I don’t really see how this will change the postwar world that much. We’ll get the same boarders postwar (divided Germany/Oder Neisse line) because they were already decided by this point and a Cold War is inevitable.
Twilight of the Valkyries: A 20 July Plot TL (Redux)
- Thread starter LumineVonReuental
- Start date
kham_coc
Banned
There is a probably there but united neutral Germany is plausible. Austro-German union too.
Not the latter, by then the "first victim" declaration will have been made and as OTL the Austrians will seize on it to cry "see we were victims as well, don't lump us in with the Prussian's!" In any case the allies will be determined to see Germany broken this time so this doesn't repeat in 20 years, only difference is the fight will probably stop before a few million more people get dead, also Speer, Gudarian and co might...might get a pass on the war crimes trials by creating the illusion of impartial technocrats who came to power to try and stop the war after SS and resistance madness happened.
One major issue is Hitler probably won't have been as discredited this time as he's a martyr while Himmler and Staufenberg take all the blame.
A good move. Given the manners in which Nazi German brutality extended far beyond the 'stanadard issue' deprivations of war, it is only appropriate that a TL (especially one as in-depth as this) address them.
I agree, especially with an inaccurate weapon likely to hit nonmilitary industries. Works against the image Germany is trying to portray of them changing their focus towards the East. Granted I'm not sure if there's any Soviet industry in range of them. Maybe they could pursuade Finland to host them so they could be launched at Leningrad and environs? And if none of that would work, probably better to just can the V2 project entirely.
NotBigBrother
Monthly Donor
In the OTL Finland signed armistice with the Allied powers in 19th September.
I think the only interesting potential change might be if we see a neutral Polish state after the war instead of a Soviet puppet-state.
Map: Europe, August 31st, 1944
Map: Europe
August 31st, 1944
(Work in Progress [*])
August 31st, 1944
(Work in Progress [*])
[*] Based off the June 1944 map available here: https://www.alternatehistory.com/wiki/doku.php?id=resources:europe_wwii_map_series. I've just tinkered with the borders and color. I'm not particularly good at map making and I have to juggle several storylines at once, so this map - in progress - is more to get a general idea and not something fully accurate. I'm sure there's mistakes on it, but it's a start.
Well, what do you mean by Lowlands? The Netherlands? (if so, no, no movement there after the SS was put down)
Range is to short. Given the infrastructure needed to throw a rocket 200 miles they might get a dozen off before the Soviet's overrun the firing sites.
It seems most likely, though I would argue there is a little room for modest changes.
1. The Austrian occupation zones were not decided until July 1945, and they were mostly based on where the Allied armies had halted. If the German collapse in Italy and the West is quicker, it's not inconceivable that Anglo-American forces could occupy the whole of Austria before the Soviet 2nd Ukrainian Front Army can reach the eastern Austrian border, and then Stalin has no "facts" on the ground to negotiate for anything more than a token presence in Austria.
2. A quicker collapse in the West - especially if deliberately undertaken by Speer's government - could put US and British Armies on the Oder rather than the Elbe. This just might be enough to give Churchill the leverage for his Eastern Niesse border stance, especially if Stalin's resentment of Speer's Western-friendly withdrawals has badly soured relations among the Big Three by the time of Potsdam.
I dont think you can say with certainty that the borders were set in stone. The negotiations were carried out IOTL, but changing circumstances could modify what happens. Plans are made all the time but the vast majority arent carried out. Considering how fast and low Allied-Soviet relations deteriorated before the war is even possible, negotiations can easily be shelved if the West fears they would make Stalin too strong. What seems clear is that the new (at least Western) Germany wouldnt be as thorougly denazified without Hitler staying until the end and with the evidence for the Holocaust being destroyed and possibly forgotten, and more institutions, people of Nazi Germany would remain intact.
Was Rol Tanguy's Uprising Crushed?Map: Europe
August 31st, 1944
(Work in Progress [*])
[*] Based off the June 1944 map available here: https://www.alternatehistory.com/wiki/doku.php?id=resources:europe_wwii_map_series. I've just tinkered with the borders and color. I'm not particularly good at map making and I have to juggle several storylines at once, so this map - in progress - is more to get a general idea and not something fully accurate. I'm sure there's mistakes on it, but it's a start.
Also the Laval Plan had no effect?
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Unsure about the final effects of the national assembly as that appears to still be playing out with Heriot and Petain now in control of it.
Two previous chapters cover the results of the Paris uprising.
Why is Italy brown?
Is the blue in Yugoslavia Chetnik activity? And possibly a US/UK landing around Split?
XIX. Early September to Mid October, 1944 (I)
XIX.
September 1944:
Increasingly reduced in size after countless setbacks,
Doenitz’s Kriesgmarine is suddenly at the center-stage
August 15th to September 3rd, 1944
Helsinki, Finland:
September 1944:
Increasingly reduced in size after countless setbacks,
Doenitz’s Kriesgmarine is suddenly at the center-stage
August 15th to September 3rd, 1944
Helsinki, Finland:
Despite the success of Field Marshal Mannerheim’s sudden elevation into supreme power – again – in order to salvage Finland’s position and avoid a Soviet invasion, and the establishment of an initial arrangement with the Kremlin to break off diplomatic relations with Berlin and deliver an ultimatum for a military withdrawal, Helsinki was not yet safe. Upon providing President Speer with said ultimatum, the Finnish military had gone into alert over fears of the German reaction, only to be surprised when the only overt act had been a panicked, last-minute embassy to Mannerheim presided by Colonel General Fromm, the Minister of War [260]. Despite his best assurances that the German presence in the Baltic was to remain strong – banking on Mannerheim not being privy to the full details of Fall Silber -, Fromm had not impressed the old Marshal. Neither had the medals sent by Berlin, earning only a muted thanks and a disdainful comment from Mannerheim after Fromm flew back to the Reich. It was perhaps telling that, in the following days, the Papen Cabinet would end up ruling out a second embassy led by Count von Krosigk as a waste of time and effort.
On the other hand, the Soviet Union knew it held a superior hand, and Foreign Minister Molotov gave overt signs of it by making the Finnish delegation to Moscow wait for a number of days before issuing terms via diplomatic note on August 24th. Besides the obvious demand for 1940 borders, the Soviets have upped the ante by demanding harsh reparations – higher than expected -, economic concessions, use of airfields and ports during the rest of the war, and even transport for the Russian troops to – “if need be” – chase the Wehrmacht into Norway [261]. The reaction in Helsinki proved to be grim, with the only saving grace being the lack of a demand to immediately declare war on Germany. Despite an initial drive to try and bargain with Molotov for better terms, the Finnish Cabinet is all too aware that economic collapse will follow if ties with Germany are completely broken… and that military collapse is inevitable if the Soviets resume an offensive. Ultimately, it is the failure of the Romanian coup that drives home the notion that delays could be deadly, with the consolation that, at least for now, such terms might prevent an actual occupation.
While urgent negotiations are conducted with Sweden to address the painful economic outlook, Mannerheim finally gets approval from Parliament and Cabinet on August 29th, only a couple of days before German troops have been warned to leave Finnish soil. To their relief, the Soviets do not appear to up their demands following the Romanian debacle, and the basis for the actual armistice is set. It will be signed on September 3rd, formally ending the conflict between Finland and the Soviet Union [262].
On the other hand, the Soviet Union knew it held a superior hand, and Foreign Minister Molotov gave overt signs of it by making the Finnish delegation to Moscow wait for a number of days before issuing terms via diplomatic note on August 24th. Besides the obvious demand for 1940 borders, the Soviets have upped the ante by demanding harsh reparations – higher than expected -, economic concessions, use of airfields and ports during the rest of the war, and even transport for the Russian troops to – “if need be” – chase the Wehrmacht into Norway [261]. The reaction in Helsinki proved to be grim, with the only saving grace being the lack of a demand to immediately declare war on Germany. Despite an initial drive to try and bargain with Molotov for better terms, the Finnish Cabinet is all too aware that economic collapse will follow if ties with Germany are completely broken… and that military collapse is inevitable if the Soviets resume an offensive. Ultimately, it is the failure of the Romanian coup that drives home the notion that delays could be deadly, with the consolation that, at least for now, such terms might prevent an actual occupation.
While urgent negotiations are conducted with Sweden to address the painful economic outlook, Mannerheim finally gets approval from Parliament and Cabinet on August 29th, only a couple of days before German troops have been warned to leave Finnish soil. To their relief, the Soviets do not appear to up their demands following the Romanian debacle, and the basis for the actual armistice is set. It will be signed on September 3rd, formally ending the conflict between Finland and the Soviet Union [262].
August 15th to September 1st, 1944
Finland and Occupied Norway:
Finland and Occupied Norway:
Having asserted his authority over the 20th Mountain Army in Northern Finland despite a failed SS insurgency, General Lothar Rendulic welcomes the news of the arrest of Falkenhorst by the Gestapo, relieved that – with the arrival of Reichskommisar Hewel and new Army Commander Ringel – his rear is at least secure from internal disruption. This does not, however, address his main dilemma as mid-August arrives. His army, while well trained and well equipped – by Wehrmacht standards at the time -, suffers from a collapsed morale partly fueled by a large SS contingent of troops, bitterly disappointed at Himmler’s apparent betrayal of the Fatherland and looked at with distrust by the Heer units. He is also deep inside Finland, with winter fast approaching. Initially unaware of Fall Silber, Rendulic puts plans in motion in case of either a “short” (Petsamo) or “large” (Narvik) withdrawal, and is relieved to receive confirmation by Ringel on August 16th – right after the Finnish ultimatum – that he is to fall back. His task is made easier by a surprising decision by the General Staff not to try and hold Petsamo against the Red Army, enabling a full withdrawal into Norway and, more surprising still, into Germany proper.
Wielding the promise of returning home as a weapon with which to boost flagging morale, Rendulic executes his own withdrawal plans by failing back from Finnish territory. Despite a mutual sense of unease between Finnish and German officers, overt hostilities are averted due to backchannel negotiations, a secretive quid pro quo that enables the Finns to recover control over certain ports or towns relatively intact, and Rendulic to “find” railway material needed to speed up the evacuation of dozens of thousands of men and several months’ worth of supplies [263]. For their part, the Soviets had spent previous weeks building up forces to resume an offensive, with Rendulic’s sped up withdrawal plans taking place before said preparations are ready. Rendulic’s Red Army counterpart, General Meretskov – head of the Karelian Front – orders the offensive to resume with immediate effect. Although, on the southern part of the front, Soviet units will be unable to give chase due to the systematic destruction of bridges and roads – causing Moscow to protest Helsinki over “passiveness” against the Germans -, the northern sector will prove more eventful.
There, at Petsamo, General Shcherbakov’s 14th Army moves in before the city has been fully abandoned. Seizing the port and defeating the remaining garrison, Shcherbakov then gives chase across the so-called “Reichstrasse 50”, the road connecting Petsamo to Norway, with the delayed arrival of winter enabling both the 20th Mountain Army to flee and Shcherbakov to continue his chase across the end of August. By the end of the month, and despite significant attrition on its mechanized units, Rendulic has essentially abandoned Finnish territory and fulfilled the ultimatum almost entirely. This, in turn, leads to a rethinking of the situation by STAVKA. Informed by Shcherbakov that Rendulic’s new defensive positions will enable the Germans to focus on a narrow approach, and pressured by Meretskov to consider bypassing the 20th Mountain Army through an aggressive approach, STAVKA spends some time during early September to debate its options. Although making use of the Swedish railroads would be the most efficient route to encircle Rendulic, growing rumors that the Germans might abandon Norway altogether give weight to more “dramatic” alternatives.
Wielding the promise of returning home as a weapon with which to boost flagging morale, Rendulic executes his own withdrawal plans by failing back from Finnish territory. Despite a mutual sense of unease between Finnish and German officers, overt hostilities are averted due to backchannel negotiations, a secretive quid pro quo that enables the Finns to recover control over certain ports or towns relatively intact, and Rendulic to “find” railway material needed to speed up the evacuation of dozens of thousands of men and several months’ worth of supplies [263]. For their part, the Soviets had spent previous weeks building up forces to resume an offensive, with Rendulic’s sped up withdrawal plans taking place before said preparations are ready. Rendulic’s Red Army counterpart, General Meretskov – head of the Karelian Front – orders the offensive to resume with immediate effect. Although, on the southern part of the front, Soviet units will be unable to give chase due to the systematic destruction of bridges and roads – causing Moscow to protest Helsinki over “passiveness” against the Germans -, the northern sector will prove more eventful.
There, at Petsamo, General Shcherbakov’s 14th Army moves in before the city has been fully abandoned. Seizing the port and defeating the remaining garrison, Shcherbakov then gives chase across the so-called “Reichstrasse 50”, the road connecting Petsamo to Norway, with the delayed arrival of winter enabling both the 20th Mountain Army to flee and Shcherbakov to continue his chase across the end of August. By the end of the month, and despite significant attrition on its mechanized units, Rendulic has essentially abandoned Finnish territory and fulfilled the ultimatum almost entirely. This, in turn, leads to a rethinking of the situation by STAVKA. Informed by Shcherbakov that Rendulic’s new defensive positions will enable the Germans to focus on a narrow approach, and pressured by Meretskov to consider bypassing the 20th Mountain Army through an aggressive approach, STAVKA spends some time during early September to debate its options. Although making use of the Swedish railroads would be the most efficient route to encircle Rendulic, growing rumors that the Germans might abandon Norway altogether give weight to more “dramatic” alternatives.
August 15th to August 31st, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
Berlin, Germany:
With the events taking place in Romania, France and the Vistula River demanding Guderian’s attention, it proved difficult for the German government to coordinate a careful response over Scandinavian affairs. As a result, Fromm’s failed visit to Finland is something of an improvised effort, and diplomacy is subsequently abandoned as an approach. So is intrigue, as a last ditch attempt by von Papen to suggest attempting a military coup to topple Mannerheim and keep Finland in line is ruled out by Guderian’s harsh, unrelenting insistence that Norway – and Finland – be given up as “a waste of fine troops needed elsewhere”. This, in turn, betrays another growing division between the power holders of the new regime. Whereas Guderian is dead set on concentrating troops in Germany proper, and Speer is willing to provide cover by, for example, noting ore reserves are enough to warrant not trying to defend Petsamo, the Kriesgmarine emerges as a clear opponent to the Norway part of Fall Silber. Grand Admiral Doenitz, a Goering loyalist who fell in line with Guderian to prevent collapse, has remained determined to preserve Germany’s ability to continue waging the U-boat war, placing all his hopes on the new Type XXI submarines.
With the loss of the French ports, Norway has become the last launching pad for them, making it a vital location for the Admiral and the Kriesgmarine. Just as importantly, Doenitz constantly brings up the notion of a cascade effect should Norway be given up, noting it may well push Sweden – whose loyalties the Kriegsmarine has always distrusted – into the Allied camp, thus disrupting the u-Boat training areas in the Baltic. When that argument proves insufficient, he doubles down by warning Denmark could be then threatened, with the potential loss of the Skagerrak spelling doom for German control over the Baltic [264]. This, however, is to no avail, as Guderian reiterates, again and again, that “Fortress Norway” must be abandoned and its men destined to man the Eastern Front. More insultingly to Doenitz, the Supreme Commander makes it clear that he intends to use the Kriesgmarine to secure a naval evacuation – a so-called “rescue dash” over the Skagerrak. Although preparations are being made by Ringel to evacuate, several meetings are spent in disagreements until, at last, Guderian imposes his will by having the bulk of the senior Wehrmacht officers formally rebuke Doenitz. The Kriesgmarine will have to evacuate Norway, and ferry over almost 400,000 thousand German troops across the Skagerrak in the process.
With the loss of the French ports, Norway has become the last launching pad for them, making it a vital location for the Admiral and the Kriesgmarine. Just as importantly, Doenitz constantly brings up the notion of a cascade effect should Norway be given up, noting it may well push Sweden – whose loyalties the Kriegsmarine has always distrusted – into the Allied camp, thus disrupting the u-Boat training areas in the Baltic. When that argument proves insufficient, he doubles down by warning Denmark could be then threatened, with the potential loss of the Skagerrak spelling doom for German control over the Baltic [264]. This, however, is to no avail, as Guderian reiterates, again and again, that “Fortress Norway” must be abandoned and its men destined to man the Eastern Front. More insultingly to Doenitz, the Supreme Commander makes it clear that he intends to use the Kriesgmarine to secure a naval evacuation – a so-called “rescue dash” over the Skagerrak. Although preparations are being made by Ringel to evacuate, several meetings are spent in disagreements until, at last, Guderian imposes his will by having the bulk of the senior Wehrmacht officers formally rebuke Doenitz. The Kriesgmarine will have to evacuate Norway, and ferry over almost 400,000 thousand German troops across the Skagerrak in the process.
August 15th to September 30th, 1944
Oslo and Narvik, Occupied Norway:
Oslo and Narvik, Occupied Norway:
Coordinating closely, Generals Ringel and Rendulic oversee the preparations to evacuate the Army of Norway and the 20th Mountain Army, focusing first on getting Rendulic’s units down south. In this they are aided by the easily defensive positions and the substantial logistical hurdles faced by the Red Army in catching up, enabling Rendulic to systematically draw down his commitment to a – temporary - defense of Northern Norway - as the bulk of his battle hardened troops are transferred to the major Norwegian ports. The Kriegsmarine, however, faces a more difficult cast. Although, strictly speaking, the crossing of the Skagerrak is feasible and likely not to encounter direct opposition by the Royal Navy, the vulnerability of such a crossing against the RAF is another matter. Despite Admiral Meisel’s – head of SKL, Naval Warfare Command – efforts at gathering hundreds of various civilian and military vessels to carry out a slightly more sophisticated version of the Dunkirk evacuation, the crippled state of the surface fleet represents a major problem in terms of escorts. With Hitler having almost gotten rid of it altogether, the remaining vessels are in various states of service, many of them too old or too crippled to assist altogether.
Having to keep a few of the major vessels in reserve to assist Army Group North with coastal bombardment, two squadrons are assembled to assist in the newly baptized Operation Hasdrubal [265], one of them led by heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen, and the other by heavy cruiser Admiral Scheer. The operation will also, to the best of its ability, attempt to salvage the battleship Tirpitz from its current position in Norway. However, Tirpitz, despite being once again able to move after frantic repairs, remains utterly vulnerable to another air raid. The Luftwaffe is in even worse shape, and the gathering and concentration of units across Danish airfields to defend against British bombers can only be accomplished at the cost of further weakening the already broken aerial defenses of the Reich itself. Transport planes, though a part of Hasdrubal, are only a secondary factor, their relevance diminished by the worsening lack of fuel. The issue of Swedish intervention also remains a persistent thorn, only solved – in terms of Doenitz’s unhappiness – via a concession by Guderian: following the successful first use of the V-2 weapon – and overriding Speer’s warnings -, the Supreme Commander orders a number of launch platforms installed, enabling the rockets to reach Stockholm should the worst come to pass [266].
By the start of October, plans are ready to proceed with Hasdrubal, with the combined caveat that the crossing is likely to be costly and that much equipment will inevitably be left behind. Despite a last minute attempt by Doenitz to cancel Hasdrubal, Guderian gives the greenlight.
Having to keep a few of the major vessels in reserve to assist Army Group North with coastal bombardment, two squadrons are assembled to assist in the newly baptized Operation Hasdrubal [265], one of them led by heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen, and the other by heavy cruiser Admiral Scheer. The operation will also, to the best of its ability, attempt to salvage the battleship Tirpitz from its current position in Norway. However, Tirpitz, despite being once again able to move after frantic repairs, remains utterly vulnerable to another air raid. The Luftwaffe is in even worse shape, and the gathering and concentration of units across Danish airfields to defend against British bombers can only be accomplished at the cost of further weakening the already broken aerial defenses of the Reich itself. Transport planes, though a part of Hasdrubal, are only a secondary factor, their relevance diminished by the worsening lack of fuel. The issue of Swedish intervention also remains a persistent thorn, only solved – in terms of Doenitz’s unhappiness – via a concession by Guderian: following the successful first use of the V-2 weapon – and overriding Speer’s warnings -, the Supreme Commander orders a number of launch platforms installed, enabling the rockets to reach Stockholm should the worst come to pass [266].
By the start of October, plans are ready to proceed with Hasdrubal, with the combined caveat that the crossing is likely to be costly and that much equipment will inevitably be left behind. Despite a last minute attempt by Doenitz to cancel Hasdrubal, Guderian gives the greenlight.
October 1st, 1944
London, United Kingdom:
London, United Kingdom:
In London, reports from aerial reconnaissance and from the Norwegian resistance suggesting the possibility of a partial German withdrawal appear to be finally confirmed, as a number of pilots are able to report seeing large convoys destined to Oslo. Although it initially remains unclear whether the German plan is only to fall back in order to hold Southern Norway – the option thought more likely – or whether a full evacuation is in progress, it is clear that such an action warrants an immediate reaction. At Northwood HQ, Air Chief Marshal Douglas – head of the RAF Coastal Command – requests authorization for aggressive air strikes to intercept German convoys, being granted approval to start action the next day. Douglas, keen to strike as hard as possible, makes a point to prioritize targeting the remnants of the German surface fleet to then move to the eventually defenseless transports. A fighter expert, Douglas also provides orders for long-range fighters to target transport planes whenever possible. Thus, the very next morning, the RAF moves into action to try and thwart the German operation.
However, the question of what to do on the ground proves far more difficult for SHAEF to answer. Strictly speaking, plans to liberate Norway – beyond the trickery used to convince the Germans of such an attack being imminent – have existed since the past year, under the codename Apostle. Led by General Thorne, a liberation force of Americans, Free Norwegians, and British paratroopers would land or airdrop into the country, establishing contact with the local Resistance under the assumption that they would either face an unconditional surrender – like the failed attempt by Falkenhorst – or would have to fight for the regions to which the Germans redeployed, following the “southern Norway redoubt” hypothesis. Still, and for Thorne’s intense frustration, his already limited resources had been further reduced by the demands of operations at the Seine, necessitating the removal of the 52nd Infantry Division to be used for Operation Axehead in early September. The timing was thus unfortunate, also coinciding with intense debates over the use of paratrooper forces in an ambitious offensive conceived by the recently promoted Field Marshal Montgomery [267].
To Thorne’s surprise, his lobbying for more resources to focus on the liberation of Norway seemed to have found an unexpected echo on Eisenhower, who, chose to reallocate resources to Thorne so-called Force 134. Thus, aside from the US 104th Infantry Division, recently arrived in England from California, Thorne also received the US 17th Airborne Division, an also inexperienced but still valuable unit. Such forces, combined with a Free Norwegian Brigade, made for a corps of upwards of 30,000 men, enough to hold onto Central Norway. The invasion date for Operation Apostle is thus set for October 10th.
However, the question of what to do on the ground proves far more difficult for SHAEF to answer. Strictly speaking, plans to liberate Norway – beyond the trickery used to convince the Germans of such an attack being imminent – have existed since the past year, under the codename Apostle. Led by General Thorne, a liberation force of Americans, Free Norwegians, and British paratroopers would land or airdrop into the country, establishing contact with the local Resistance under the assumption that they would either face an unconditional surrender – like the failed attempt by Falkenhorst – or would have to fight for the regions to which the Germans redeployed, following the “southern Norway redoubt” hypothesis. Still, and for Thorne’s intense frustration, his already limited resources had been further reduced by the demands of operations at the Seine, necessitating the removal of the 52nd Infantry Division to be used for Operation Axehead in early September. The timing was thus unfortunate, also coinciding with intense debates over the use of paratrooper forces in an ambitious offensive conceived by the recently promoted Field Marshal Montgomery [267].
To Thorne’s surprise, his lobbying for more resources to focus on the liberation of Norway seemed to have found an unexpected echo on Eisenhower, who, chose to reallocate resources to Thorne so-called Force 134. Thus, aside from the US 104th Infantry Division, recently arrived in England from California, Thorne also received the US 17th Airborne Division, an also inexperienced but still valuable unit. Such forces, combined with a Free Norwegian Brigade, made for a corps of upwards of 30,000 men, enough to hold onto Central Norway. The invasion date for Operation Apostle is thus set for October 10th.
October 1st to October 10th, 1944
The Skagerrak, North Sea; and Occupied Norway:
The Skagerrak, North Sea; and Occupied Norway:
Over the course of ten days, German troops massed on the port of Oslo – with Stavanger and Kristiansand fulfilling a secondary role – board transport planes and ships for the crossing of the Skagerrak, involving, at the most, a few tense hours in fear of enemy submarines or, as it becomes increasingly common, the sight of the RAF. As column after column is ferried into Denmark, German troops start disappearing from rural areas, collaborationists following right behind them. It soon becomes clear for the Norwegian Resistance that a full evacuation is in place, resulting in improvised attempts to blow bridges, ambush retreating columns and to generally do anything possible to disrupt the German efforts. Whereas the retreating Army of Norway proves comparatively less harsh, Rendulic does not hesitate to utilize scorched earth tactics in the north of the country. As a final act of violence, several suspected partisans or saboteurs will be lined up against walls and shot, a final reminder of the brutality – if muted in comparison to Eastern Europe – of the last four years of military occupation.
Across the skies, Josef Kammhuber’s Luftflotte 5 – bolstered by reinforcements brought from elsewhere – fights a difficult battle against a larger, better equipped and better trained RAF force, having to rely on distance and anti-aircraft fire to try to protect the large, unwieldy mass of men trying to escape Fortress Norway. Despite having obtained his command as a result of political exile [268], Kammhuber matches Douglas in terms of fighter expertise, putting it to use to frustrate initially optimistic British hopes of total disruption. Thus, a surprisingly large number of Ju-52’s will survive the aerial battles, having rescued more troops than initially expected. At sea, however, even though the mining of the Skagerrak and the building of large coastal batteries in Denmark essentially prevents the Royal Navy from going in for the kill, Bomber Command proves to be merciless in its targeting of the convoys and, particularly, its escorts. The first to go is the light cruiser Nürnberg on October 2nd, a slow sinking after being hit by a torpedo. The aged battleship Schlesien and the weakened cruiser Deutschland follow the night of October 4th, leading British airmen to start joking about having their own “Ironbottom Sound”.
Despite these losses, recent upgrades have left the Kriesgmarine units equipped with substantial anti-aircraft weaponry, allowing them to drive some of the RAF squadrons back – at least for some time – before being overwhelmed. Although it manages to cross half the required distance after leaving Tromso, Tirpitz enters a veritable aerial kill zone on October 7th, and is sunk within 15 minutes, taking hundreds of sailors to their graves right within sight of Occupied Denmark. His escort, light cruiser Köln, follows the next day. On October 10th, the last day of Operation Hasdrubal, heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen – one of the two flagships for the operation – was ambushed when leaving Oslo with the final convoy. To its credit, the cruiser managed to buy enough time for the entire convoy – bar one transport – to flee to safety. Heavily damaged by Coastal Command bombers, a precise bomb hit caused a major explosion within the ship, ripping Prinz Eugen apart in a manner reminiscent of HMS Barham. Two days after its sinking, a distinctly pleased Winston Churchill, citing Prinz Eugen’s involvement alongside the Bismarck at the Battle of the Denmark Strait, declares to a roaring House of Commons that “HMS Hood has been finally avenged.”
Across the skies, Josef Kammhuber’s Luftflotte 5 – bolstered by reinforcements brought from elsewhere – fights a difficult battle against a larger, better equipped and better trained RAF force, having to rely on distance and anti-aircraft fire to try to protect the large, unwieldy mass of men trying to escape Fortress Norway. Despite having obtained his command as a result of political exile [268], Kammhuber matches Douglas in terms of fighter expertise, putting it to use to frustrate initially optimistic British hopes of total disruption. Thus, a surprisingly large number of Ju-52’s will survive the aerial battles, having rescued more troops than initially expected. At sea, however, even though the mining of the Skagerrak and the building of large coastal batteries in Denmark essentially prevents the Royal Navy from going in for the kill, Bomber Command proves to be merciless in its targeting of the convoys and, particularly, its escorts. The first to go is the light cruiser Nürnberg on October 2nd, a slow sinking after being hit by a torpedo. The aged battleship Schlesien and the weakened cruiser Deutschland follow the night of October 4th, leading British airmen to start joking about having their own “Ironbottom Sound”.
Despite these losses, recent upgrades have left the Kriesgmarine units equipped with substantial anti-aircraft weaponry, allowing them to drive some of the RAF squadrons back – at least for some time – before being overwhelmed. Although it manages to cross half the required distance after leaving Tromso, Tirpitz enters a veritable aerial kill zone on October 7th, and is sunk within 15 minutes, taking hundreds of sailors to their graves right within sight of Occupied Denmark. His escort, light cruiser Köln, follows the next day. On October 10th, the last day of Operation Hasdrubal, heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen – one of the two flagships for the operation – was ambushed when leaving Oslo with the final convoy. To its credit, the cruiser managed to buy enough time for the entire convoy – bar one transport – to flee to safety. Heavily damaged by Coastal Command bombers, a precise bomb hit caused a major explosion within the ship, ripping Prinz Eugen apart in a manner reminiscent of HMS Barham. Two days after its sinking, a distinctly pleased Winston Churchill, citing Prinz Eugen’s involvement alongside the Bismarck at the Battle of the Denmark Strait, declares to a roaring House of Commons that “HMS Hood has been finally avenged.”
October 1st to October 10th, 1944
Stockholm, Sweden:
Stockholm, Sweden:
Once the reality of Operation Hasdrubal sinks in, intense discussions take place within the Swedish military and its Cabinet, with the specter of war and intervention on the side of the Allies higher than ever. For all purposes, previously pro-German neutrality had already shifted back in 1943, with military transport ended whilst multiple maritime and aerial incidents soured relations between Stockholm and Berlin. Not only that, the Swedish Foreign Service had attempted to broker the surrender of Falkenhorst, and had secured a key lifeline for Finland by offering sufficient food supply to counteract the worst effects of ending diplomatic relations with the Third Reich. The military, which had shifted from a pro-German supreme commander to a more moderate leadership, had also made plans for an eventual invasion of Norway and Denmark, in the hopes of – should the need arise – quickly securing a Norwegian port to receive help from the Allies. This, however, did not mean there was a firm desire to go to war with the Reich, even as the war appeared to be hopelessly lost for Germany.
In the previous weeks, and particularly during the month of September, Sweden had given into pressure and taken incremental measures, ending German transit over its soil, closing ports to foreign shipping, and ending a number of key experts. And now that Norway appeared to be ripe for liberation, the issue of whether to intervene arose again. Despite having come close to such a decision at a heated cabinet meeting on October 3rd, Prime Minister Per Albin Hansson – with King Gustav’s firm support – ruled out open warfare. Although the decision would be, at least rhetorically, linked with the purported objective of allowing Sweden to continue pursuing diplomatic avenues to end the conflict or rescue potential victims, the Cabinet’s decision was also influenced by a disconcerting leak coming from a supposedly sympathetic source at the highest levels of government in Berlin, warning of the building of launch platforms that might target Sweden with a dangerous new weapon. Albeit unaware of the exact nature of the V-2 and infuriated by the prospect of such a threat, the Swedish cabinet nonetheless agrees little will be gained through direct conflict [269].
Instead, plans are put in motion to allow over 12,000 armed Norwegians – many of them policemen – residing in Sweden to cross the border and assist in the liberation of Norway. On October 7th, shortly after the arrival of Soviet troops into Norwegian territory, the order was given, enabling the Norwegian units to cross the border and immediately link with the local resistance.
In the previous weeks, and particularly during the month of September, Sweden had given into pressure and taken incremental measures, ending German transit over its soil, closing ports to foreign shipping, and ending a number of key experts. And now that Norway appeared to be ripe for liberation, the issue of whether to intervene arose again. Despite having come close to such a decision at a heated cabinet meeting on October 3rd, Prime Minister Per Albin Hansson – with King Gustav’s firm support – ruled out open warfare. Although the decision would be, at least rhetorically, linked with the purported objective of allowing Sweden to continue pursuing diplomatic avenues to end the conflict or rescue potential victims, the Cabinet’s decision was also influenced by a disconcerting leak coming from a supposedly sympathetic source at the highest levels of government in Berlin, warning of the building of launch platforms that might target Sweden with a dangerous new weapon. Albeit unaware of the exact nature of the V-2 and infuriated by the prospect of such a threat, the Swedish cabinet nonetheless agrees little will be gained through direct conflict [269].
Instead, plans are put in motion to allow over 12,000 armed Norwegians – many of them policemen – residing in Sweden to cross the border and assist in the liberation of Norway. On October 7th, shortly after the arrival of Soviet troops into Norwegian territory, the order was given, enabling the Norwegian units to cross the border and immediately link with the local resistance.
October 6th, 1944
Narvik, Occupied Norway:
06:00 AM
Narvik, Occupied Norway:
06:00 AM
After substantial debate, STAVKA had reached the conclusion that, upon the basis of previously successful rearguard landings by Soviet naval brigades, and the high availability of such units within the Northern Fleet, a landing operation to encircle the 20th Mountain Army would be indeed feasible. Having thus planned to execute such an operation, the start of Operation Hasdrubal leads STAVKA to prepare to cancel the operation, judging it pointless in light of Rendulic’s forces being now virtually safe from Soviet offensive moves. STAVKA, however, is blindsided by what amounts to an intervention by Stalin, who overrides his staff and orders the operation be put in place to “liberate” parts of Northern Norway. Despite some muted protests by Zhukov regarding the use of resources potentially better spent on the Baltic, Stalin expresses his belief that helping liberate Norway could well empower the local communist movement, as well as secure and expand Soviet interests in Scandinavia. More privately, Stalin judges it a proper response to undesirable Western pressure over Warsaw and the Home Army, reasoning that, if a Soviet beachhead can be established in Norway, concessions could be gained elsewhere by eventually surrendering it [270].
The morning of October 6th, shortly after the last few defenders of Narvik have evacuated in the last transport planes, Admiral Golovko’s Soviet Northern Fleet makes its appearance on the bay, carefully – but not entirely successfully – trying to avoid mines as a few battalions of naval infantry land and rapidly storm the port. A similar operation takes place at Tromso, resulting in a brief and successful battle against the Kriesgmarine forces still left there. Around the same time, the Communist wing of the Resistance has been at the forefront of partisan activity in Finnmark, with a group led by the daring saboteur Asbjorn Sunde scoring a noteworthy success after setting one of the Ju-52 transports on fire at Tromso. General Shcherbakov, landing at Narvik that same time, will have the few remaining pro-Quisling local representatives arrested, announcing the formation of a new civil administration. Although, on the surface, Shcherbakov’s actions are legally consistent with arrangements made between the Norwegian government in exile and the Allied powers, it does not go unnoticed that the new local administration in Finnmark is almost entirely recruited from the Communist Party of Norway. For now, however, this does not stop local populations from celebrating. The occupation, it seems, is finally at an end.
The morning of October 6th, shortly after the last few defenders of Narvik have evacuated in the last transport planes, Admiral Golovko’s Soviet Northern Fleet makes its appearance on the bay, carefully – but not entirely successfully – trying to avoid mines as a few battalions of naval infantry land and rapidly storm the port. A similar operation takes place at Tromso, resulting in a brief and successful battle against the Kriesgmarine forces still left there. Around the same time, the Communist wing of the Resistance has been at the forefront of partisan activity in Finnmark, with a group led by the daring saboteur Asbjorn Sunde scoring a noteworthy success after setting one of the Ju-52 transports on fire at Tromso. General Shcherbakov, landing at Narvik that same time, will have the few remaining pro-Quisling local representatives arrested, announcing the formation of a new civil administration. Although, on the surface, Shcherbakov’s actions are legally consistent with arrangements made between the Norwegian government in exile and the Allied powers, it does not go unnoticed that the new local administration in Finnmark is almost entirely recruited from the Communist Party of Norway. For now, however, this does not stop local populations from celebrating. The occupation, it seems, is finally at an end.
October 7th-15th, 1944
Occupied, then Liberated Norway:
Occupied, then Liberated Norway:
Blindsided by the Soviet operation to land across Finnmark, Churchill and Eden are immediately concerned over the prospect of the Red Army getting to liberate much of Norway. Although some officers will express skepticism that the Soviets would have the capacity to go further, plans are immediately drawn not only to accelerate Operation Apostle, but to bolster it greatly. Scuttling the possibility of a major airborne offensive in Western Europe as recommended by Field Marshal Montogmery, the British 6th Airborne Division - already tested in Normandy and recuperating in Britain – is immediately assigned to Force 134, with General Thorne ordered to put the operation in place by October 8th. On the designated day, RAF units stage airdrops across Southern and Central Norway, with Stavanger chosen as the key drop zone for the more experienced 6th Airborne. With German presence still significant – if dwindling – it takes the better part of the day for the airfield to be secured, enabling the US 104th Division and the Norwegians to start landing over the next couple of days. It soon becomes clear the Soviet Northern Fleet has not intentions to sail south, and Thorne’s forces race ahead to establish contact with the Free Norwegian forces pouring out of Sweden.
In Oslo, Minister President Vidkun Quisling makes desperate attempts to appeal to Hewel and later to von Papen, arguing in favor of a formal peace deal between Norway and Germany that would see his government assume full power over a now independent, unoccupied nation before the Allies can establish firm control [271]. Although von Papen speaks out in favor of the proposal as part of his disruptive efforts, previous failings have strained the patience of Guderian and Speer, neither of which has time for the collaborationist leader. Hewel, taking pity on Quisling, offers him a seat at his plane once he departs Norway. Refusing Hewel’s offer, over the next few days, Quisling will further quarrel with Rendulic over the German general’s scorched earth policies, and will undertake futile efforts to prepare his Hirden paramilitary to assume power. For their part, Ringel and Hewel will leave comparatively late in the process in separate Ju-52’s. Hewel, whose tenure as Reichskommisar will have lasted less than two months, is almost shot down by a RAF fighter squadron outside Oslo, only spared through cloud cover and a skilled pilot. Rendulic is among the last to leave on October 10th, right as enemy units of various origins start to enter the country.
Although the secured airfields by the Allies have been used thus far to transport men and material, it is only a matter of time before the same airfields are used to drastically expand the range of Coastal Command. Irate over the loss of much of his surviving surface fleet, Doenitz asks, then urges, and finally delivers the equivalent of an ultimatum for Guderian to bring Operation Hasdrubal to its end. Guderian finally relented on October 10th, leaving only a handful of isolated, second-rate troops and most of the Norwegian collaborationists – Quisling included -behind. Despite the distances that need to be covered, the liberation of Norway is a relatively swift process, aided by the rapid surrender of German units left behind and the immediate collapse of Quisling’s militia and supporting bureaucracy. Following an offer of a transitional government to local leaders of the resistance and an appeal to General Thorne, both failed, Quisling prepared to surrender, as well as to stand what he hoped would be a fair trial at the end of the war.
He was not to get the chance. Despite keen attempts by the Resistance and by representatives of the government in exile to get Quisling to surrender so he could be tried for treason, the Minister President was killed in one of the final acts of overt violence of the occupation. On October 11th, right as Oslo was liberated by Resistance units – with the first Allied soldiers entering the city that night -, Quisling tried to mediate a standoff between a Resistance cell and some of his own Hirden. Although the specific circumstances of the incident remained unclear according to the first report sent by General Thorne to SHAFE and to King Haakon, it was beyond dispute that Quisling had been shot twice and had died almost instantly. For all purposes, Quisling’s death only fueled the open celebrations being held across the entirety of the nation. After four and a half years, Norway was free again.
In Oslo, Minister President Vidkun Quisling makes desperate attempts to appeal to Hewel and later to von Papen, arguing in favor of a formal peace deal between Norway and Germany that would see his government assume full power over a now independent, unoccupied nation before the Allies can establish firm control [271]. Although von Papen speaks out in favor of the proposal as part of his disruptive efforts, previous failings have strained the patience of Guderian and Speer, neither of which has time for the collaborationist leader. Hewel, taking pity on Quisling, offers him a seat at his plane once he departs Norway. Refusing Hewel’s offer, over the next few days, Quisling will further quarrel with Rendulic over the German general’s scorched earth policies, and will undertake futile efforts to prepare his Hirden paramilitary to assume power. For their part, Ringel and Hewel will leave comparatively late in the process in separate Ju-52’s. Hewel, whose tenure as Reichskommisar will have lasted less than two months, is almost shot down by a RAF fighter squadron outside Oslo, only spared through cloud cover and a skilled pilot. Rendulic is among the last to leave on October 10th, right as enemy units of various origins start to enter the country.
Although the secured airfields by the Allies have been used thus far to transport men and material, it is only a matter of time before the same airfields are used to drastically expand the range of Coastal Command. Irate over the loss of much of his surviving surface fleet, Doenitz asks, then urges, and finally delivers the equivalent of an ultimatum for Guderian to bring Operation Hasdrubal to its end. Guderian finally relented on October 10th, leaving only a handful of isolated, second-rate troops and most of the Norwegian collaborationists – Quisling included -behind. Despite the distances that need to be covered, the liberation of Norway is a relatively swift process, aided by the rapid surrender of German units left behind and the immediate collapse of Quisling’s militia and supporting bureaucracy. Following an offer of a transitional government to local leaders of the resistance and an appeal to General Thorne, both failed, Quisling prepared to surrender, as well as to stand what he hoped would be a fair trial at the end of the war.
He was not to get the chance. Despite keen attempts by the Resistance and by representatives of the government in exile to get Quisling to surrender so he could be tried for treason, the Minister President was killed in one of the final acts of overt violence of the occupation. On October 11th, right as Oslo was liberated by Resistance units – with the first Allied soldiers entering the city that night -, Quisling tried to mediate a standoff between a Resistance cell and some of his own Hirden. Although the specific circumstances of the incident remained unclear according to the first report sent by General Thorne to SHAFE and to King Haakon, it was beyond dispute that Quisling had been shot twice and had died almost instantly. For all purposes, Quisling’s death only fueled the open celebrations being held across the entirety of the nation. After four and a half years, Norway was free again.
October 12th,
Berlin, Germany:
9:00 AM
Berlin, Germany:
9:00 AM
At a meeting in Zossen of high ranking Wehrmacht officers, the outcome of Operation Hasdrubal and the Norway phase of Fall Silber is being discussed, with wildly different interpretations. Against the odds, and perhaps due to the limited distances, almost all of the 20th Mountain Army – save for the skeleton rearguards sacrificed to sustain the evacuation – and the bulk of the Army of Norway had landed in Denmark, and were in the process of being redeployed to the Eastern Front: Rendulic’s forces as frontline units, and the Army of Norway as garrison or fortress troops on account of their lower quality. This, for Guderian, was nothing short of a success and a vindication of his strategic design, a “Second Dunkirk” that enhanced the Wehrmacht’s chances to successfully defend German soil. Others were not so convinced. Zeitzler, despite his authority as Heer Commander being nominal, dared to point out that saving a “vast majority” of troops still meant dozens of thousands of casualties, most of them drowned across the Skagerrak. Von Richtofen noted that the Allied air force had gained invaluable new airfields in Southern Norway, which countered the benefit of further concentration of the battered Luftwaffe [272].
By far the most upset of all those present was Grand Admiral Doenitz, for understandable reasons. Besides criticizing Sweden for its brazen defiance by easing up the Allied capture of Norway – an act which, according to the Admiral, proved their dependence on the Jewish financial elite [273] -, Doenitz emphasized what he felt was the definitive, catastrophic loss of U-boat bases, putting a virtual end to submarine warfare. The most dramatic losses, however, he left to Admiral Meisel to list: of the Kriegsmarine’s few surviving vessels pre-Hasdrubal, they had lost two battleships, two heavy cruisers, two light cruisers and a few destroyers. This, in turn, left two non-operational ships at Gotenhafen (Gneisenau and Admiral Hipper), and, to protect the Baltic from both Soviet and now Allied naval threats, only an old battleship, a heavy cruiser and two light cruisers, aside from smaller ships. Without counting the dozens of transports or civilian ships lost, Meisel noted, the Kriesgmarine was for all purposes finished as a surface fleet, sacrificed at the altar of Fall Silber.
By far the most upset of all those present was Grand Admiral Doenitz, for understandable reasons. Besides criticizing Sweden for its brazen defiance by easing up the Allied capture of Norway – an act which, according to the Admiral, proved their dependence on the Jewish financial elite [273] -, Doenitz emphasized what he felt was the definitive, catastrophic loss of U-boat bases, putting a virtual end to submarine warfare. The most dramatic losses, however, he left to Admiral Meisel to list: of the Kriegsmarine’s few surviving vessels pre-Hasdrubal, they had lost two battleships, two heavy cruisers, two light cruisers and a few destroyers. This, in turn, left two non-operational ships at Gotenhafen (Gneisenau and Admiral Hipper), and, to protect the Baltic from both Soviet and now Allied naval threats, only an old battleship, a heavy cruiser and two light cruisers, aside from smaller ships. Without counting the dozens of transports or civilian ships lost, Meisel noted, the Kriesgmarine was for all purposes finished as a surface fleet, sacrificed at the altar of Fall Silber.
_____________________________________________
Notes for Part XIX:
[260] Fromm has his hands full trying to rebuild a Ministry from scratch, but one of the reasons he’s sent is that it is judged that a military man would be more likely to find success with Mannerheim than a diplomat (like von Krosigk). Of course, the idea that Germany could offer anything credible to Finland at this stage is rather laughable, hence why even the Germans give up on it soon enough.
[261] The terms are harsher because the Soviet position is even better than OTL, but not by much. It’s still a deal in which Finland retains independence… provided Stalin continues to show a fondness for the Old Marshal.
[262] The whole process is purposely similar to OTL, just sped up. Finland basically ditches Germany faster than OTL for worse terms, but with – ironically – less negative consequences in the short term.
[263] Rendulic and the Fins enjoyed about a month of cordial relations before going at each other’s throats. Here, the far faster German withdrawal – immensely shortened by an early decision not to try and defend Petsamo – prevents the Finns and the Germans from having to confront each other, sparing quite a few lives. However, this also robs Finland of much needed anti-German credibility.
[264] Doenitz insisted until the bitter end – and I’m talking April 1945 here – that the U-boat bases be held, even authorizing further construction and wasting valuable materials in the process. It is not my intention to portray him as overtly headstrong, but it sort of was his obsession… Guderian, being Guderian, doesn’t give a damn.
[265] Couldn’t think of a better name. Since “Hannibal” was the sea evacuation of East Prussia…
[266] This was suggested several times, and apparently requested by the Kriesgmarine. There was an obsession to prevent Sweden from entering the war, but coupled with these really aggressive moves that would have likely made things worse.
[267] This chapter goes deep into October to cover the entire storyline, so it jumps over stuff we haven’t covered yet. You can probably guess what “offensive” – or its equivalent on this TL – Monty has in mind.
[268] Apparently Kammhuber – a seemingly brilliant officer – got on bad terms with Milch, and was subsequently sent to Norway. And since here Milch is far more powerful, he isn’t returning to prominence soon, despite putting on a good show with the few resources he has.
[269] I do know Sweden came very close to entering the war in April-May 1945. They may well have decided to give it a go here, but I felt they weren’t particularly passionate about it and stand to have more of an impact – particularly in saving refugees – by maintaining “neutrality”. Bonus points for whoever can guess who leaked to the Swedes.
[270] I’m not particularly good at getting inside Stalin’s head – though maybe that’s not a bad thing – but I think such ruthless pragmatism is at least plausible. From his point of view, the West is equivocating and undermining him before the war is even over, so he’s keen to get “even” without jumping off the deep end. He can always trade Finnmark for a greater share of influence elsewhere… or retain it if he thinks it will serve to his advantage.
[271] Yeah. Vidkun Quisling is not the first delusional individual we meet, and he sure won’t be the last.
[272] For all I know, an attempt to evacuate the Army of Norway could have turned into an even worse carnage and resulted in multiple “Wilhelm Gustloff” scenarios. I choose to believe it could have been done despite high casualties, but it’s a subjective and not a technical opinion. And even in terms of “success”, it depends on how you look at it. Guderian had to trade a lot to get those troops back. It remains to be seen whether the tradeoff is worth it.
[273] An OTL comment, associated with rising Swedish hostility against Berlin. Doenitz may be an old conservative, but he’s still… well, a Nazi. They pretty much all are, no matter what the post-war memoirs claim.
[261] The terms are harsher because the Soviet position is even better than OTL, but not by much. It’s still a deal in which Finland retains independence… provided Stalin continues to show a fondness for the Old Marshal.
[262] The whole process is purposely similar to OTL, just sped up. Finland basically ditches Germany faster than OTL for worse terms, but with – ironically – less negative consequences in the short term.
[263] Rendulic and the Fins enjoyed about a month of cordial relations before going at each other’s throats. Here, the far faster German withdrawal – immensely shortened by an early decision not to try and defend Petsamo – prevents the Finns and the Germans from having to confront each other, sparing quite a few lives. However, this also robs Finland of much needed anti-German credibility.
[264] Doenitz insisted until the bitter end – and I’m talking April 1945 here – that the U-boat bases be held, even authorizing further construction and wasting valuable materials in the process. It is not my intention to portray him as overtly headstrong, but it sort of was his obsession… Guderian, being Guderian, doesn’t give a damn.
[265] Couldn’t think of a better name. Since “Hannibal” was the sea evacuation of East Prussia…
[266] This was suggested several times, and apparently requested by the Kriesgmarine. There was an obsession to prevent Sweden from entering the war, but coupled with these really aggressive moves that would have likely made things worse.
[267] This chapter goes deep into October to cover the entire storyline, so it jumps over stuff we haven’t covered yet. You can probably guess what “offensive” – or its equivalent on this TL – Monty has in mind.
[268] Apparently Kammhuber – a seemingly brilliant officer – got on bad terms with Milch, and was subsequently sent to Norway. And since here Milch is far more powerful, he isn’t returning to prominence soon, despite putting on a good show with the few resources he has.
[269] I do know Sweden came very close to entering the war in April-May 1945. They may well have decided to give it a go here, but I felt they weren’t particularly passionate about it and stand to have more of an impact – particularly in saving refugees – by maintaining “neutrality”. Bonus points for whoever can guess who leaked to the Swedes.
[270] I’m not particularly good at getting inside Stalin’s head – though maybe that’s not a bad thing – but I think such ruthless pragmatism is at least plausible. From his point of view, the West is equivocating and undermining him before the war is even over, so he’s keen to get “even” without jumping off the deep end. He can always trade Finnmark for a greater share of influence elsewhere… or retain it if he thinks it will serve to his advantage.
[271] Yeah. Vidkun Quisling is not the first delusional individual we meet, and he sure won’t be the last.
[272] For all I know, an attempt to evacuate the Army of Norway could have turned into an even worse carnage and resulted in multiple “Wilhelm Gustloff” scenarios. I choose to believe it could have been done despite high casualties, but it’s a subjective and not a technical opinion. And even in terms of “success”, it depends on how you look at it. Guderian had to trade a lot to get those troops back. It remains to be seen whether the tradeoff is worth it.
[273] An OTL comment, associated with rising Swedish hostility against Berlin. Doenitz may be an old conservative, but he’s still… well, a Nazi. They pretty much all are, no matter what the post-war memoirs claim.
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