, General Howe put his force in battle array to cover the great road, which crossed the swamp by a narrow causeway, and burned the bridge over the creek that ran through the center of the swamp.

To introduce further obstructions, a deep trench was dug 300 meters west of the swamp and filled with water. The army was divided into two brigades; the 1st Brigade, commanded by Colonel Elbert, constituted the left wing, and the 2nd Brigade under Colonel Huger, the right wing. Five artillery pieces were stationed in front of the road; companies of light infantry guarded the flanks. Campbell left a battalion of Lancey's 71st Highlanders and New York Provincials to guard the landing point at Girardeau, and advanced up the road toward Howe's position. When Campbell's advance companies spotted Howe's line around 2:00 p.m., the main body halted near the field and Campbell approached under cover of light infantry and climbed a tree to see what he was up against. He saw Howe's defenses as essentially solid, but was told by a local slave that there was a path through the swamp to Howe's right. Campbell ordered James Baird to take 350 light infantry and 250 Loyalists from New York and follow the slave through the swamp, while positioning his troops out of sight in a way that would give the impression that he was attempting a flanking maneuver on the enemy. Howe's left. True to his word, the slave led Baird down the path they had left unguarded; the mainlanders did not know they had been outflanked. When they reached his position, Campbell ordered the regulars to charge. The first sounds of battle Howe heard were musket fire from the barracks, but these were quickly followed by cannon fire and the appearance of British and German troops on his front. He ordered an immediate withdrawal, but it quickly turned into a rout. His untested troops barely bothered to return fire, some dropping their weapons before trying to escape through the swampy terrain. Campbell reported that "they could hardly be found, their withdrawal was rapid beyond conception."

Light infantry in the continental rear cut off the road to Augusta, the only significant escape route, forcing mad fighting by retreating troops into the city itself. Georgian soldiers on the right attempted to find a safe crossing of Musgrove Creek, but there was none, and many of the troops were taken prisoner. Soldiers who did not immediately surrender were sometimes bayoneted. Colonel Huger managed to form a rear guard to cover the escape of several mainlanders. Some of Howe's men managed to escape north before the British closed off the town, but others were forced to attempt to swim across Yamacraw Creek, an unknown number drowning in the attempt. Campbell gained control of the town at the cost of 7 killed and 17 wounded, not including the 4 men killed and 5 wounded during the preliminary skirmish. Campbell took 453 prisoners, and there were at least 83 killed and 11 wounded by Howe's forces. When Howe's retreat ended at Purrysburg, South Carolina, he had only 342 men left, less than half his original army. Howe would receive much of the blame for the disaster, with William Moultrie arguing that he should have contested the landing site in force or withdrawn without a fight to keep his army intact. He was exonerated in a court martial that investigated the event, although the court noted that Howe should have held out on the cliffs or more directly opposed the landing. Over the next few weeks, the Americans withdrew from Georgia entirely, and a new administration was created to run the colony on behalf of the British Crown. Many of the Georgians were quick to express their support for King George III. General Prevost arrived in mid-January, but by then General Lincoln had begun to rally support in South Carolina to oppose the British.
1779: El Sur
«no he podido rechazar que el ejército de los Estados Unidos se una al del Rey. La unión probablemente se efectuará este día. Si no tengo una respuesta inmediata, debo consultar en el futuro con el general Lincoln».
«I have not been able to refuse the United States Army to join the King's. The union will probably take place on this day. If I don't have an immediate answer, I must consult with General Lincoln in the future.».
— Attributed to French Admiral Count Charles-Hector Theodat d'Estaing.​

When British Brigadier General Augustine Prevost arrived from St. Augustine in mid-January, he assumed command of the garrison there and sent a force under Campbell to take control of Augusta and increase Loyalist forces. On January 24, Campbell and more than 1,000 troops left Savannah, arriving near Augusta a week later, with minimal harassment from the Georgia Patriot militia along the way. Augusta had been defended by South Carolina General Andrew Williamson, leading about 1,000 militia from Georgia and South Carolina, but he withdrew most of his men when Campbell approached. His rear guard briefly escaped with Campbell's men before retreating across the Savannah River into South Carolina. Campbell began recruiting loyalists. By 10 February some 1,100 men signed up, but relatively few actually formed militia companies, forming only 20 British Army companies. Campbell began to require loyalty oaths, under penalty of loss of property; many made this oath unconvincingly, letting Williamson quickly learn of his true feelings. Early in his march, Campbell sent Major John Hamilton to recruit Loyalists in Wilkes County and Lt. Col. John Boyd on an expedition to recruit Loyalists in the interior of North and South Carolina. Boyd was successful and recruited several hundred men. As he traveled south back to Augusta, more loyalists joined his company until he reached over 600 men in central South Carolina. As this column advanced, the men looted along the way, predictably causing angry patriots to take up arms. The Continental Army commander in the south, Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln, based in Charleston, South Carolina, had been unable to respond adequately to the capture of Savannah.

With limited resources (lacking men and funds), he was able to muster about 1,400 militiamen from South Carolina, but he was not authorized to order them out of state. On January 30, he was reinforced at Charleston by the arrival of 1,100 militiamen from North Carolina under the command of General John Ashe. He then immediately sent them to join Williamson on the South Carolina side of the Savannah River near Augusta. The banks of the Savannah River in the Augusta area were controlled by a loyalist force led by Colonel Daniel McGirth, while the banks of South Carolina were controlled by a Georgian Patriot militia led by Colonel John Dooly. When about 250 militia arrived from South Carolina under Colonel Andrew Pickens, Pickens and Dooly joined forces to carry out offensive operations in Georgia, with Pickens taking overall command. At some point they were joined by some companies of the North Carolina Light Horse Militia. On February 10, Pickens and Dooly crossed the Savannah River to attack a British Army camp southeast of Augusta. Finding the camp unoccupied, they learned that the company was on patrol. Suspecting that they were heading for a frontier post called Fort Carr, Pickens sent men directly there while the main body pursued the British. The British reached the fort, but were forced to abandon their horses and baggage outside its walls. Pickens then besieged the fort until he learned that Boyd was on the move from South Carolina with some 700 loyalists, heading for Georgia. He reluctantly lifted the siege and headed to intercept Boyd. Pickens established a strong detachment near the mouth of the Broad River, where he expected Boyd to attempt to cross. Boyd, however, had increased his force to about 800 men, and he chose to go north. He first tried Cherokee Ford, the southernmost point of the Savannah River, where he came across a blockhouse at McGowen.

The blockhouse had a detachment of 8 Patriots commanded by Captain Robert Anderson with two small swivels in an entrenched position, which thwarted Boyd's approach to the Cherokee Ford. Boyd moved north upriver about 5 miles and crossed the Savannah River there, skirmishing with a small Patriot force that had watched his movements on the Georgia side. When Pickens learned that Boyd had crossed the river, he himself had crossed into South Carolina in an attempt to intercept Boyd. He immediately re-entered Georgia upon learning of Boyd's whereabouts. On February 14, Pickens caught up with Boyd as he paused to rest his troops near Kettle Creek, just a few miles from Colonel McGirth's loyal camp. Boyd apparently didn't know he was being followed so closely, and his camp, though guards had been posted, were not particularly alert. Pickens moved forward, leading the center, with his right flank under Dooly and his left under Georgia Ltcol Elja Clarke. Gunfire between Patriot scouts and camp guards alerted Boyd to the situation. Boyd formed a defensive line near the rear of the camp and advanced with a 100-man force to oppose Pickens in a crude defensive work of fences and fallen trees. Pickens, whose advance gave him the advantage of high ground, was able to outflank that position, even though his own wings were slowed by marshy conditions near the creek. In heavy fighting, Boyd received a mortal wound, and the small company withdrew to the Loyalist main line. Patriot flanks began to emerge from the swamps. The Loyalists, led by Boyd's second-in-command, Major William Spurgen, engaged the Patriots in battle for an hour and a half. Some loyalists crossed the stream, abandoning horses and equipment.

Clarke realized that there was high ground on the other side of the creek that they seemed to be heading towards and led some of his men there, causing them to shoot his horse from under him in the process. The loyalist line was finally broken and his men were killed, captured or scattered. Many of Boyd's men returned home. A significant number were captured or handed over to Patriot authorities in the days following the battle, and the fate of some of his men is unknown. Campbell reported that 270 of Boyd's recruits eventually joined him. He organized them into the Royal North Carolina Regiment. When Pickens approached the mortally wounded Boyd after the battle, the loyalist leader, who had lived in South Carolina before the war and was known to Pickens, asked the patriot leader to give his wife a pin and inform her about your destiny. Which Pickens would eventually do. Of the Loyalist prisoners, only about 20 survived his injuries. Pickens took them first to Augusta, and then to Ninety-six, where they were held along with a large number of other Loyalists. Seeking to make an example of themselves, authorities in South Carolina put several of those loyalists on trial for treason. About 50 of them were convicted, and five men, including some captured at Kettle Creek, were hanged. British military leaders were outraged at the treatment of what they considered prisoners of war, even before the trial. General Prevost threatened reprisals against the Patriot prisoners he was holding, but did not act for fear that other American-controlled British prisoners might be mistreated. His invasion of coastal South Carolina in April 1779, a counterattack against General Lincoln's moves to recapture Georgia, led South Carolina officials to overturn most of the convictions.

At a council held in Augusta on February 12, Campbell decided to abandon Augusta and began the retreat to Savannah on February 14 at two on the morning of the battle. Campbell did not leave due to the outcome of the battle. He didn't find out about the battle until he had already left Augusta; his departure was prompted by the arrival of General John Ashe's 1,200 Patriot forces at General Andrew Williamson's camp across the Savannah River, the shortage of supplies, and the uncertainty as to whether Boyd would have succeeded in his mission. The success of the Battle of Kettle Creek was somewhat affected by the subsequent British victory at the Battle of Brier Creek on March 3, which took place during Campbell's retreat. On February 13, General John Ashe joined Williamson at his command post overnight. That same night, British forces evacuated Augusta. On February 14, Colonel Archibald Campbell withdrew his British forces from Augusta and stopped at Hudson's Ferry, located about 15 miles south of Briar Creek. Brigadier General Augustine Prevost sent some reinforcements to Hudson's ferry with orders to stop Ashe's advance. The British plan was for Major MacPherson to occupy the south bank of the creek as a diversion. Prevost's younger brother, Lt. Col. Mark Prevost, would take a 900-man force and make an encircling move 50 miles wide to the west and attack the American rear. On February 25, Ashe's force entered Georgia and headed for Savannah. On February 27, Ashe entered the Briar Creek area and discovered that the only crossing bridge had been destroyed by retreating British forces. The creek was too deep to traverse as it ran through a deep swamp almost 5 km wide. He decided to rebuild the destroyed bridge and build a road to Savannah so that Rutherford could reinforce his army from Matthew Bluff, South Carolina. Matthew Bluff was about 5 miles east of Briar Creek.

Prevost decided to execute a plan of attack devised by Campbell before he left. This plan was to make a big move, cross Brier Creek at a bridge further north and west, and then move south and trap Ashe's men in the triangle of land where the creek and river met. A diversionary force would stay at the site of the destroyed bridge to distract Ashe's men. On March 1, the diversionary force, some 500 men, including regulars and militiamen, openly marched north until they were within 5 km of the burning bridge, and camped there. That night, around 900 veteran troops drawn primarily from the 71st Highlander and James Baird's light infantry companies and also included field guns and several experienced militia units, including members of the Florida Rangers (famous for leading skirmishes into Florida) . They made a rapid march north to the Moulin de Paris bridge. On March 2, arriving around 10:00 a.m., they found the bridge destroyed and began building a temporary bridge for their team to cross. Worried that they might be discovered, Prevost sent Baird's light infantry and a company of light dragoons to ford the river that night. They acted as a screen against covering up the work in progress and cutting off Ashe's escape route. On March 3, at dawn, Prevost's entire party had crossed the river, and began the advance towards the patriot camp, meeting scouts on the way and taking them prisoner. Late in the afternoon, Prevost's men clashed with pickets from Ashe and shots were heard in the Patriot camp. A horseman galloped to inform Ashe of the impending attack from the British coming down the road.

Ashe raised the alarm and ordered the troops to form up. The number of troops actually arrayed for the battle was about 900, as several troops had been sent south to scout, and others were on duty at the burned bridge. The distribution of ammunition to the men was complicated by the shortage of cartridge cases and the different calibers of muskets, some were supplied in the wrong calibers, and the battle lines were formed in much confusion. When the American lines were finally formed, the left side was flanked by Brier Creek, but there was a large gap on the right side, between the end of the line and the river. The left was made up of the New Bern militia regiment from North Carolina, the center by a combination of the Georgia militia and Continental Army units under Samuel Elbert, and the right was made up of the Edenton regiment from North Carolina. Prevost's troops approached in three columns. Baird's light infantry was on the left, the 71st's 2nd Battalion was in the center, and Carolina Provincials and Rangers formed the right. Prevost kept the light dragoons and grenadiers in reserve. Both sides opened fire at long range, and then Elbert's men moved forward to close the distance. Two things then happened to create a gap in the American line. Elbert's men shifted to the left as they advanced, partially obscuring the fire of New Bern's men, and the British cavalry threatened to the right, driving Edenton's men away from the center, opening a gap with the center. Seeing that gap on the right, Prevost ordered the 71st Highlander to fix bayonets and charge through the gap. Most of the patriot militia did not have bayonets. Seeing the British attacking, many broke and ran without even firing a shot. Edenton's men fired a few rounds and then gave up the fight.

Elbert's mainlanders held formation in the center while the outflanking militia fled into the swamps, eventually being surrounded and pressed against Briar Creek, forcing Elbert to surrender. The 200 men on the bridge reached the battlefield at the end of the fighting, but quickly retreated as they were dragged away by the fleeing. Ashe pursued his retreating troops on horseback in an attempt to rally them, but to no avail, escaping into Matthew's Bluff with many others. By late afternoon, the battle was finally over with the American forces suffering a humiliating defeat. With their victory, the British restored their control over Georgia. Many of the patriots demanded that Ashe be blamed for this shameful defeat. The carnage on the American side would never be fully accounted for, as many militiamen fled back to North Carolina, and an unknown number drowned in the creek. The British counted 150 dead and about 200 captured, including Colonel Elbert and Lt. Col. John McIntosh. John Dooly and his Wilkes County militia arrived on March 4 and buried the dead Patriots in a mass grave. The British only lost 5 killed and 11 wounded. Anthony Lytle, the commander of the American light infantry, dispersed his men to avoid capture. Ashe was seen riding behind the militia companies, and was widely blamed for the disaster, often amid claims that he led the retreat. A court-martial acquitted him of charges of cowardice, but convicted him of failing to secure his camp. Lt col Prevost was appointed Acting Royal Governor of Georgia until James Wright's return to Savannah. Brier Creek stalled American attempts to force the enemy out of the new state and ensured British rule of the region.

Brigadier General William Moultrie, in his memoirs of the war, wrote that the loss at the Battle of Brier Creek extended the war by a year and made possible the British invasion of South Carolina in 1780. In mid-April, Lincoln was he felt strong enough to move in force with the goal of tightening the cordon around Savannah, cutting off the British from local resources. He marched from Purrysburg on April 23 to Augusta. Lincoln was apparently unaware that the British supply situation was somewhat dire, in part because American privateer activity had succeeded in capturing and diverting British supply ships destined for Savannah. His move to Augusta left the rich coastal lands of South Carolina protected by a minimal military force. When British General Augustine Prevost learned of this move, he decided to strike back against the militia forces at Purrysburg and marched 2,500 men on April 29. The Patriot militia, some 1,000 men under General William Moultrie, fell back toward Charleston rather than attack Prevost, and Moultrie sent messengers to Lincoln warning him of the British move. When Moultrie withdrew, the local men abandoned his force to protect their homes and crops. Prevost decided to go after Moultrie and chased him to the gates of Charleston. On May 10, companies from the two forces clashed near Ashley Ferry, about 7 miles from Charleston. Two days later, Prevost intercepted a message from which he learned that Lincoln was rapidly marching back to Charleston, and decided to withdraw. His army slowed down having taken supplies on the way, so he decided to leave a rearguard at Stono Ferry, between John Island and the mainland, moving most of his army to Savannah by ship on 16 March. June. Prevost placed Lt. Col. John Maitland in charge of the rearguard, which numbered about 900 men.

He established a bridgehead on the north side of an area now known as New Cut Church Flats, which was intended to cover Stono Ferry. Three strong redoubts were built surrounded by abatis and garrisoned by 500 Highlanders from the 71st under John Maitland, 100 Grenadiers from Trumbach's Hessian Regiment under Major Johann Endemann, 200 Hessians from the Wissenbach Regiment under Lt Col, Fredrich von Porbeck, and companies of Loyalists from North Carolina and South Carolina with 7 guns and the galley Thunder in support. Lincoln, upon his arrival in Charleston, decided to launch an attack against that outpost. Although he commanded some 6,000 men, he was only able to muster some 1,200 men, mainly from the poorly trained local militia, for the expedition. General Moultrie led a smaller secondary effort eastward against a small group of British soldiers on Johns Island. Lincoln deployed his troops after an 8-mile night march from Ashley Ferry, located in the town of Drayton Hall. Immediately after his arrival at dawn, they began to fight through thick woods. The Americans advanced in two wings and a reserve. The battle started well for the patriots. They engaged the British positions with light weapons and cannon fire for an hour, at which point they advanced towards the abatis. Of the Highlanders, two companies held out until only 11 men were left standing; a Hessian battalion finally broke. There Maitland switched forces from him in an attempt to counter the larger threat posed by Huger's wing. The Hessians rallied and returned to the fight, and reserves arrived across the bridge. Lincoln seeing that his troops were running out of ammunition, chose this moment to order a retreat.

American losses in the battle were 34 killed, 113 wounded, and 155 missing. Among the dead was Hugh Jackson, older brother of Andrew Jackson, who was struck down by heat and exhaustion. Huger was seriously injured. British casualties were 26 killed, 93 wounded and 1 missing. Maitland had decided almost a week before the battle to withdraw from the site, but his movement was delayed by the lack of water transport. She finally began to move on June 23 toward Beaufort, though with little indication of Lincoln's attack. The Continental Army regrouped, and by June 1779 the combined army and militia forces guarding Charleston numbered between 5,000 and 7,000 men. Major General Benjamin Lincoln, in command of these forces, knew that he could not retake Savannah without naval help; for this he turned to the French, who had entered the war as an American ally in 1778. In the summer of 1779, French Admiral Count Charles-Hector Theodat d'Estaing captured Saint Vincent and Grenada in the British West Indies, tipping the scales in favor of French naval superiority. Estaing's powerful fleet was available for a joint operation with the Americans. The Earl soon received a flood of letters from French diplomats and Major General Benjamin Lincoln, continental commander in the south, urging him to take his fleet north for a campaign against Savannah. On September 1, an unusually early arrival because there was still a substantial risk of seasonal hurricanes, a few French ships arrived in Charleston with the news that Estaing was sailing for Georgia with 22 ships of the line and 4,000 French troops. Estaing was enthusiastic about the proposal. The 50-year-old aristocrat was eager to make up for a failed Allied operation against Newport, which had had to be aborted the previous year due to lack of cooperation and bad weather.

The Earl reached the shores of Georgia on September 3 with 37 ships, including 22 ships of the line, and 4,000 soldiers detached from West Indies service. The formidable French fleet surprised and captured several British vessels near the mouth of the Savannah River. The fleet anchored off Savannah Bar, and the British ships withdrew upriver. The small garrison at Fort Tybee on Great Tybee Island, guarding the entrance to the river, fired on the French ships with their two guns to no effect. That night a French detachment occupied the fort, which they found abandoned. On September 12, a vanguard of 1,200 French troops landed unopposed on Beaulieu Beach in Ossabaw Sound, a few miles south of Savannah. Most of the French army landed, and a camp was established 5 km from the city. On September 16, Estaing arrogantly sent a formal demand to British General Augustine Prevost that he surrender Savannah to His Majesty the King of France. He reminded Prevost that he had captured Granada with a much smaller force, and held Prevost personally responsible for what might happen if the siege operations were prolonged. To the chagrin of the Americans, Estaing added “I have not been able to refuse the United States Army to join the King's. The union will probably take place on this day. If I don't have an immediate answer, I must consult with General Lincoln in the future." Prevost called for a 24-hour truce to allow him to consult with civil authorities in Savannah; and Estaing foolishly agreed to his request. He could have captured Savannah by direct assault, as the British garrison was unprepared for an attack. Instead, he allowed Prevost enough time to strengthen the city's defenses. The allies would regret losing their best chance to take Savannah.

The British troop strength in the area consisted of about 6,500 regulars at Brunswick, Georgia, another 900 at Beaufort, South Carolina under Colonel John Maitland, and about 100 loyalists at Sunbury, Georgia. General Augustine Prevost, commanding these troops from his base in Savannah, was caught unprepared as the French fleet began arriving at Tybee Island. Prevost was a veteran of many years of service in the British Army. The Swiss-born officer had been wounded at the Battle of Fontenoy in 1745. At the capture of Quebec by the French in 1759, he received a wound that had left a circular scar on his temple and led to his nickname Old Bullet. Head. He complained of poor health and was not considered an aggressive commander. Colonel Campbell wrote that Prevost seems a worthy man, but too old and inactive for this service. Old Bullet Head used the delay Estaing granted him to put soldiers, townspeople, and several hundred black slaves to work around the clock to finish the city's fortifications. He also sent an urgent message to Lt. Col. John Maitland to bring his 800 soldiers from Beaufort, and the 100 from Sunbury to reinforce the Savannah garrison. Captain Moncrief of the Royal Engineers was commissioned to build fortifications to repel invaders. With 500–800 African-American slaves working up to twelve hours a day, Moncrief had built an entrenched defensive line, including redoubts, nearly 370 meters long, on the plains outside the city, put soldiers and civilians to work to finish the plays. Ltcol Maitland, commander of the 71st Highlander, was from a distinguished Scottish family. The resourceful 47-year-old veteran, who had lost his right hand in combat in 1759, was respected both by his own men and by Americans.

Maitland had contracted a fever (in fact, he had little more than a month to live); however, he forcibly marched his men to the Savannah River. With the help of black fishermen as guides, he crossed up the river from Savannah, and he and his reinforcements reached the besieged city on September 17. With the arrival of Maitland's troops and his defenses strengthened, Prevost finally sent his reply to Estaing: No to Surrender! Augustine Prevost had the following forces: RI-71 highlander under Lt. Col. John Maitland (1st Battalion 71 under Maj. Archibald McArthur and 2nd Battalion 71 under Maj. McDonald; light troops under Maj. Colin Graham (light companies of the 16th, 60th and 71st); 60th (2nd Battalion/60, 3rd Battalion/60 and 4th Battalion/60); Captain Thomas Tawse's Light Dragoons (2 troops); Hessian Regiments from Trümbach, Hessian Regiment from Wiessenbach; Royal Marines; Volunteers from New York under Maj. Sheridan; Lancy's Brigade (4 Volunteer Battalion); King's Rangers under Lt. Col. Thomas Brown; South Carolina Regiment under Col. Alexander Innes; North Carolina Volunteers under John Hamilton; Georgia Loyalists under Maj. Wright; Georgia militia and Savannah militia. The British Royal Navy contributed to the defense with two frigates Foley and Rose. They landed their guns and most of their men to reinforce the ground forces. In addition, the British The armed brig Keppel and the armed ship Germaine were also deployed. There were two galleys, Comet and Thunder. Finally, the British armed two merchant ships, Savannah and Venus. On September 19, when Estaing moved his squadron upriver, he exchanged fire with the ships Comet, Thunder, Savannah, and Venus. The next day the British scuttled the Rose, which was leaking badly, just below the town to prevent the French ships from advancing further. They also burned Savannah and Venus. By sinking the Rose in a narrow part of the channel, the British effectively blocked her. Consequently, the French fleet was unable to assist the American assault.

Germaine took a position to protect the north side of Savannah's defenses. Comet and Thunder were tasked with opposing any attempt by South Carolina galleys to bombard the city. Over the next few days, British shore batteries assisted the Comet and Thunder galleys in engagements with the two South Carolina galleys; during one of these, they severely damaged the Vengeance. Benjamin Lincoln and his continental officers were upset that the earl had moved to Savannah without them, as if the operation was purely French exercise. They feared that Estaing might take the city and hold it for the French king, a fear that did not bode well for cooperation between the Allied armies. Lincoln met Estaing on September 23. His 3,000 troops included Continentals and militia from Georgia and South Carolina. With Estaing's 4,000 French regulars, the Allies now had 7,000 men with which to take Savannah. Opposing them in the city were 2,500 British troops and Loyalists under Prevost. General Benjamin Lincoln, a new Englishman who neither drank nor cursed, was a patient and cautious commander. Estaing seemed unimpressed by him, describing him as a brave but extremely indifferent man with no opinion of his own. The earl was amazed at Lincoln's phlegmatic habit of falling asleep in his chair, even when he was dictating correspondence. Delays plagued the allies. Lack of horses and artillery wagons prevented them from landing the heavy artillery, which was not in place until 4 October. Siege entrenchments began on 24 September, but progress was slow and the British took every opportunity to disrupt the work. British sorties against the siege lines on 24 and 27 September confused the Allies.

The second sortie caused an accidental exchange of fire in the dark between French and American troops; and several soldiers were killed. On the night of October 1, the rebels prevented a detachment of 111 British troops from reaching Savannah. The British, under Captain French, had camped on the Ogeechee River. Colonel John White, a Continental from Georgia, with only two officers, a sergeant and three privates, tricked the French into thinking the camp was surrounded by a larger force by lighting fires in the surrounding woods, as if all an army was locked up there; White demanded the surrender of the detachment, and the entire British force was taken prisoner. At midnight on October 3, French artillery opened fire on Savannah. But according to an officer, the gunners, still under the influence of rum, their enthusiasm did not allow them to direct their guns with proper care. On October 4, 53 heavy guns and 14 mortars began a five-day bombardment of the city. The bombardment failed to break through the defenses, but caused considerable damage inside the city. An American officer wrote: “The poor women and children have suffered beyond description. Some of them in Savannah have already been killed by our bombs and cannons." One of Prevost's aides commented: "Many poor creatures were killed trying to get to their cellars, or to hide under the cliff of the Savannah River." On October 6, Prevost called for the women and children to be allowed to leave Savannah and take refuge on boats anchored on the river. Estaing and Lincoln refused, fearing it was another delaying tactic. On the morning of October 8, Major Pierce Charles L'Enfant, with a handful of troops, attempted to set fire to felled abatis trees in front of the British lines; but the wood was too wet and did not catch fire. Estaing's engineers told him that they would need at least 10 more days before they could penetrate the British works.

When the bombardment did not have the desired effect, Estaing had a change of heart and decided it was time to attempt an assault. He was motivated in part by a desire to finish the operation quickly, as scurvy and dysentery were becoming problems on his ships, and some of his supplies were running low. While a traditional siege operation would likely have succeeded over time, it would have taken longer than Estaing was prepared to stick around. He proposed an assault before dawn on October 9. Lincoln agreed; and the allies prepared for one of the bloodiest attacks of the war. Estaing hoped to exploit a weak point in Savannah's defenses. Although the city was protected to the north by the Savannah River and protected to the west by a wooded swamp, a narrow depression along the edge of the swamp allowed the Allies to move their troops close to the British defenses under cover of the night before. launch the attack. The allies decided to use that approach route to attack the enemy's right flank. Prevost knew of the terrain to the west of the city and had anticipated that the attack would come that way. A Rebel defector warned him of Allied plans, so Old Bullet Head strengthened his defenses on his right flank and placed him in command of the skilled Maitland. Three forts or redoubts protected the British right flank. The most exposed, Spring Hill Redoubt, was defended by loyalist troops from South Carolina led by Capt. Thomas Tawse and the vengeful Lt. Col. Thomas Brown, who had once been besieged and feathered by rebels from Georgia. The other redoubts on the right were also defended by loyalist troops. Therefore, the bloodiest part of the battle would pit Americans against Americans. Further to the British right, Prevost had placed a 9lb naval battery near the river.

Another naval battery was to the east of the Spring Hill Redoubt, supported by British Marines and Grenadiers from the 16th, to be used to reinforce the redoubt if the Allies attacked there. The Allied plan called for a vanguard of 250 French grenadiers to attack the Spring Hill redoubt, while two strong French assault columns, led by Estaing himself and Colonel Stedingk, attacked the other two forts on the British right. Two American assault columns, under Colonel John Laurens and Brigadier Lachlan McIntosh would support the French. The French planned diversionary attacks to the west of the city near the river and from their trenches near the British center. Brigadier General Isaac Huger, with 500 militiamen from South Carolina and Georgia, would lead a feint east of the city. D'Estaing's 3,500 assault troops had been recruited for temporary duty with the regiments guarding the island colonies in the West Indies: Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Dominica. They included several hundred free black soldiers, including a young Henri Christophe. Formed into provisional units in Savannah, the troops and their officers had never before served together in combat. Now they must carry out a difficult assault against a forewarned enemy. The delays doomed the Allied plan. The volunteers who were to guide the troops through the swamp in the dark proved to be unreliable. A French officer wrote that his guide did not know the way and at the first shot of a musket he disappeared. The assault forces were not in position until after dawn and lost the advantage of the pre-dawn surprise attack. Estaing would confess to having a very low opinion of that attack. Eager to begin the attack, French stormtroopers waited at the edge of the swamp. From the direction of the Springoub Redoubt, 500 meters away, came the sound of Scottish bagpipes being played for them through the thick pre-dawn fog.

One Frenchman said "It was as if the enemy wanted us to know that his best troops were waiting for us." Around 0530 hours, Estaing's forces heard gunfire from the British lines and realized that their troops' diversionary attack in front of the enemy center had finally begun. A few minutes later, British sentries spotted the stormtroopers and fired several rounds. Not all Allied troops were in place yet. Allied diversionary attacks failed. Estaing and Lincoln would have to charge the Spring Hill redoubt without any support. Estaing considered calling off the attack, but his pride prevented him from showing hesitation in front of the Americans. My indecision, he said, would have made me a laughingstock. He ordered the attack to begin. Moving forward with a cry of Vive le Roi! The French grenadiers forming the vanguard advanced towards the Spring Hill redoubt defended by Captain Thomas Tawees with 110 men (28 dragoons, 28 regulars from the 60th, and 54 South Carolina Loyalists) in one swift movement. The British and loyalist troops in the fort opened against them with a crossfire of muskets and cannon. The white-coated grenadiers cleared the abatis in front of the fort, then, through smoke and fog, and under heavy fire, climbed up the parapet. But the French support column was slow to follow them. By the time they arrived to reinforce the vanguard, enemy fire had driven the grenadiers back. Leading his troops forward, Estaing was wounded in the arm just before he reached the redoubt. The fight became intense. The attackers were sprayed with musket fire and shrapnel shots (pieces of scrap metal, nails, bolts, steel blades and chains). The fire also came from a British galley on the river. A British soldier serving one of the guns said: "Believe me, I was never happier in my life than on this occasion."

Estaing's troops were repulsed, the French second assault column led by Stedingk advanced. The columns became entangled, lost formation and completely confused, as one French officer wrote. Stedingk's column was pushed back into the marshy ground on the French left, where more than half were killed or quickly trapped in the mud. Those who lost only their shoes, another officer said, were the luckiest. Estaing urged his troops to advance again. For a moment the fury and determination of the French attack nearly overwhelmed the defenders, and the French managed to raise their flag over the parapet. Stedingk later wrote: “My doubts were gone. I thought the day was ours." But the defenders were also determined. Despite three valiant assaults on the redoubt, the French were unable to withstand their firepower, and Estaing reluctantly ordered a withdrawal. As the French fell back, British troops rose from the parapet and unleashed a volley. Estaing was wounded a second time, in the thigh, and was almost left for dead. Continental Light Infantry arrived under John Laurens, a former aide to General George Washington, and then the Second Column under Lachlan McIntosh, whose wife and children were in Savannah. McIntosh had already weathered a political firestorm after killing his rival, Button Gwinnett, in a duel. The Patriots arrived near Spring Hill Redoubt at the height of the battle's confusion, as Estaing's wounded attempted to reform his troops. McIntosh's troops, pushed to the left in the swamp, were exposed to British naval fire from the river, as well as grapeshot from the fort. Major John Jones, the general's aide, was steps away from destroying an enemy cannon when he was cut in two by a cannon shot. McIntosh was driven back under heavy enemy fire in the Allied retreat.

The Continentals of the 2nd South Carolina, led by future partisan hero Francis Marion, managed to reach the redoubt. In brutal hand-to-hand combat on the parapet, Captain Tawse, the Loyalist commander, was killed after felling three of the attackers with his sword. Sergeant William Jasper placed the colors of the 2nd South Carolina Continental on the parapet, but was shot down. Jasper was already a hero due to his actions in 1776 at Fort Sullivan, near Charleston, where he raised his regimental flag in defiance of the British naval assault. So as he lay dying, he passed the colors on to Lieutenant John Bush, who also fell. As he fought for control of the parapet, Maitland compromised his reserves. The British Marines and Grenadiers unleashed a devastating bayonet charge that drove the attackers back from the ramparts into the ditch below. Allied assault troops, defenseless and exposed to deadly musket and artillery fire, were massacred in the ditch. The Haitian regiment known as the Chasseurs Volontaires de Saint-Domingue served as a reserve when Franco-American troops fought the British. The unit was made up of more than 500 free men from Haiti. As the Franco-American forces fell back, they moved forward to protect the retreat, suffering the highest number of casualties ever suffered by a unit in a single engagement. Broad daylight revealed dead and dying French and American soldiers, many impaled on abatis, 50 meters in front of the trench. Shrapnel victims littered the field 100 meters away. Seeing them, John Laurens flung down his sword in disgust. As the desperate Allied gamble unfolded in the bloody ditch off Spring Hill. General Kazimierz Pulaski, with the rebel cavalry, led a bold but reckless attempt to break through the British lines between the redoubts.

Riding at the head of his 200 cavalry, Pulaski reached the abatis, but was cut down by enemy canister fire. Exposed to deadly fire and demoralized by the loss of Pulaski, the Allied cavalry retreated in confusion. The attempt to capture Savannah was over. The confrontation lasted less than an hour. When it became clear even to Estaing and Lincoln that it was useless to continue, they withdrew their devastated troops and counted the losses. The two sides observed a four-hour truce to collect and bury the dead and recover the wounded. The French listed 151 killed and 370 wounded, while the Patriots lost 231 killed and wounded, nearly all Continental. British losses were only 18 killed and 39 wounded. For the Allies, Savannah was the bloodiest battle of the war, a Bunker Hill in reverse. Once again, Estaing resorted to siege operations. But his officers warned him that further delay in the face of possible hurricanes off the Georgia coast could endanger the fleet. Disputes between the allies soon began. A French naval lieutenant described the Savannah operation as an ill-conceived undertaking with nothing for France, while a young French artillery officer blamed the defeat at the Spring Hill redoubt on the Patriots. The defeat began when the rebels, he wrote, “fled first… like a crowd leaving the church. D'Estaing blamed Lincoln, saying the rebels promised much and delivered little." Lincoln criticized the count for not taking Savannah when he had the first chance. Over Lincoln's objections, Estaing reluctantly prepared to withdraw. He returned his troops to the French ships, loaded their weapons and equipment on board, and sailed for France, sending some of the ships to the West Indies. One of his officers described Estaing as "a real grenadier, but like a poor general... it's not the fault of the troops that Savannah wasn't taken, but of those who sent us".

The earl, who wrote prose and poetry, was intelligent, brave and daring. He was also arrogant, ambitious and, in the words of another officer, greedy for glory. His last words at the events of the 1790s were: "When you cut off my head, send it to the English, they will pay you well!" The siege was over. On October 19, Lincoln's last weary and disillusioned rebel troops withdrew to Charleston. Maitland, the old Scottish warrior who worked so hard to defend Savannah, died on October 26. Three days later, Governor Wright proclaimed a day of thanksgiving for the British victory. A golden opportunity to retake Savannah and alter the course of the war had been lost. Two more devastating defeats for the Patriots loomed the following year at Charleston and at Camden, Georgia remained in British hands until the end of the war; and Savannah was not occupied by the Patriots until the British withdrew in 1782.
1779: La Frontera
«Este golpe casi pondrá fin a la guerra india».
«This coup will almost end the Indian war».
— Attributed to Colonel George Rogers Clark.​

On January 29, 1779, Francis Vigo, an Italian fur trader, arrived in Kaskaskia to inform Clark of Hamilton's new occupation of Vincennes. Clark decided that he needed to launch a surprise winter attack on Vincennes before Hamilton could retake the Illinois country in the spring. On February 6, 1779, Clark headed for Vincennes with probably about 170 volunteers, nearly half of them French militia from Kaskaskia. Captain Bowman was the second in command of the expedition, which Clark described as a "forlorn hope". As Clark and his men marched across the country, 40 men left in an armed galley, which was to be stationed on the Wabash River beyond Vincennes to prevent the British from escaping by water. Clark led his men through what is now the state of Illinois, a journey of approximately 180 miles. It was not a cold winter, but it rained frequently, and the plains were often covered with several inches of water. Provisions were carried by packhorses, supplemented by wild game that the men shot as they traveled. They reached the Little Wabash River on February 13, and found it flooded, forming a creek about 5 miles (8 km) wide. They built a large canoe to transport men and supplies across. The next few days were especially difficult: supplies were running low and the men were almost continuously wading through the water. They reached the Embarras River on February 17. They were now only nine miles from Fort Sackville, but the river was too high to ford. They continued down the Embarras to the Wabash River, where the next day they began building boats. Spirits were low: they had been without food for the past two days, and Clark struggled to keep the men from deserting. On February 20, five Vincennes hunters were captured while traveling by boat.

Clark was told that his small army had not yet been detected and that the people of Vincennes were still sympathetic to the Americans. The next day, Clark and his men crossed the Wabash by canoe, leaving their packhorses behind. They marched towards Vincennes, sometimes in water up to their shoulders. The last days were the most difficult: crossing a flooded plain about 6 km wide, they used the canoes to transport the tired from one high point to another. Shortly before reaching Vincennes, they encountered a villager known to be a friend, who informed Clark that they were not yet suspected. Clark sent the man ahead with a letter to the inhabitants of Vincennes, warning them that he was about to arrive with an army, and that they should all stay home unless they wanted to be considered enemies. The message was read in the public square. No one went to the fort to warn Hamilton. Clark and his men entered Vincennes at sunset on February 23, entering the city in two divisions, one led by Clark and the other by Bowman. Taking advantage of a slight rise in land that hid the men from him, but allowed his flags to be seen, Clark maneuvered his troops to create the impression that 1,000 men were approaching. As Clark and Bowman secured the town, a detachment was sent to begin firing at Fort Sackville after its wet powder was replaced by local resident François Busseron. Despite the commotion, Hamilton did not realize the fort was under attack until one of his men was wounded by a bullet through a window. Clark had his men build an entrenchment 80 meters in front of the fort gate. As the men fired on the fort throughout the night, small squads crawled up to 100 feet from the walls to get a closer shot. The British fired their cannon, destroying a few houses in the town, but doing little damage to the besiegers.

Clark's men silenced the cannon by firing through the fort's portholes, killing and wounding some of the gunners. Meanwhile, Clark received local help: the villagers gave him gunpowder and ammunition they had hidden from the British, and Young Tobacco, a chief of the piankeshaws, offered to have his 100 men assist in the attack. Clark refused the chief's offer, fearing that in the dark his men might mistake the friendly Piankeshaws and Kickapoos for one of the enemy tribes in the area. At about 0900 hours on February 24, Clark sent a message to the fort demanding Hamilton's surrender. Hamilton refused, and the shooting continued for another two hours until Hamilton sent his prisoner, Captain Helm, to offer terms. Clark sent Helm back with a demand for unconditional surrender within 30 minutes, or else he would storm the fort. Helm returned before time expired and presented Hamilton's proposal for a three-day truce. This too was refused, but Clark agreed to meet Hamilton at the town church. Before the meeting in the church, the most controversial incident in Clark's career occurred. Unaware that Clark had retaken Vincennes, a group of Indians and Canadians entered the town. There was a skirmish, and Clark's men captured six. Two of the prisoners were Canadian and were released at the request of villagers and one of Clark's Canadian supporters. Clark decided to make an example out of the remaining four Indian prisoners. They were forced to sit within sight of the fort and then killed on all fours; the bodies were scalped and then thrown into the river. Although Hamilton did not witness the executions, he later wrote that Clark had killed one or more of the Indians with his bare hands. Clark, on the other hand, did not claim to have been one of the executioners.

At the church, Clark and Bowman met with Hamilton and signed terms of surrender. At 10:00 a.m. on February 25, Hamilton's 79-man garrison marched out of the fort. Clark's men raised the American flag over the fort and renamed it Fort Patrick Henry. A team of soldiers from Clark and local militia was sent up the river at the Wabash, where a supply convoy was captured, along with British reinforcements and Philippe DeJean, Judge of Hamilton in Detroit. Clark sent Hamilton, seven of his officers, and 18 other prisoners to Williamsburg. The Canadians who had accompanied Hamilton were paroled after taking the oath of neutrality. Clark had high hopes after his recapture of Vincennes. He said "This coup will almost end the Indian war." In the following years of the war, Clark attempted to mount a campaign against Detroit, but each time the expedition was scheduled, it was canceled due to insufficient men and supplies. Meanwhile, settlers began pouring into Kentucky after hearing news of Clark's victory. In 1779, Virginia opened a land office to record claims in Kentucky, and settlements such as Louisville were established. After learning of Clark's initial occupation of the Illinois Country, Virginia had laid claim to the region, establishing Illinois County, Virginia in December 1778. Early in 1781, Virginia decided to turn the region over to the central government, paving the way for the final ratification of the articles of Confederation. These lands became the Northwest Territory of the United States. The Illinois campaign was financed in large part by local residents and merchants from the Illinois country. Although Clark filed receipts for him in Virginia, many of these men were never reimbursed. Some of the major contributors, such as Father Gibault, François Riday Busseron, Charles Gratiot, and Francis Vigo, would never receive payment during their lifetimes and would be reduced to poverty.

However, Clark and his soldiers received land across from Louisville. This Clark grant was based on what is now Clarksville, Indiana, and formed much of what would become Clark and eastern Floyd County, Indiana. Washington began to develop a plan for a coordinated campaign to "properly flog the Indians." He envisioned an operation "in a season when their corn would be almost half grown," and proposed a two-way attack, the main effort advancing up the Susquehanna River from the Wyoming Valley, and a supporting wing advancing from the Mohawk. Both would be supported by a third expedition advancing up the Allegheny River into Iroquois country from Fort Pitt as a detour. In his planning guide, Washington specified that "the only object should be to drive out the Indians and destroy their grain." Once accomplished, the expedition would return to the Main army regardless of whether or not a major engagement was fought. This was retaliatory economic warfare, directed at the enemy's ability to wage war, not necessarily the destruction of his forces on the battlefield. Successful execution would also force hostile tribes to choose between two equally unpleasant consequences. They could switch sides and become allies of the Americans, or become even more dependent on the Crown in exchange for their continued loyalty. Choosing the former could secure the American frontier in exchange for the Continental Congress and the state governments that provide subsistence for the Indians. Choosing the latter would further tax the already strained British logistics system in Canada. Either outcome was more beneficial to the American cause than doing nothing for the settlements in the interior of the country, since the main American army was facing the British forces entrenched in New York City.

Furthermore, an operation in the Indian country would at least offer some relief to the conflicting border settlements during the season. On February 25, Congress formally authorized Washington to plan and execute an Indian expedition in 1779. As he prepared to take command of the Western Army, Major-General John Sullivan studied the mission and available intelligence on the enemy and the ground over which he and his men would march and fight. Troops and tents were soon on the move in their respective assembly areas in Wyoming, Canajoharie, and Fort Pitt. As the start of the expedition was repeatedly delayed by supply problems, General Washington wrote a very frank letter detailing his instructions to Sullivan. The immediate objects of the operation were "the total destruction and devastation" of the Six Nations settlements. It was essential that their crops be ruined and that the Indians be prevented from planting more in that growing season. Sullivan decided that instead of making a supporting attack, the 1,500-strong Brig. General James Clinton's New York Continental Brigade would join his 3,000-man division at Susquehanna and march together by the most practicable route into the heart of the Indian settlements. In doing so, Washington recommended that Sullivan establish at least one post in enemy territory from which his forces could operate. He then had to send detachments "to raze all the surrounding settlements under instructions to do so in the most efficient manner", so that "the country cannot be merely invaded, but destroyed." Although Sullivan was confident of success, he had no illusions that the campaign he would lead would be easy. The enemy forces were estimated at 2,000 hostile warriors and several hundred provincial soldiers.

He described the enemy warriors his expedition would face as "perfectly acquainted with the country, capable of taking every advantage the terrain can afford, assured of war from youth and way of life, capable of enduring all kinds of warfare." of fatigue”. Sullivan expressed grudging respect when he wrote that "they are not inconsiderable enemies," realizing that a two-to-one numerical advantage did not guarantee success. Although confident, he was not overly so. He knew that the Six Nations warriors, even facing 3,000 soldiers, were still formidable. In order to avoid defeating such irregular forces on ground of his own choosing, Washington warned Sullivan that his force should "seek to make attacks rather than receive them, responding with as much impetuosity, shouting and noise as possible." possible". Men "should, whenever they get the chance, rush forward with war cry and fixed bayonet." Washington believed that nothing would baffle and terrify the Indians more than an aggressive attack carried out with daring. If after the destruction of their settlements was complete, and the Indians would show a disposition for peace, Sullivan was ordered to encourage them on the condition that they provide proof of his sincerity. One way the Indians were able to prove their sincerity was to hand over to American custody some of those who instigated or led the attacks on the frontier settlements, such as Butler and Brant, or anyone else in their possession. Another sign of friendship would be the capture of Fort Niagara from the British. In the weeks while the army waited for supplies, Sullivan's troops trained in the forests, gorges, swamps, and hills around the Wyoming Valley. Clinton was in the area around Lake Otsego. They practiced and rehearsed the pre-planned actions they would take to immediately respond to enemy contact with Indian warriors and British irregulars.

Sullivan's army was prepared to deny the enemy their greatest advantage when fighting in the woods, the element of surprise. When Clinton's brigade joined Sullivan's wing at Tioga Point, the marching order was designed to meet tactical considerations. The men of Major James Parr's corps of marksmen would spread out considerably ahead with orders to reconnoitre suspicious places ahead to prevent the enemy from launching a surprise attack or ambush. The 2 musketeer battalions of General Edward Hand's provisional brigade would form into six columns, each separated by 2 to 300 meters and proceeded by companies of light infantry. The artillery park was next in order, with 4×3 light bronze guns, 2×3 iron guns, two 5½-inch howitzers and a cohorn mortar, nine pieces in all. The rest of the artillery train, consisting of a traveling forge and three ammunition wagons, would follow the guns. To facilitate their deployment in the line of battle no matter where the enemy struck, the main body would move in a square formation, with General Enoch Poor's brigade from New Hampshire marching in a column of platoons, aligned with the right division of the Hand's brigade and Brig. General William Maxwell's New Jersey brigade was similarly lined up on the left. Each brigade would detached some 200 men from their regiments to provide outflankers, or security on their respective flank along the line of march. Clinton's brigade from New York would move in six columns, mirroring the deployment of Hand's brigade, to the rear of the square, with one of his regiments detached to provide the rear. Inside the plaza, the army's 1,200 packhorses would march in two columns along the center.

Meanwhile, Major Butler and his Provincial Rangers, a detachment of British regulars, and Captain Brant with his Loyalist and Mohawk volunteer corps; they had combined with a force of all the warriors the Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga, and Delaware chiefs could muster, some 1,000 men in all, near a Delaware town called Newtown. Expecting the American army to advance by marching in a column along the banks of the Chemung River or through the woods on an Indian trail, Butler and the chiefs chose their terrain well. Facing the American direction of advance was a ridge about a half-mile long that dominated a plain of land that bordered the river on the right. If the Americans came that way, the position allowed a relatively small force the ability to subject the attackers to withering fire. A steep mountain loomed to the left, parallel to the ridge, where warriors fighting Indian style could punish an American force advancing through the forest. Between the hill and the ridge, the Chemung trail emerged from a swamp into a large open area before crossing a steep gorge cut by a large stream. It was a perfect place for an ambush. A relatively small force, such as Butler's, could surprise an unsuspecting enemy as he emerged into the clearing by opening fire from concealed positions, and hold the Americans in front of them while Indian warriors slipped down their flanks and charged through the woods. . If the Indians were to gain the rear of Sullivan's army, they could cause great confusion, possibly driving off cattle and inflicting casualties disproportionate to their numbers. Perhaps the invading Americans would be so discouraged that they would abandon their planned invasion. They could repeat the battle of Oriskany.

At the very least, some companies that would concentrate their musket fire could fire a volley or two without risking heavy casualties before handing over the field to the much larger enemy army. At least they could buy time for Major General Frederick Haldimand, the royal governor of Quebec and commander-in-chief of British forces in Canada, and allied tribes to send reinforcements before the Americans reached the major Indian cities. While they waited, Butler's men dismantled buildings near their line for their lumber, cut down trees and tossed logs over one another for a protected firing position, and masterfully hid it from enemy view with bushes and foliage. The semicircular arrangement offered Butler and the Indians the advantage of the interior lines, where reinforcements could be sent to meet a threat from any part of the line that was not heavily compromised. Most of the Iroquois warriors were sent to the foot of the mountain. Captain John McDonnell with 60 of Butler's rangers, Captain Brant with 30 Loyalists and Mohawks, and a war party of 30 Cayugas under his own chief took up positions on the ridge. The 8th's detachment, the rest of Butler's rangers, and the remaining Indians were in the center in defensive work overlooking the creek. In order to pay attention to the Indians and coordinate the combined effort, Major Butler placed his son, Captain Walter Butler, in command of the Rangers. When the scouts reported that the Americans had camped a few miles downriver, Butler and the chiefs felt that his men were ready.

As the Americans marched up the Indian trail toward Newtown on August 29, the leading elements began attacking the Indian warriors deployed as skirmishers in the woods. The further the American sharpshooters and light infantrymen advanced, the bolder the enemy skirmishers became, although they did not stand and fight, but ran into the woods ahead of the advancing riflemen. After entering marshy ground, which seemed optimal for forming ambushes, the light troops advanced cautiously as more Indian warriors fired and withdrew. Major Parr suggested to General Hand that the situation was too dangerous to proceed without further reconnaissance, lest the warriors lure them into a trap. The major ordered one of his men to climb a tree to observe the enemy in front of him. From that position, after some time, he discovered the movements of various Indians, which were made visible by the amount of paint they were wearing. The rifleman described the enemy as lying behind extensive defensive work, stretching at least half a mile, and very cleverly concealed with branches and bushes. As the Americans saw it, the line was situated on high ground, with the left flank secured by a mountain and the right by the river. To attack the works directly, the Americans had to cross swampy terrain, ford a difficult creek, and proceed uphill through a clear, open field 100 meters wide and very cleverly concealed with branches and bushes. Immediately after Parr informed him of the enemy's disposition, General Hand advanced the light corps under concealment to within 300 meters of the enemy positions, and formed a line of battle. The riflemen advanced under cover to the creek and lay down on the bank less than 100 meters from the enemy.

General Sullivan arrived and sent the rest of his subordinate commanders to court martial while he waited for the army to advance. The enemy's fortifications were very extensive, though not impregnable. Because the Americans did not want to simply drive the soldiers and Indians out of their defenses, Sullivan came up with a plan to shift his flank in order to encircle them and attack them from the rear. The rifle corps and light infantry would continue to distract the enemy and keep their attention fixed on the front. Colonel Matthias Ogden, with the 1st New Jersey detached from General William Maxwell's brigade and sent west along the Chemung River to execute a flanking maneuver against Loyalist Indian forces. Similarly, General James Clinton's New York brigade and General Enoch Poor's New Hampshire brigade were sent east together, along a winding route through Hoffman Hollow; with the mission of approaching the eastern flank of Sullivan's Hill and if the opportunity presented itself, they would assault the ridge and attack on the enemy's right. Colonel Thomas Proctor was to move the artillery, 6 three-pounders, two howitzers and a cohorn mortar, to beat off the enemy and support by fire. The cannons would remain hidden until everything was ready. Maxwell's brigade was to remain some distance behind as a reserve. For the plan to be successful, it was imperative that the flanking units be in a position to take the enemy from the rear when the artillery fire began. The rifle corps and light infantry would advance towards the enemy positions. Around 1:00 p.m., the diversionary attack began. Major Butler recalled: "Some of the enemy made their appearance in the foothills of the woods ahead of us." The riflemen then went into action.

According to Lt. Col. Adam Hubley of the Pennsylvania 11th Light Corps, "There was a heavy exchange of fire between the rifle corps and the enemy, causing little damage." At the same time, the artillery opened fire. Generals Poor and Clinton ordered their brigades to march in regimental column. The troops passed through a very thick swamp covered with bushes. For almost 1.5 km, the columns found it very difficult to maintain order. Because of Poor's "great prudence and good conduct," however, experienced officers like Lt. Col. Henry Dearborn commented that the brigade "proceeded in much better order than I expected we could have done." After negotiating the swamp, the columns banked to the left and crossed the stream that ran ahead of the enemy position further downstream. As they did, the soldiers noticed a score of unoccupied buildings, which curiously had no cleared farmland nearby. Some of the men assumed that these were to be used as warehouses to supply raiding parties heading for the border settlements. Once on the other side, the troops began to climb the mountain that defined the enemy's left. After American riflemen distracted the troops and warriors in front of them across open ground for the next two hours, the enemy commander suspected that the Americans were not taking the bait they had set in front of them. Unlike the militia he had faced in Oriskany or Wyoming, these regulars were not drawn into the gorge where his men could attack them from behind their defensive position. When it became clear that the Americans were probably fanning out to assert their overwhelming numerical superiority, Butler considered a withdrawal. While the rifle corps kept its attention to the front, the Indians were reluctant to abandon their fortification.

Brant and the Cayuga chief left their position on the right to meet with Butler, recommending retreat before they became decisively involved in a losing battle. At about 3:00 p.m., the American artillery was ordered to advance to the high ground on the near side of the gorge, about 200 meters from the enemy position. Guns, howitzers and cohorn mortar opened fire on the positions and the Light Corps Riflemen were ready to advance and charge. The storm of grapeshot soon forced the defenders to abandon their log fortification. As the shells and cohorn mortar began exploding above and behind them, many of the Indians believed that the Americans had surrounded them with artillery. Many of the warriors were so shocked and confused that a large portion of them fled in panic. Butler led his rangers and several Indians up the hill to the left of his line to retreat. The swamp and brush had delayed the progress of Poor's and Clinton's brigades, so they were not yet in position when they heard the cannonade begin. After ascending halfway up the hill, the mainlanders were "greeted by rapid fire" and war cries from a body of Indians posted to prevent them from encircling the flank of the position. While the flank division's riflemen kept up a scattered fire, the rest of Poor's BRI quickly formed the line of battle. Although greatly fatigued by the difficult march and climb under the load and the oppressive heat, the troops climbed the hill. With their lines formed and bayonets fixed, the disciplined mainlanders advanced swiftly in the face of enemy fire, and without returning a shot, drove the enemy from tree to tree in front of them.

On reaching the top, the order was given, and Poor's soldiers aimed their muskets and fired a full volley that broke the Indians' resistance to their front and put them to flight. Clinton's brigade, following Poor's brigade up the hill, advanced with such ardor that several soldiers fainted from heat exhaustion. As they closed in on the ridge, Clinton's brigade spread out to the right and endeavored to block the enemy's retreat through the gorge along the river. When they heard the musketry of Poor's brigade battle on the hill, Major Butler and the Rangers and Redcoats realized that the Americans had gained ground on their flank and threatened to envelop them. At the same moment, Hand's light corps charged the positions, while the last of the British, Loyalists and Indians fled. In desperation, the remnants of Butler's force turned west. Nearly surrounded, the Warriors, Rangers, and Redcoats escaped as best they could, taking many of their dead and wounded with them. Some continued along the hill, skirmishing with the pursuing US light infantry for almost 2 km. Others crossed the Chemung River or took canoes to avoid capture. Most of the rangers headed to a town about 5 miles away, where Butler had told them to meet up. Many warriors, however, crossed the mountain in an attempt to reach their homes. Meanwhile, on the hill, although most of Poor's brigade regiments remained in line, Lt. Col. George Reid's 2nd New Hampshire "came more severely attacked" and was prevented from advancing as far as the rest. Lt. Col. Henry Dearborn, commanding the 3rd New Hampshire to Reid's right, saw what was happening. Reid's unit had become separated from the rest of the squad. Dearborn therefore thought it appropriate to reverse the front of his unit and come to Reid's aid.

On the enemy side, a large body of warriors saw an opportunity to attack the American rear by encircling the left of Poor's brigade, but Reid's regiment stood in their way. They collided on the side of the hill, and the warriors were in the process of surrounding the mainlanders. Reid was forced to either order a retreat or a desperate bayonet charge up the mountain. He chose the latter, and had barely given the order to execute the move when the Dearborn regiment arrived and fired a full volley that broke up the Indian attack. Hand's corps soldiers pursued the enemy past the chest and along the mountain until they made contact with the outflanking brigades. The rifle and light infantry companies continued the search for 2 km before returning to join the rest of the army at Newtown at around 18:00, where they camped on the same ground the enemy had previously occupied. Three Americans were killed and 30 were wounded, one of them fatally. The defeat of the enemy had been complete. The former enemy positions were littered with tin kettles, packages, blankets, and other items hastily abandoned to carry away their fleeing dead and wounded. Some of Poor's men scalped the Indian corpses, while others looked for warriors lying in wait who might still be in the area. Two prisoners were captured, one white and one black. The target had feigned death until an officer noted that there were no injuries on his body. After being struck with the side of a sword and ordered to get up, the man begged for mercy. The black prisoner was taken by Hand's light infantry after he became separated from his company during the retreat. Butler reported the loss of 5 Rangers killed and 3 wounded, and 5 Indians killed and 9 wounded.

Further west, Colonel Daniel Brodhead undertook a concurrent expedition. Brodhead left Fort Pitt on August 14, 1779, with a contingent of 600 regulars from his 8th and Pennsylvania Militia, marching up the Allegheny River into the Seneca and Munsee country of northwestern Pennsylvania and southwestern New York. With most of the native warriors far away to engage Sullivan's army, Brodhead met little resistance and destroyed around 10 villages, including Conewango. Although initial plans called for Brodhead to eventually join up with Sullivan at Chenussio for an attack on Fort Niagara, Brodhead turned back after destroying villages near present-day Salamanca, New York, never linking up with the main force. Letters from Washington indicate that the cross-country journey east to the Finger Lakes region was deemed too dangerous, limiting this smaller expedition to a foray north. Newtown was the only significant engagement of the 1779 Indian Expedition. The British had relied on their Rangers and allied Indians to carry out irregular operations in the woods to delay or stop the Americans, but they proved unable to withstand the attack. In a message to Lt. Col. Mason Bolton of the British garrison at Fort Niagara, Major Butler blamed the loss on some comrade among the Indian chiefs who repositioned the men on the flank, and the poor turnout of the Iroquois and Delaware warriors. . However, he admitted to Bolton that the US Army moved with the utmost caution and regularity and was more formidable than its predecessors. The major warned of dire consequences if his rangers and Indian warriors were unable to stop them. If large reinforcements were not quickly forthcoming, Butler was certain that after the Indian villages and corn were destroyed, the refugees would flock to Fort Niagara, where they would consume large quantities of provisions and need clothing and shelter, already in short supply to survive. the forces of the King.

The Rangers and their Indian allies, however, were never able to mount a credible defense in Iroquois country. The American invasion resulted in the destruction of 40 Indian towns and agricultural fields that produced about 160,000 bushels of corn and other vegetables before returning to the main army. Sullivan's army had punished Six Nations forces that were hostile to the United States for siding with the British, and forever ended the Iroquois Confederacy's military dominance over other Indian nations. Although the hostile nations remained allies, the British supply system strove to support them in their distress. The British granted the Indians 675,000 acres of land in Canada. Around 1,450 Iroquois and 400 allies would live on a new reservation on the Grand River.

On April 12, 1779, the Treaty of Aranjuez was signed. After months of attempts at negotiations war became inevitable, England made the mistake of underestimating the Spain of Charles II. The pact was sealed by the French diplomat Charles Gravier, Count of Vergennes, and the Spanish Secretary of State José Moñino y Redondo, the first Count of Floridablanca. Upon learning of the pact, England offered Spain several colonial possessions six months after the signing of this pact if it refrained from supporting the American rebels. But the offer was not enough for the expectations that both France and Spain had for England, as high as her invasion, and, although such an objective could not be achieved. This treaty established the principles of the two powers to invade England, that is, the North American metropolis, however, this would not happen given the resistance of the British to the onslaught of the alliance. It mentioned to a lesser extent the suspension of the commercial rights of the English and the expulsion of these from Newfoundland. Spanish operations in North Florida were carried out by Bernardo de Gálvez y Madrid, Count of Gálvez, who was the Governor of Louisiana. Bernardo de Gálvez negotiated directly with Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, Oliver Pollock, and Charles Henry Lee. He blocked the port of New Orleans so that British ships could not use the Mississippi River, and also facilitated the transit of the American rebels through all the territory south of the war zone; helping to ship weapons and ammunition destined for the troops of George Washington and George Rogers Clark. Spain had sent to the US 120,000 reals of eight in cash that served mainly to pay for the Continental Army. To this would be added payment orders amounting to another 50,000 reais; they would be the famous "Spanish dollars" that would serve to support the US public debt, and that would later give rise to its own currency, the US dollar.

In addition to all this, through the Gardoqui shipping company based in Bilbao, 50,000 muskets, 50,000 bayonets, 1,246,428 musket balls, 225 bronze cannons, 23,868 hand grenades, 50,000 uniforms, 8,000 tents and 500,000 pounds of powder with salt protection against the foreseeable humidity of the sea. The total value of these deliveries was 2,582,206 reais. The American army that fought and won the battle of Saratoga, without going any further, was fully armed and equipped by Spain.
1779: Stony Point
The British position at Stony Point was fortified, but was never intended to be a true fortress in the 18th-century European sense of the word. No stone was used and no walls were built. The defenses consisted of earthworks (cannon positions) and abatís (felled trees sharp at the top and placed on earthen embankments). The defenses were situated on a rocky outcrop accessible only from the west, protected on the front by a gorge into the river and on both flanks by extensive marshy areas. To assault the position, the corps of light infantry was formed on June 12, 1779, with command assigned to General Wayne. The Corps of Light Infantry was an elite, seasonal fighting organization formed each year between 1777 and 1781 by the light infantry companies of each regiment in Washington's army. The Corps of 1779 was organized into a brigade of 4 regiments, each consisting of 2 battalions of 4 companies. The plan called for a night attack on the fortifications to be carried out by the 1,350-man corps. Each regiment consisted of 300 to 340 men, and the total force included an artillery detachment to handle captured British field pieces. According to 18th-century military doctrine, this was not enough men to take up a well-prepared defensive position, but in addition to the element of surprise, Washington's plan exploited a fatal flaw in the fortifications. The wooden abatis along the south shore of the point did not extend into the deep waters of the Hudson and could be outflanked by attackers along a narrow beach at low tide. The main attack would be along that area, but Washington reported that, if possible, secondary and diversionary attacks could also be made along the north shore of the point and across the causeway into the center.

Washington gave Wayne his instructions, along with permission to modify the plan as necessary. This was an unusual act for Washington, and indicates his high opinion of Wayne's tactical abilities. The assault would be difficult: it would take place in the dead of night, he asked the men to scale the steep, rocky sides of Stony Point, and maintain surprise. To achieve this last element, Washington ordered the men to carry unloaded muskets and attack using only bayonets to keep silent, a tactic often employed by the British Army, and one that had been used to devastating effect against Wayne two years earlier in battle. of Pauli. The exception to the loaded armament was the two companies of North Carolina light infantry, which Wayne ordered to cross the causeway, and stage a demonstration attack into the center of the British defenses, where the British expected an attack to take place. This battalion, commanded by Major Hardy Murfree, was instructed to fire their weapons as a diversionary tactic. Wayne selected Butler's 2nd Regiment of approximately 300 men to carry out an assault along the north shore of the point; while Wayne himself would lead the main column in the south, consisting of the 1st and 3rd Regiments, and Hull's Massachusetts Light Infantry detachment. The columns fielded an advance force of 100 and 150 men, respectively, wielding axes to clear obstacles, with 20 men from each advance force assigned as forlorn hope, to protect the force and be the first to enter the works. Wayne announced that he would give prize bounties to the first men to enter the works, and to anyone else who distinguished himself in action. After a morning meeting, on July 15, 1779, the corps of light infantry marched from Sandy Beach north to Fort Montgomery beginning at noon.

Any civilians found along the route of the march were to be stopped to prevent them from warning the British. The column, often forced to march single file over rough terrain and roads that were trails, took a winding route west through Queensboro to the west and over Dunderberg Mountain to avoid detection by the British. The corps began to arrive at 8:00 p.m. at Springsteel farm, about 2 km west of the fortifications, and by 10:00 p.m., had formed into attack columns. The men received a ration of rum and their orders. They were also given pieces of white paper to fasten to their hats in order to help them distinguish themselves from the British in the dark. The columns then moved at 11:30 p.m. to their starting positions, immediately diverging, to begin the assault at midnight. These attack columns were led by groups of volunteer soldiers nicknamed the forlorn hope who were responsible for opening holes in enemy defenses and, along with their weapons, were armed with axes and pickaxes. Bad weather that night helped the continentals. Cloud cover prevented the moonlight, and strong winds forced the British ships in Haverstraw Bay to leave their posts off Stony Point and move downriver. At midnight, as planned, the attack began with the columns crossing the swampy flanks. The southern column unexpectedly found it to be 0.6 to 1.2 meters deep and required 30 minutes to reach the first line of abatis, during which British sentries spotted Murfree's demonstration force and fired on it. Under fire, Wayne's column managed to break into the first line of British defences. Wayne himself was hit in the head by a musket ball and fell to the ground, leaving Colonel Febiger to take charge of Wayne's column.

In the meantime, Butler's column had managed to break through the abatis, suffering the only loss of life on the American side in doing so. The two columns penetrated the British line almost simultaneously and seized the ridge as 6 British companies of the 17th took up position against the diversionary attack and were cut off. Due to the stealth in which the Patriot assault forces approached the British defenses on the slopes of the hill, the artillery pieces that the British had placed on the summit were unsuccessful in repelling the attack. Due to the speed at which the Patriot foot soldiers were moving, the British guns could not be angled down far enough to fire on the men attacking the hill. The first man in the British top jobs was Lt. Col. Francois de Fleury, an aristocratic French engineer commanding a battalion of the 1st. He was followed by Lieutenant Henry Knox, Sergeant William Baker, Sergeant William Spencer and Sergeant George Donlop. When the men entered the British works, they shouted: "The fort is ours!", the pre-established slogan to distinguish friend from foe. The action lasted 25 minutes and ended at 1 in the morning. Wayne's losses were 15 killed and 83 wounded, but they took 546 prisoners, 74 of whom were wounded. British dead range from 63 to 20. Before dawn Wayne sent a short dispatch telling Washington: 'The fort and garrison, with Colonel Johnston, are ours. Our officers and men behaved like men who are determined to be free." The next day, Washington entered the works to survey the battlefield and congratulate the troops. For his exploits, Wayne was awarded a Congressional Medal, one of the few issued during the revolution.

Although the strategic value of Stony Point was up for debate; however, it was a great moral victory for the Continental Army. On the morning of June 16, Wayne's forces turned Stony Point's guns against Verplanck's, but long-range fire did no significant damage. The fire was enough, however, to prompt the schooner to weigh anchor and head downriver. Washington then sent General Robert Howe to lead the 2 BRIGADE to besiege Verplanck on the 17th; however, the force was not provided with adequate artillery or siege equipment, and could do no more than blockade the fort. On the 18th some British troops were landed from ships sent upriver, and it was rumored that more were coming overland, so Howe decided to withdraw. Washington had no intention of holding any of the points, and Stony Point was abandoned by the Americans on July 18, after taking captured guns and supplies. The British briefly reoccupied the site only to abandon it in October when General Clinton prepared a major expedition to the southern states. Some of the captured officers were exchanged immediately after the battle, but the more than 400 prisoners from other ranks were taken to a prison camp in Easton, Pennsylvania. An unsuccessful attempt by a small number of prisoners on 17 July to overpower their captors resulted in the death of one British sergeant and the injury of 20 others. A month later, Major Henry Lee successfully carried out orders from Washington to capture the British fortifications at Paulus Hook, a point south of Stony Point on the Hudson River. Washington hoped that victories at Stony Point and Paulus Hook would stop British incursions and push Clinton into a defensive position. Realizing that he had not achieved any of his objectives for the Hudson River campaign, Clinton decided to withdraw all of his troops back to Manhattan.

Clinton's campaign in 1779 had failed; Washington and the Continental Army had prevented the British from separating them from the southern colonies and had stopped British operations against privateers and American civilians who supported the rebel cause.
1780: El Sur
«En profunda angustia y ansiedad mental, estoy obligado a familiarizarme con su excelencia con la derrota total de las tropas bajo mi mando».
«In deep anguish and mental anxiety, I am compelled to acquaint Your Excellency with the complete defeat of the troops under my command.».
— Attributed to Major-General Horatio Gates.
Stalemate in the northern theater of the war after 1778-79 prompted British leaders to renew their interest in the southern theater. The British, most importantly, their commander Henry Clinton remained convinced that the southern colonies were full of Loyalists waiting for the British authorities to free them from Patriot rule. Clinton also realized that he could not take the north with the forces he had been given. Patriot forces had repelled attempts to establish themselves in the southern colonies at Moore Creek Bridge and Charleston in 1776, but the successful capture of Savannah, Georgia, in late 1778; it had restored British hopes that Charleston might be captured and that this success would contribute to increased loyalist support for the British campaign to quell the rebellion. The reality was that South Carolina was a deeply divided state, and the British presence unleashed the full violence of a quasi-civil war on the population. First, the British used Loyalists to pacify the Patriot population; the patriots returned violence in kind. Guerrilla warfare strategies employed by patriots Francis Marion, Thomas Sumter, and Nathanael Greene throughout the Carolina campaign of 1780-81 eventually hunted down the much larger British force in Virginia. Meanwhile, the Americans knew that Charleston was a likely target for the British following the capture of Savannah. Major General Benjamin Lincoln had been given command of the defense of Charleston in September 1779. In his initial instructions to Lincoln, General George Washington warned him of the impending British attack, but lamented that he was unable to offer military assistance due to the need. to maintain adequate continental forces around Britain's northern stronghold in New York City.

By the time Lincoln arrived, many of the forts defending Charleston Harbor were in poor condition, and the fortifications on its west and south sides (the sides facing the city's land approaches) were unfinished. Lieutenant General Henry Clinton's expeditionary force of some 8,500 British and German soldiers, and 6,000 sailors; he left New York just after Christmas in 1779. He left the important New York City garrison under the command of Lieutenant General Wilhelm von Knyphausen. The British Regiments were: 1st Light Battalion drawn from the Regiments, 2 Grenadier Battalions drawn from the 7th, 23rd Royal Welch, 33rd, 42nd, 63rd, and 64th, and the Queen's Rangers. The army was transported by a fleet of 90 transports escorted by 14 Royal Navy ships, with 5 ships of the line and 9 frigates. December through January was a dangerous time for the weather and the fleet was caught in strong winds at Cape Hatteras, which could turn into a typhoon. Most of the army's horses died in the storms and those that survived had to be put down and the ships scattered. A ship carrying Hessian troops was brought across the Atlantic and landed on the Cornish coast in south-west England. A ship with heavy guns was sunk, and several more were taken by American privateers. Clinton, who had always been a poor sailor, hated the sea and spent most of the voyage seasick. As January drew to a close, the British fleet arrived at the mouth of the Savannah River and landed on Tybee Island on February 1 to assemble the rest of the fleet. After 10 days, Clinton declared that the army was ready to proceed and on February 11, troops began landing on Simmons Island and for the next 10 days the men scoured swamps on James and Johns Islands.

Clinton settled the men in a difficult camp and halted their advance, apart from establishing a beachhead at the Stono ferry on the mainland. Clinton wanted to prepare the force for him. He needed to establish supply depots and magazines, and he also sent reinforcements from detachments in Georgia and ordered more troops to be sent from New York. Clinton also had to wait for the navy to reach the upper harbor of Charleston, where his heavy guns could be brought ashore for the siege and the boats could be used to ferry troops across the Ashley River to the peninsula Charleston was on. . The entrance to Charleston Harbor was defended on the north side by Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Island and on the south side by Fort Johnson on James Island. In 1776, the 2nd South Carolina Continental and a force of artillerymen repulsed an attack on Sullivan's Island by Commodore Peter Parker's British Royal Navy squadron. Since that time the forts on either side of the estuary had fallen into disrepair and were ungarrisoned, but were reoccupied on learning of the British arrival. The city of Charleston sits on an isthmus, connected to the mainland by a tongue or neck of land. Charleston is bounded on the west by the Ashley River and on the east by the Cooper River. The two rivers meet in the estuary at the southern end of Charleston. Inadequate defenses had been built into the language. Charleston was the only city in the southern states to normally have some 12,000 citizens, most of them of English origin, but with a mixture of black slaves, French Protestants, and a sprinkling of Germans. Nature offered a more formidable defense in the form of a heavy sand bar. The bar could be crossed in five places, but all the crossing points were so shallow that heavy ships could not pass. Frigates and smaller vessels could do it, but not without first lightening their load.

A series of log terraces protected the end of the tongue, and along each river were redoubts, trenches, and small fortifications. The redoubt at the point had 16 heavy guns, and the forts along the river had 3 to 9 guns each. However, Benjamin Lincoln, commanding the city's garrison, expected an attack by sea and neglected the land defenses and even the completion of the earthworks that stretched across the neck. At the heart of the land defenses was the citadel, or hornwork or "old royal work", which was a fort made of "tapia" or "tappy", which was a mixture of oyster shells, lime, sand and water. The fort had 18 cannons. There were redoubts on both sides, but they weren't complete, they weren't even well placed. During the month that Clinton took to advance, the Americans, under the direction of Governor Routledge, worked frantically to build the city's defenses, using a labor force of 600 slaves recruited from neighboring plantations. The Americans dug a flooded ditch in the neck, backed by double avatis and strong defensive work, supported by redoubts. The main redoubt was a stone hornabeque, located in the center of the line where the road passed through the neck, and was called Citadel. 66 guns were placed along the line. At the southern end of Charleston, facing the sea, a redoubt with 16 guns was built. Along the bank of the Ashley River, 6 small redoubts were built, each with 4 to 9 guns. Along the Cooper River, 7 redoubts were built, each with 3 to 7 guns. On the estuary, Forts Johnson and Moultrie were repaired and armed. A fleet of American ships defended the port of Charleston, commanded by Commodore Whipple with the ships Bricole (44), Providence (32), Boston (32), Queen of France (28), Aventure (26), Truite (26) , Ranger (20), General Lincoln (20) and Notre Dame (16).

Several of these ships had been purchased from Admiral Estaing before the French withdrew from Savannah. When Clinton landed, Lincoln had under his command 800 South Carolina Continentals (1st, 2nd, and 5th), 400 Virginia Continentals, some 380 Polaskis Legion, 2,000 Carolina militia, and a small number of Horry's dragoons. In April, before Clinton shut down the city, he would be reinforced from Virginia and North Carolina. Governor Routledge summoned the South Carolina militia to garrison Charleston, but they were unable to comply with the summons, claiming that there was a danger of smallpox in Charleston. He also wrote to the Spanish authorities in Havana, requesting the assistance of a Spanish fleet and army. The Spaniards excused themselves from helping, seeing it necessary to secure their most important possessions. General Clinton left 2,500 troops in Savannah and arrived in Charleston with 6,000. He then sent transports back to New York to bring in additional troops, and called the Savannah garrison to join him. As part of his US Army readiness, General Lincoln sent General Isaac Huger with US mounted troops, some 500 men from various regiments, to Monk Corner, 30 miles upriver from Charleston on the Cooper River, to keep open the Charleston route north. Huger's detachment left Lincoln with around 2,650 Continental troops and 2,500 militiamen, with a circuit of some 5 km of fortifications to defend. Towards the end of March, British warships began to move up the estuary towards Charleston. The American squadron moved to the mouth of the Cooper River and several warships and civilian vessels sank through the river's entrance, joining together to form a barrier from Charleston to Shute Folly Island. The rest of the American squadron stood upriver from the boom.

The cannons were removed from American warships to increase ground defenses. Meanwhile, Clinton had gathered troops and supplies from him, and even obtained 1,500 more men from Georgia. He was ready for the siege. On the night of March 29, Clinton began sending his reinforced army across the Ashley River at Draytons Landing, 12 miles from Charleston. The Americans did not oppose the landing, and by April 1, Clinton's forces had advanced less than 1,000 meters from the defenses through the neck. There, they began a process of opening the first parallel, where British engineers, some 800 meters from the American lines, built approach trenches and redoubts that were more or less parallel to the American defensive works. On April 8, the British ships sailed up past Fort Moutrie and anchored in the estuary between James Island and Charleston. Cannons were carried for the British batteries that were established at the neck. On April 10, the British batteries on the neck were ready to open fire on the Charleston. General Clinton asked General Lincoln to surrender, which he refused to do. On April 13, British guns opened fire from batteries on the neck and from James Island, using red-hot bullets. The shooting continued until midnight, setting parts of the city ablaze. The distance of only 800 meters would make artillery fire extremely effective by the standards of the time. In general, most guns were unreliable beyond 1,200 meters, with 400-800 being the effective range. The next day, General Lincoln called a council of his superior officers. Lincoln stated that he considered the situation desperate and he was considering leaving town. General Lachlan McIntosh urged the troops to leave Charleston and be transported to the east side of the Cooper River, but Lincoln refused to make a final decision on whether to leave.

In mid-April 1780, the British officer, Lord Rawdon, arrived from New York with 2,500 other men. In addition, there were 5,000 British sailors available from the fleet. Meanwhile, the British cavalry, commanded by Colonel Banastre Tarleton, was moving against the Americans at Monk Corner. The British horses had been lost in the storms at Cape Hatteras, but Tarleton replaced his mounts with local horses. On April 14, Tarleton surprised the American cavalry in the camp at Monk Corner with a surprise attack at 03:00. The American force was destroyed, and those who did not become casualties scattered. Tarleton captured enough horses for his dragoons, along with wagons and supplies. Lieutenant Colonel Webster with the 33rd and 64th joined Tarleton, and headed south along the eastern bank of the Cooper River about 10 km from Charleston, cutting off America's escape route across the river. By April 19, the British approach trenches had advanced to within 250 meters of the American line at the neck, and began digging the third parallel. The exchange of artillery between the two forces poses an interesting situation. British engineers are getting closer to the Americans. The Americans are firing at them and the British lines, the British are shooting over the heads at the Americans, but the artillery at the time was inaccurate and the rounds commonly fell short. So it was difficult for the engineers to know who was shooting at them. As they got closer, they could see firsthand the effects of their artillery. One shell hit an American emplacement, reported by a British engineer: "It burst on fall, throwing two emplacement gunners into the trench and exploding the enemy platform."

By the end of April, the third parallel had been completed. The men were almost on top of each other. Clinton had insisted that his men stationed in those trenches NOT load muskets, but use the bayonet. For Clinton, the bayonet meant discipline, pride, and spirit. It was probably a multitude of factors, unloaded muskets and horror or artillery included, that caused his men to panic on the third parallel on the night of April 24, when 200 Americans made a sortie against one end of the third parallel. The jägers fled towards the second; but the Americans still managed to kill about 50 and capture at least a dozen more. The following night on April 25, the men stationed on the third parallel abandoned their post when they heard small arms fire and screams from the US side; which in turn provoked a savage round of fire from the men on the second parallel, thinking that their comrades had been overrun and that a force of Americans was right behind them. An officer whose men had fled from the third parallel later said: 'Everywhere they saw rebels. They believed that the enemy had made a raid and fired musketry for more than half an hour, although no rebels had passed the ditch." Lincoln called another council of war, which was attended by Lieutenant Governor Gadsden. Lincoln proposed the alternatives of abandoning the city and withdrawing or capitulating on terms. Gadsden strongly opposed either proposal, threatening that the townspeople would turn on the American troops. Lincoln relented in council, but took matters into his own hands by proposing terms for a capitulation to the British. The terms, which allowed US troops to leave Charleston, were rejected by Clinton. Further fighting took place the following night, with an American incursion into the British siege lines, the British capturing a redoubt at Haddrell Point and Colonel Arbuthnot taking Fort Moultrie, whose garrison surrendered without a fight, in contrast to the defense put forward. by his predecessors on June 28, 1776.

On May 8, 1780, the British trenches were close to the American line at the neck and the flooded ditch leading to the American position was drained. Before an all-out assault, the British again summoned the American garrison to surrender. This time there was no alternative. The Americans could no longer escape from Charleston. British troops had occupied the east bank of the Cooper River, the Neck, and the opposite bank of the Ashley River. Ships of the British Royal Navy held the estuary. Lincoln asked for an extension to consult his officers on the question of surrender, and gave him until May 9. Lincoln demanded terms by which the American military would be released and American continental troops would be allowed to surrender with the honors of war. The British rejected this proposal. The next night was spent by each side bombarding the other with all the artillery at their disposal. This time, firing at wooden houses, the British artillery proved more effective, and many houses were set on fire, the civilian population decided that they had enough, and they asked Lincoln to surrender. Lincoln agreed to Cornwallis's terms. The American military would lay down their weapons and be allowed to return home with the promise of no further involvement in the war. American continental troops would become prisoners of war. On May 12, 1780, American continental troops marched out, their drums beating a Turkish march, officers allowed to keep their swords until cries of "Long live Congress!" unnerved the British, so that their swords were taken from them and they became prisoners. The militia surrendered their firearms and were eventually allowed to return to their homes, pledging never to fight the British Crown again.

During the fighting the British lost 76 men killed and 189 wounded. American losses during the fighting were 89 Continentals killed and 138 wounded. Very few US militias became victims. In the surrender, 5,466 American soldiers became prisoners. The British took 5,916 muskets, 391 cannon, 15 regimental colours, 33,000 cartridges and 8,000 cannon shots. They also captured the Charleston powder magazine which contained some 10,000 pounds of gunpowder, in addition to large stores of rum, rice, and indigo. Three days after the surrender, a tragic accident occurred. The captured muskets had been carelessly thrown into a wooden building where the powder was stored. A loaded musket must have been fired on the pile. The explosion that followed set six houses on fire and killed around 200 people. It was feared that the main magazine, with its considerable powder store, would catch fire and explode, but that did not happen, and the fire was put out by soldiers on both sides, residents of Charleston, and the group of slaves recruited in Charleston from neighboring plantations. by the Americans to build the defenses. After the capture of Charleston, the British advanced through the rest of the colony of South Carolina in what became a fierce civil war. On May 12, 1780, Charleston fell to the British under the command of Henry Clinton. A column of reinforcements consisting of 380 troops under the command of Colonel Abraham Buford failed to reach the town before its fall and turned to retreat north. This force, known as the 3rd Virginia Detachment, consisted of 2 Virginia RI-2 Corps, 40 Virginia Light Dragoons, and 2×6 guns. As Buford's detachment traveled north, they encountered several prominent citizens of South Carolina fleeing the advancing British. Even Governor John Rutledge joined the column as it moved toward the North Carolina border.

General Clinton returned to New York, leaving General Charles Lord Cornwallis in command of the Army of the South. Cornwallis learned of Buford's column and sent a force under Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton to trap and destroy the Continentals. Tarleton commanded 270 men from his British Legion, 170 were dragoons and 100 were mounted infantry, 40 light dragoons from the 17th and a 3-pounder. Although the Americans were a week ahead of Tarleton, the aggressive British commander moved his men 150 miles at a brisk pace, reaching Buford on the afternoon of May 29, 1780. The area where the two forces met found is situated along the border of North and South Carolina, in an area called Waxhaws, in the Catawba River Valley. Tarleton sent a message to Buford, demanding that the Americans surrender, but they refused. Buford then ordered all of his heavy baggage and cannon to continue moving north, so his artillery would be in the battle. He then formed a line to meet the advancing British and Loyalists. His position was in an open wood to the right of the march route, with all his infantry in a single line. The American colors were placed in the center of that line. Buford ordered his men to hold fire until the British were within 10 meters. Seeing the rebel line spread out for battle, Tarleton divided his force into three attack columns. He deployed 60 British Legion dragoons, as well as another 60 mounted infantry from the right column, intending that the mounted infantry dismount and fire on the Americans, pinning them down. At the same time, he formed a central column of his elite troops, the 40 light dragoons of the 17th, as well as 40 mounted infantrymen of the Legion, to charge directly into the American center under covering fire from the Loyalists at the helm. right of him.

The left column was led by Tarleton himself and consisted of 30 carefully selected Legion men, with as many infantrymen ready to sweep the American right flank and to attack for their baggage and reserves. Tarleton held his single cannon in reserve with the remaining Legion mounted infantrymen. The British attack began as soon as all of his troops were in position. Colonel Buford gave the order to refrain from firing until the British were within 10 meters, the American forces were overwhelmed by the speed and aggressiveness of the British charge, Buford's men had time to fire a single volley before the British horsemen reached the line. The thin American line broke and they began shooting down soldiers left and right. Many American survivors of the battle claimed that their comrades were massacred while trying to surrender. As quickly as it had started, the Battle of Waxhaws was over. British casualties were light, with 5 killed and 14 wounded. The Americans lost 113 men killed and 203 wounded, 2 guns and 26 wagons were captured. Colonel Buford managed to escape the massacre. The Battle of Waxhaws became known as the "Buford Massacre" and Tarleton, already known as an aggressive commander, was condemned as a butcher. Clinton returned to New York on June 5, 1780, after the southern remnants of the Continental Army had been defeated in May 1780 at the Battle of Waxhaws, charging Lord Cornwallis with the pacification of the remaining parts of the state. The remaining Patriot resistance in South Carolina consisted of the militia under commanders such as Thomas Sumter, William Davie, and Francis Marion. Washington sent RIs from the Continental Army south, consisting of the 1st and 2nd Brigades from Maryland and the 1st Brigade from Delaware, under the temporary command of Major General Jean, Baron de Kalb. They had left New Jersey on April 16, 1780, arriving at the Buffalo ford on the Deep River, 30 miles south of Greensboro, in July.

On July 25, Major General Horatio Gates, the hero of Saratoga, arrived at General Johann Baron de Kalb's Patriot camp on the Deep River in North Carolina. Gates decided to advance to the nearest British outpost at Camden, which had a 1,000-man garrison, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Francis Rawdon. On July 27, the Patriots headed for Camden. Gates had chosen a direct march to Camden through the swampy and difficult terrain against the advice of his officers, who were familiar with the area. They had recommended a route that would have started west and then south. It was more roundabout, but through regions friendly to the Patriots, which meant they could collect some desperately needed food and supplies. The route Gates chose was more difficult, barren in nature, abundant in sandy plains, intersected by swamps, and very sparsely inhabited, and the few inhabitants they may encounter were likely hostile. All the troops had been short of food since their arrival at the Deep River. Gates also weakened his force by sending 400 Continentals to assist Colonel Thomas Sumter, who had requested reinforcements to carry out his own raids. Gates' original strategy was to use Major General Francis Marion and Sumter to cut off Camden's supply lines from the south. This action would leave Camden vulnerable and force the British to evacuate the garrison from it without a fight. On August 3, Gates joined 1,200 North Carolina militiamen under the command of General Richard Caswell. On August 7, at Rugeley Mill, 15 miles (24 km) north of Camden, 700 Virginia militiamen under the command of General Edward Stevens joined Gates's army. Also, Gates had Armand's Legion. However, by this stage, Gates no longer had the help of Marion's or Sumter's men, and had in fact sent 400 of his Continentals to assist Sumter with a planned attack on a British supply convoy.

Gates also refused the help of Colonel William Washington's cavalry. Gates apparently planned to build defensive works some 9 km north of Camden in an effort to force the British abandonment of that important city. Gates told his aide Thomas Pinckney he had no intention of attacking the British with an army made up mainly of militiamen. Camden was garrisoned by about 1,000 men under Lord Rawdon. General Cornwallis, alerted to Gates's movement, on August 9, marched from Charleston with reinforcements; arriving at Camden on 13 August, increasing the effective strength of the British troops to 2,239 men, of whom 1,000 were regulars: 23rd Royal Scots (292), 33rd (238), Fraser's 71st Highlanders (1st Battalion 144 and 2nd Battalion 110), light companies (148); Protestant Irish Volunteers (303), Tarleton's Legion (126 Infantry and 182 Light Dragoons), North Carolina Regiment (267) Provincial and Loyalist Militia (202), and Artillery. Gates ordered a night march to begin at 10 p.m. on August 15, despite his army of 3,052, two-thirds of whom were militiamen, who had never maneuvered together. Unfortunately, his dinner acted as a purgative as they marched, with Armand's cavalry in the lead. In the opposite direction marched Cornwallis's army, also on a night march at 10 p.m., with Tarleton's dragoons in the lead. A brief period of confusion ensued when both forces collided around 02:00, but both sides soon parted ways, not wanting a night battle. The forces formed for battle before first light. Horatio Gates deployed his 4,100 troops in a line and reserve.

Gates' formation, although typical British practice of the time, pitted his weaker troops against the more experienced British regiments. Cornwallis had approximately 2,239 men, and he deployed in a line and reserve in front of Saunders Creek. He placed his most experienced units on the right flank and his less experienced units on the left flank. When Gates discovered that he was facing Cornwallis and an experienced British force, he decided it was too late to withdraw and prepared for combat. The battlefield stretched in a narrow front across the swamps along Gum Creek. Gates's deployment had placed the least reliable troops against the best British regulars. The British opened the battle by using their right wing to attack the Patriot left. Facing an aggressive British bayonet charge, the militia fled before the British could even reach them. The Virginians broke and ran. Only one company of the militia managed to fire a few shots before fleeing. The panic quickly spread to the North Carolina militia and they too fled, running through the Maryland mainlanders. Seeing the utter panic of his entire left wing, Gates mounted his horse and hit the road with his militia, leaving the battle under the control of his subordinate officers. In just a matter of minutes, the entire left wing of the Patriot force was gone. As the rout unfolded on the left flank, Kalb's right flank attacked after being ordered by Gates. The mainlanders twice repulsed Rawdon's troops and then launched a counter-attack. The mainland counter-attack was successful and Rawdon's line was all but broken. Cornwallis saw the action and was forced to get into the action and stabilize his men. Meanwhile, instead of pursuing the fleeing militia, Webster turned to the left and continued to charge him as a flanking move against Kalb.

The North Carolina Militia Regiment that had been stationed closest to the Delware Continentals stood their ground, being the only Militia Regiment to do so. They fought well and were joined by Maryland Continentals who had been called up from the reservation by Kalb. The Marylanders fought off Webster's attack, but then only about 800 Continentals were facing at least 2,000 British regulars. The final blow came when Cornwallis ordered Tarleton to attack the Patriot rearguard. Under the cavalry charge, the patriots finally broke. Some managed to escape through the swamp and Kalb was wounded 11 times (8 by bayonet and 3 by musket balls) before he fell. The field was taken after an hour of fighting. Tarleton pursued the fleeing Patriots for over 20 miles before finally turning back. Gates, mounted on a fast horse, was almost 100 km away in Charlotte, North Carolina, that same night. About 60 mainlanders joined as a rear guard and managed to protect the troops in a retreat through the surrounding forests and swamps. British casualties were 68 killed, 245 wounded and 11 missing. The Patriots had 240 known dead, of which 162 were Continentals, 12 South Carolina militiamen, 3 Virginia militiamen, and 63 North Carolina militiamen. 1,500 prisoners were taken, of whom 290 were wounded and were taken to Camden after this action. Of this number, 206 were Continentals, 82 were North Carolina militia, and 2 were Virginia militia. The British captured 8 guns and about 200 wagons. Gates continued on to Hillsborough, a distance of some 300 km, where he arrived on the 19th and then wrote his report to Congress on August 20. The report to the president of the Continental congress, Samuel Huntington, began: "In deep anguish and anxiety of mind, I am bound to acquaint myself with his excellency with the total defeat of the troops under my command."

In an August 30 letter to General George Washington, Gates wrote: “But if being unlucky is reason enough to remove me from command, I will gladly submit to the bidding of Congress; and I will resign a position few generals would be eager to hold…” Gates's actions were called into question almost immediately. After Major General Nathanael Greene replaced him in December, Gates returned to his home in Virginia to await an investigation into his conduct during the battle. A congressional investigation in 1782 cleared him of wrongdoing, accepting his claim that his reason for leaving was to get to a place of safety so he could rebuild his army. He would not have another command for the rest of the war, but he did return to active duty before the war's end, serving on the Washington staff. Greene succeeded Gates as the new commander of the continental forces in the south. This loss left American morale in the South at a low level and the region firmly under British control until Geene built up Continental forces in early 1781. Kalb died 3 days after the battle. Despite the defeat, the patriot militias began a guerrilla war against the British, an example is the attack on British forces of the 63rd who were escorting prisoners to Charleston, Marion's guerrillas attacked to free them on August 20. Believing that British and loyalist forces were in control of Georgia and South Carolina, he decided to head north and address the threat posed by the remnants of the Continental Army in North Carolina. In mid-September he began moving north toward Charlotte, North Carolina. Cornwallis's movements were shadowed by North and South Carolina militia companies. One force under Thomas Sumter stayed behind and harassed British and Loyalist outposts in the South Carolina countryside, while another, led by 24-year-old Colonel William Richardson Davie, kept in fairly close contact with parts of his force. as Cornwallis moved north.

Davie had done a good job in the three months after the fall of Charleston. He had several times defeated small units of the British Army and captured supply trains, but they were no match for the entire British Army. His orders were to keep an eye on the British, report their movements to General William Lee Davidson, who commanded the Mecklenburg and Rowan militia, and attack any targets of opportunity they could find. Davie successfully surprised a detachment of Cornwallis's loyalist forces at the Wahab plantation on September 20, and then moved on to Charlotte, where he staged an ambush to harass Cornwallis's vanguard. Charlotte was then a small town, with two major highways intersecting in the center of town, where the Mecklenburg County Courthouse dominated the intersection. The south façade of the courthouse had a series of pillars, between which a stone wall approximately 1 meter high had been built to provide an area to serve as a local market. He was joined by a group of Mecklenburg militia commanded by Major Joseph Graham and they took up their positions around the courthouse. Davie posted three ranks of militiamen in and to the north of the courthouse, with one behind the stone wall, and posted companies of cavalry on the east and west sides of the courthouse, covering the roads leading in those directions. Finally, he put a company of 20 men behind a house on the south road, where he awaited the British advance. As his British column approached Charlotte, Cornwallis sent Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton's British Legion ahead, Tarleton was recovering from a violent fever, so Major George Hanger with the light dragoons was sent ahead to investigate. .

Cornwallis ordered Hanger to cautiously enter the town and check for militia, which he expected to be in the area. As the Legion moved slowly down Tryon Street towards the square, they saw that the street was empty. Contrary to Cornwallis's orders, Hanger and his cavalry merrily advanced toward the center of the city. Even after the 20 men behind the house opened fire, Hanger's men continued to ride until he was met by heavy fire from the militia line behind the stone wall. As the first line of militia maneuvered to make way for the second, Hanger mistook his move for a retreat and continued the charge. This brought him into a withering crossfire from the second line and the cavalry companies stationed to the east and west. Hanger went down with a wound, and his cavalry retreated in disarray back to the Legion infantry behind him. The British cautiously followed them for a few miles and discovered the American camp at Charlotte. Hanger sent his light infantry, commanded by Lt. Col. James Webster, to clear militiamen from his positions along the fences in the road. Webster's counter attack forced the Patriots to abandon the fences along the road and fall back to the stone wall. Hanger personally led his cavalry against the 20 mainland dragoons. Davie's troops drove the British back in the first assault. Hanger then led a second cavalry charge against the stone wall and was again stopped and forced back. Cornwallis, alerted by the sound of battle, stepped forward to assess the situation. Sarcastically yelling “you have everything to lose, but nothing to gain”, he ordered the Legion forward once more. By this time light infantry from the main army had also begun to arrive, and Davie withdrew his forces.

Hanger called the incident "an insignificant skirmish," but made it clear to Cornwallis that he would have to expect more resistance. Major Joseph Graham was wounded by three bullets and six sword cuts and was presumed dead. He survived his injuries and lived to become a prominent citizen of Charlotte. Hanger was also wounded, further disabling the effectiveness of Tarleton's Legion. Instead of advancing through Hillsboro, Cornwallis occupied Charlotte. The British Army remained in Charlotte for two weeks collecting food and supplies, but they had gained a new respect for the Americans and would later refer to Mecklenburg as "The Hornet's Nest of the Rebellion". General Cornwallis was having trouble subduing the Carolinas. Every time he thought he was making progress, his supply wagons were captured or small portions of his army were defeated by the guerrilla fighting of the patriot militia. The defeat of the Patriot army at Camden had been devastating and demoralizing, but the Patriots did not admit that they had been defeated. Cornwallis decided to divide his superior army into three branches, hoping to subdue the patriots in the Carolinas once and for all. Banastre Tarleton with the British Legion took the eastern branch and was brilliant and brutal. Major Patrick Ferguson was given a small group of 200 redcoat-wearing New York provincials and told to recruit loyalist militia to the cause in the Western Branch. Ferguson recruited brilliantly and soon had almost 4,000 loyalist militiamen. Ferguson patiently trained them and by September 1780, he had some 1,000 militiamen marching with him. The problem with the militia was that they always came home, and Ferguson rarely had more than 1/4 of the militia with him. They came in and out of the army as they pleased, and Ferguson couldn't control them. In an effort to discourage attacks in that western part of the Carolinas, Ferguson sent a message to the leaders of the Overmountains who lived west of the Appalachian Mountains. These men had been left out of the war zone. So Ferguson hoped to discourage them further. The message said, in part, that if the mountain men took up arms against the King, Ferguson would "march his army over the mountains, hang his leaders, and lay waste their country with fire and sword."

It was the wrong message to send to a group of stubborn Scots-Irish who were only interested in defending their homes on the border. Overmountain leaders Isaac Shelby and John Sevier took this threat seriously. They sent word across the mountains that they were heading east to fight Patrick Ferguson. Ferguson had turned an impersonal war into a personal challenge by threatening the houses of the mountain men. To facilitate the British offensive against the Patriots, Cornwallis assigned Major Patrick Ferguson at the head of the British Legion to eliminate the Patriots in the Carolinas and to protect the left flank of Cornwallis's army in Charlotte, North Carolina. Ferguson began leading his troops, made up entirely of American loyalists, searching for rebel militias. Time and time again, he missed confrontations with groups of backwoods supporters. The men of the mountain (Overmountain) met at Sycamore Shoals on September 25. Nearly 1,000 of them gathered, and after a fiery speech, they set out to find Patrick Ferguson. They traveled through the mountains on their horses through an early autumn snow. It was a difficult journey, but these men were used to hardship. They had defeated the Cherokees, could Patrick Ferguson and his army be any more difficult? They carried their long hunting rifles: although slow to load, these rifles were highly accurate even at long ranges. Along the way, the mountain men were joined by militia groups and others who decided to fight on the spur of the moment. On September 30, the Highlanders reached Burke County, North Carolina, where they met with 350 other North Carolina militiamen. Totaling 1,400 militiamen, the force was led by five different leaders, each holding the title of colonel.

These men held a council of war and appointed Colonel William Campbell of Virginia as commander of the group. However, they agreed that the five would act in council to command their combined army. The Patriot force began hunting Ferguson and his loyalist militiamen. However, Major Ferguson received information from two frontiersmen, deserters, that the Patriots were on their way to exterminate them. Ferguson left his base camp and began a slow march toward Charlotte, where Lord Cornwallis had established his headquarters. When Ferguson first received information that the Patriot force was on the move, he delayed his departure from Gilbert Town for three days before marching south. During this inexplicable delay, Ferguson wrote to Cornwallis, requesting reinforcements. On October 1, Ferguson's force reached the Broad River in North Carolina, where the Major wrote another letter to Cornwallis, again asking for some reinforcements. By October 6, loyalists reached King's Mountain, one of a series of rocky, wooded hills near the North Carolina-South Carolina border. It is shaped like a footprint with the highest point at the heel, a narrow vamp, and a wide, rounded toe. Loyalists camped on a ridge west of King's Pinnacle, the highest point on King's Mountain. Ferguson's force was a day's march west of Cornwallis's command post at Charlotte. The patriots searched for Patrick Ferguson, after several false moves and some misinformation, the men heard that Patrick Ferguson had stopped his army at a place called Little King's Mountain. Since the mountain men were still some distance away, they decided to ride fast and hard to catch Ferguson. They divided his band into two groups: the first group of about 900 men would proceed quickly to King's Mountain. The second group, numbering about 500 tired after the almost 500km journey, could not move as fast and would join the patriot forces as soon as they could.

The first group set out on the night of October 6, the mountain men riding furiously through a rain storm, intent on arriving as soon as possible. At dawn on October 7, they crossed the Broad River, about 15 miles from King's Mountain. In the early afternoon they arrived and immediately circled the ridge. The battle began at about 3:00 p.m., when the 900 Patriots, including John Crockett, approached the steep base of the western ridge. They formed eight detachments of just over 100 each. Ferguson was unaware that the Patriots had caught up with him and his 1,100 men. He was the only regular British soldier, made up entirely of loyalist Carolina militia, except for the 200 enlisted provincials from New York, who wore red coats. He hadn't thought it necessary to fortify his camp. The patriots surprised the loyalists. Loyalist officer Alexander Chesney later wrote that he did not know the Patriots were near them until the shooting began. As the Patriots screamed up the hill, Captain Abraham de Peyster turned to Ferguson and said, "These things are sinister, these are the bloody screaming boys!" Two parties, led by Colonels John Sevier and William Campbell, attacked the heel of the mountain, the smallest in the area, but its highest point. The other detachments, led by Colonels Shelby, Williams, Lacey, Cleveland, Hambright, Winston and McDowell, attacked the main Loyalist position, surrounding the heel. No one in the patriot army was in command once the fighting began. Each detachment fought independently under the previously agreed plan to encircle and destroy the Loyalists. The patriots crawled up the hill and fired from behind rocks and trees. Ferguson rallied his troops and launched a desperate charge with fixed bayonet against Campbell and Sevier. Lacking bayonets, the patriots ran downhill into the woods.

Campbell soon rallied his troops, returned to the hill, and continued firing. Ferguson ordered two more bayonet charges during the battle. This became the pattern of the battle; the Patriots would charge up the hill, then the Provincials would charge down the hill with fixed bayonets, driving the Patriots off the slopes into the woods. Once the charge was spent and the Conservatives returned to their positions, the Patriots would regroup in the woods, return to the base of the hill, and climb back up the hill. During one of the charges, Colonel Williams was killed and Colonel McDowell was wounded. Shooting was difficult for the Loyalists, as the Patriots were constantly moving around using cover and concealment to their advantage. In addition, the downward angle of the hill helped loyalists outmaneuver their rivals. After an hour of fighting, loyalist casualties were severe. Ferguson crossed the hill from one side to the other, blowing a silver whistle that he used to point to. Shelby, Sevier and Campbell reached the top of the hill behind the Loyalist position and attacked Ferguson's rear. The loyalists were herded back to their camp, where they began to surrender. Ferguson drew his sword and slashed at the little white flags he saw appear, but he seemed to know the end was near. In an attempt to rally his hesitant men, Ferguson shouted "Hooray, brave boys, the day is ours!" He mustered some officers and tried to get through the patriot ring, but Sevier's men fired a volley and Ferguson was shot and knocked off his horse but luckily he was not pinned to his horse and therefore not being dragged by his horse behind the fence. patriot line. The Loyalists recaptured Ferguson as they regrouped.

With their leader wounded, the loyalists began to surrender. Some Patriots did not want to take prisoners, as they were eager to avenge the Battle of Waxhaws, in which Banastre Tarleton's forces killed a considerable number of Abraham Buford's Continental soldiers after the latter attempted to surrender. Loyalist Captain Peyster, under orders from Ferguson, sent an emissary with a white flag, asking for quarter. For several minutes, the Patriots repulsed Peyster's white flag and continued to fire. A significant number of the Loyalists who surrendered were killed or wounded, including the White Flag emissary. As de Peyster sent up a second white flag, some of the Patriot officers, including Campbell and Sevier, ran forward and took control ordering their men to stop firing. They took around 700 Loyalist prisoners including Ferguson. The Battle of King's Mountain lasted 65 minutes. The loyalists suffered 290 dead, 163 wounded and 668 taken prisoner. The patriot militia suffered 28 dead and 60 wounded. The Patriots had to leave quickly fearing that Cornwallis would come forward to meet them. Loyalist prisoners well enough to walk were herded into camps several miles from the battlefield. The dead were buried in shallow graves and the wounded were left in the field to die including Ferguson who, never having been seen by the patriots, was mistaken for a wounded Loyalist officer. Both victors and captives starved on the march due to lack of supplies in the hastily organized patriot army. On October 14, the retreating Patriot force court-martialed the Loyalists on various charges (treason, desertion from Patriot militias, inciting Indian rebellion).

Passing through the Sunshine community, the retreat stopped at the Biggerstaff family property. Aaron Biggerstaff, a loyalist, had fought in the battle and been mortally wounded. His brother Benjamin was a patriot and was being held as a prisoner of war on a British ship docked in Charleston, South Carolina. His cousin John Moore was the Loyalist commander at the earlier Battle of Ramsour's Mill, in which many of the fighting men at King's Mountain had taken part on one side or the other. While stopping at Biggerstaff land, the rebels sentenced 36 Loyalist prisoners. Some were declared against by patriots who had previously fought alongside them and later changed sides. Nine of the prisoners were hanged before Isaac Shelby ended the trial. His decision to stop the executions came after an impassioned plea for mercy from one of Biggerstaff's women. Many of the patriots dispersed over the next few days, while all but 130 of the Loyalist prisoners escaped as they were led single file through woods. The column eventually camped at Salem, North Carolina. King's Mountain was a turning point in the US War of Independence. After a series of disasters and humiliations in the Carolinas (the fall of Charleston and the capture of the US Army there, the destruction of another US Army at the Battle of Camden, the Waxhaws Massacre), the stunning decisive victory at Kings Mountain was a great victory, a boost to Patriot morale Carolina loyalists were destroyed as a military force In addition, the destruction of Ferguson's command and the imminent threat of Patriot militia in the mountains caused Lord Cornwallis to cancel his plans to invade Carolina Instead, he evacuated Charlotte and retired to South Carolina, not returning to North Carolina until early 1781. Ferguson was found by Tarleton's Legion who, due to his injuries, returned to England.

By the fall of 1780, Loyalist forces were on the defensive in Carolina, still reeling from their painful defeat at the Battle of King's Mountain in October 1780. With that Patriot victory, the Carolina country returned to their control, putting pressure additional on Cornwallis and Tarleton. Thus, instead of going after the elusive Patriot leader "Swamp Fox" Francis Marion, Cornwallis ordered Tarleton to harass Patriot militia units under the command of General Thomas Sumter. Cornwallis hoped that Tarleton could secure a victory and reinvigorate the Loyalist cause. By the end of November, Sumter's patriotic band had grown to 1,000 men. On 18 November, Tarleton's British Legion dragoons and 63rd mounted infantry were bathing and watering their horses in the Broad River when some of Sumter's militiamen fired at them from the opposite bank. The British brought out a 3-pound cannon and easily dispersed the raiders. But Tarleton did not tolerate insults easily. Putting his men across the river in flatboats at night, he pressed Sumter hard the next day. Fortunately for Sumter, a deserter from the 63rd regiment revealed Tarleton's plans and location. Although Sumter had 1,000 militiamen, Tarleton at that time only had a little over 500 under his command, including 300 British regulars, but he had never been defeated. Sumter and his colonels decided it was best to find a strong defensive position and wait for Tarleton to attack them. Colonel Thomas Brandon, who knew the area, suggested the nearby farm of William Blackstock, a farm in the hills above the River Tyger. The land had been cleared for farming, providing good fields of fire and room for manoeuvre, and the structures were of logs and thus narrow but convenient gaps could be cut for men firing from behind cover.

On 20 November, at 1000 hours, Tarleton followed his lead, advancing ahead of the 71st and the artillery, with 190 of his dragoons and his Legion's mounted infantry, and 80 mounted regulars of the 63rd. He met a force from Sumter at Enoree Ford which he dispersed with great slaughter. It was later claimed that the group were some Loyalist prisoners who had previously been in charge of some Sumter riflemen under Captain Patrick Carr. Carr escaped at the approach of Tarleton, and in the confusion Tarleton took the freed Loyalists as rebels. Tarleton discovered that Sumter was withdrawing forces from him. Tarleton found the Patriot force and pursued them throughout the afternoon. At 4:00 p.m., Tarleton knew that using all of his strength he could not reach Sumter. Therefore, he decided to take only 190 dragoons and 80 mounted infantry from the 63rd to continue the fast pursuit and let the rest of his force follow on his own. Within an hour, he had finally caught up with the rear of Sumter's force. Sumter had reached the Tyger River. At 5:00 p.m., with daylight fading, Sumter was worried about his situation. However, a local woman who had been watching the British entered Sumter's camp and informed him that British artillery and foot soldiers were still trying to catch up with Tarleton. Knowing that he was favored with good defensive ground, Sumter decided to hold out at the Blackstocks plantation. The river was on Sumter's rear and right flank, but on its left flank was a hill that had 5 log houses belonging to the plantation set in an open field. He ordered Colonel Hampton and his riflemen to defend the houses, and Colonel Twiggs Georgia's sharpshooters were placed along a fence that stretched from the log houses to the woods on the left flank.

On the wooded hill that rose to his right from the main road, Sumter deployed most of the rest of his troops. Colonel Lacey's mounted infantry was to protect the right flank and Colonel Richard Winn was sent to the rear, along the river, as a reserve. As Tarleton approached Sumter's position, he decided that the Patriot line was too strong to attack alone without the rest of the force straggling behind him. While he waited for the rest of the British force, Tarleton dismounted his infantry and sent them to his right flank which faced a stream running opposite the Sumter front. The dragoons were sent to his left flank. Sumter decided not to wait until Tarleton was reinforced to attack. Just before Tarleton arrived, Taylor's detachment lumbered into the camp with cartloads of flour taken in the raid on Summer's mill. Initially, Tarleton charged and drove off a group of Sumter's men positioned ahead of the main body. However, Tarleton later stated that he had no intention at the time of engaging Sumter directly, but rather that the battle came about as a result of some of Sumter's men (the Georgians) engaging his own. Sometime after 5:00 p.m. Sumter sent Colonel Elijah Clark and 100 men to encircle Tarleton's right flank and prevent reinforcements from joining him. Clark's force fired on the British too soon and the British counter-attacked and drove Clark back. At the same time, Sumter ordered Colonel Lacey to attack the British left flank. He was able to get within 75 meters of the British, who were busy watching the fighting to the left of him, and opened fire. His men quickly killed 20 British dragoons. The British regrouped and drove Lacey out. While riding from their right flank into the center, Sumter was hit by a musket ball.

He pierced her right shoulder, along the shoulder, and splintered her spine. After discovering that Sumter was wounded, Twiggs assumed overall command. The advance of the British reinforcements was halted as Tarleton's men were being fired upon from their flanks. Tarleton and his men were in a precarious position and suffered severely from the fire of the patriots. At that moment of peril, Lieutenant John Money led a bayonet charge that threw Sumter's men into disarray: Money himself was mortally wounded in the attack by Colonel Henry Hampton's riflemen. Tarleton then fell back 3.5 km to join his support column. In the British withdrawal from Blackstock, Major James Jackson and his Georgians captured 30 riderless horses, apparently those of the 63rd. By the time Tarleton had joined forces with the 71st Highlander, it was dark and it was beginning to rain. Major James Jackson in later years reported that the fight had lasted three hours. Colonel John Twiggs, who took immediate command of Sumter, who had been badly wounded, left Colonel Winn to keep some fires burning, while the remaining Patriots withdrew over the Tyger River. Sumter himself had to be carried off the field in a litter. For the next three days, Tarleton attempted to pursue Sumter. Although he managed to take a handful of prisoners, most of Sumter's men managed to escape in separate groups. What was left of Sumter's brigade was put in charge of Lt. Col. William Henderson, who had been taken prisoner at Charleston, and had recently been traded. Cornwallis reported to Clinton on December 3: “As soon as he [Tarleton] took care of his wounded, he pursued and scattered the remaining part of Sumpter's body; and then, having assembled a militia under the command of Mr. Cunningham, whom I made a brigadier-general of the militia of that district, and who has by far the greatest influence in that country, returned to the River Broad, where he now remains ; as well as Major M'Arthur, in the Brierley Ferry neighborhood."

As darkness finally engulfed the battlefield, both sides withdrew to the safety of their positions. Both sides then claimed victory for the battle. The patriots claimed victory because they had picked the fight and repulsed the British. Tarleton claimed victory because he was successful in his initial mission of keeping the Patriot force away from Fort Ninet-Six and dispersing the Patriots. He also put Sumter out of commission for a time. British casualties were 92 killed and 75 to 100 wounded. Patriot casualties were 3 killed, 4 wounded, and 50 captured. Sumter's injury was a blessing in disguise, as Congress finally relented to allow George Washington to designate his own choice for American command of the South. Washington appointed one of his best field commanders, Nathanael Greene, whose very presence tilted the Southern campaign in favor of the Americans.
I know some people want a map. And i have a Answer for that people.

Please don't hate me if some colors are mistake... This map is so big even i am too lazy for make it perfect.

A la mierda... Here you have a little Sneak Leak.

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