XI. End of July and Beginning of August, 1944 (II)
XI.
August 1944:
General Bór-Komorowski and the Polish Home Army
stage an uprising of great political significance
August 1st to August 6th, 1944
Warsaw, Occupied Poland:
August 1944:
General Bór-Komorowski and the Polish Home Army
stage an uprising of great political significance
August 1st to August 6th, 1944
Warsaw, Occupied Poland:
Months of planning by the Polish Home Army and its commander – Brigadier General Tadeusz Bór-Komorowski – regarding the necessity of a show of force by the Polish Resistance once the Red Army approaches Poland culminate once the news of Hitler’s death reach Warsaw, General Bór-Komorowski being finally persuaded to set Operation Tempest for the morning of August 1st. Encouraged by the significant weakening of the garrison after the eventual arrest of much of the local SS personnel, the leadership of the Home Army is nonetheless deeply unsettled by the installation of a Soviet-backed “Polish Committee of National Liberation” in the recently liberated city of Lublin (July 25th) and by the grim fate of Colonel Filipkowski’s Home Army units, which after liberating Lwów (July 27th) were forcefully conscripted in the Red Army after the arrest or the summary execution of their local commanders. Having almost accelerated the start of the uprising during the last week of July in light of the chaos within the General Government and the apparent weakness of General Reiner Stahel’s garrison, over 40,000 Polish soldiers strike by surprise on the dawn of August 1st, 1944, immediately gaining significant ground across the city despite a lack of proper weaponry and ammunition [118].
Caught by surprise, General Stahel soon finds himself surrounded alongside a few isolated units in the Saxon Palace, the headless garrison in the rest of Warsaw proving unable to contain a rebellion which rapidly grows out of control. Unable to make sufficient progress in a series of unsuccessful counterattacks – even by releasing SS men to help with the defense -, the frustrated German officers are forced to watch helplessly as Polish partisans – their ranks bolstered with prisoners of various nationalities released from their cells – finally storm the Saxon Palace on August 3rd. In spite of heavy casualties and a drain of ammunition the Home Army cannot easily replace, General Bór-Komorowski is able to score a major success with the capture of General Stahel and of much of his staff, the news of which spark shock and anger in Zossen and Berlin [119]. A deeply concerned Guderian – who sees the uprising as a vital threat to the retreating remnants of Army Group Center – is quick to overturn the authority of Governor Frank and place the containment of the rebellion at the hands of the Wehrmacht and under the local responsibility of General von Vormann’s 9th Army, a decision which is coupled with a general directive to redirect Hoth’s triumphant Panzer force and units of Army Group South Ukraine to help Model plug the gap and crush the rapidly growing Soviet bridgeheads in the Vistula before both enemy forces can link.
Still, the Uprising soon poses a serious dilemma not just to the Germans, but also to the British and Soviet governments. In London, Prime Minister (in exile) Stanislaw Mikolajcyzk has already faced significant trouble after the installation of the “Lublin Government”, which the government-in-exile considers to be little more than a puppet of Stalin. Despite attempts by President Roosevelt to speak favorable of Mikolajcyzk to Stalin, a Soviet response outlining the necessity of a new Polish government, the acceptance of the Curzon line being non-negotiable and disparaging the Polish Underground as inefficient have all sparked the concern – and indignation – of Mikolajcyzk, who finally manages to fly to Moscow on July 31st. Arriving a few hours before the Uprising, Mikolajcyzk is nonetheless stonewalled by Foreign Minister Molotov – and unsuccessfully pressured to speak to the Lublin government - until August 4th, at which point an audience with Stalin is finally granted. For his part, Stalin has also been caught by surprise by the success of the Home Army, which poses a significant political problem of its own at a time in which the Soviet leader is already wary of the changing political situation in Germany and of any suspicious behavior by his Allies in the west. Finding Mikolajcyzk’s presence a nuisance, Stalin has Field Marshals Zhukov and Rokossovsky summoned to Moscow and spends the first days of August in heated discussions with Beria, Molotov and STAVKA.
Despite the enormous success of Operation Bagration, the heavy losses suffered by the Red Army and the significant logistical strain caused due to the near-constant advance have taken their toll, Rokossovsky and Zhukov both pressing onto Stalin the dangers of an immediate push to Warsaw and making the case for consolidation after the present battles on the Vistula are resolved. Forced to make a decision, Stalin reasons an additional effort should be made to establish a secure bridgehead across the Vistula, reserving a final decision on whether to make a push for Warsaw itself depending on the developing circumstances and/or the political considerations surrounding the Home Army [120]. In the course of two meetings – and after a bitter rebuke of the PM in exile by Lublin - Stalin promises Mikolajcyzk support for Warsaw and gives verbal assurances to his government, which allow the Polish leader to return to London confident of the (so it appears) inevitable liberation of the city.
Caught by surprise, General Stahel soon finds himself surrounded alongside a few isolated units in the Saxon Palace, the headless garrison in the rest of Warsaw proving unable to contain a rebellion which rapidly grows out of control. Unable to make sufficient progress in a series of unsuccessful counterattacks – even by releasing SS men to help with the defense -, the frustrated German officers are forced to watch helplessly as Polish partisans – their ranks bolstered with prisoners of various nationalities released from their cells – finally storm the Saxon Palace on August 3rd. In spite of heavy casualties and a drain of ammunition the Home Army cannot easily replace, General Bór-Komorowski is able to score a major success with the capture of General Stahel and of much of his staff, the news of which spark shock and anger in Zossen and Berlin [119]. A deeply concerned Guderian – who sees the uprising as a vital threat to the retreating remnants of Army Group Center – is quick to overturn the authority of Governor Frank and place the containment of the rebellion at the hands of the Wehrmacht and under the local responsibility of General von Vormann’s 9th Army, a decision which is coupled with a general directive to redirect Hoth’s triumphant Panzer force and units of Army Group South Ukraine to help Model plug the gap and crush the rapidly growing Soviet bridgeheads in the Vistula before both enemy forces can link.
Still, the Uprising soon poses a serious dilemma not just to the Germans, but also to the British and Soviet governments. In London, Prime Minister (in exile) Stanislaw Mikolajcyzk has already faced significant trouble after the installation of the “Lublin Government”, which the government-in-exile considers to be little more than a puppet of Stalin. Despite attempts by President Roosevelt to speak favorable of Mikolajcyzk to Stalin, a Soviet response outlining the necessity of a new Polish government, the acceptance of the Curzon line being non-negotiable and disparaging the Polish Underground as inefficient have all sparked the concern – and indignation – of Mikolajcyzk, who finally manages to fly to Moscow on July 31st. Arriving a few hours before the Uprising, Mikolajcyzk is nonetheless stonewalled by Foreign Minister Molotov – and unsuccessfully pressured to speak to the Lublin government - until August 4th, at which point an audience with Stalin is finally granted. For his part, Stalin has also been caught by surprise by the success of the Home Army, which poses a significant political problem of its own at a time in which the Soviet leader is already wary of the changing political situation in Germany and of any suspicious behavior by his Allies in the west. Finding Mikolajcyzk’s presence a nuisance, Stalin has Field Marshals Zhukov and Rokossovsky summoned to Moscow and spends the first days of August in heated discussions with Beria, Molotov and STAVKA.
Despite the enormous success of Operation Bagration, the heavy losses suffered by the Red Army and the significant logistical strain caused due to the near-constant advance have taken their toll, Rokossovsky and Zhukov both pressing onto Stalin the dangers of an immediate push to Warsaw and making the case for consolidation after the present battles on the Vistula are resolved. Forced to make a decision, Stalin reasons an additional effort should be made to establish a secure bridgehead across the Vistula, reserving a final decision on whether to make a push for Warsaw itself depending on the developing circumstances and/or the political considerations surrounding the Home Army [120]. In the course of two meetings – and after a bitter rebuke of the PM in exile by Lublin - Stalin promises Mikolajcyzk support for Warsaw and gives verbal assurances to his government, which allow the Polish leader to return to London confident of the (so it appears) inevitable liberation of the city.
July 20th to July 21st
Chicago and San Diego, United States of America:
8:00 AM to 12:00 AM
Chicago and San Diego, United States of America:
8:00 AM to 12:00 AM
The 1944 Democratic National Convention opened the day before Operation Valkyrie was to be launched with a burning question featuring on the minds of delegates, party bosses, and even President Roosevelt: who should be nominated for Vice-President? With both Roosevelt and a powerful group of party bosses led by DNC Chairman Robert Hannegan distrusting sitting Vice President Henry Wallace on account of his views, style and even behavior, the actual decision to replace Wallace on the ticket is widely known amongst Roosevelt’s inner circle, but has presented an enormous dilemma of its own on account of having to find a suitable replacement [__]. With the President having declined to ask Wallace to stand down from the ticket and unwilling to name a candidate after a series of disappointments – including attempts to enlist former rival Wendell Willkie as his running mate -, Hannegan and other party bosses have fought their way across the “smoke filled rooms” for the past few days while alternatives such as William Douglas or James Byrnes are ruled out or forced to stand down, with the end result of selecting Missouri Senator Harry S. Truman – a most unwilling darkhorse – as the more acceptable alternative [121].
Having previously rebuffed Hannegan’s attempts to get him to drop out and somewhat confident of President Roosevelt’s intentions, Vice President Wallace and his allies – including Senators Claude Pepper and Joe Guffrey - are determined to fight for the Vice Presidential nomination at the DNC and defeat what they interpret as an intrigue crafted by Hannegan and the party bosses. Amidst signs such as “Roosevelt and Victory”; “The People want Wallace”; “Roosevelt and a Lasting Peace”; or “Roosevelt wants Wallace”, the delegates at the Chicago Stadium spend the second day of the DNC successfully nominating Roosevelt for a fourth term, and the Vice President seemingly triumphs with most of the audience – filled with his supporters – after delivering a thundering speech about “winning the war” and “winning the peace” that predated the first rumors of Hitler’s death. The Presidential nomination vote coincides with the spread and confirmation of the dramatic turn of events within the Third Reich, turning an already energetic atmosphere into widespread celebration, many delegates happily predicting the war will be over in a matter of weeks [122], if not days.
In the aftermath of Roosevelt’s acceptance speech, Hannegan and the party bosses calculate that it is in their best interest to attempt to push the Vice Presidential vote for July 21st, the now dying day having seemingly bolstered Wallace too much among the wavering delegates. On the other hand, both Pepper and Guffrey realize it may well be their chance to breakthrough in spite of their disorganized operation, and that a better opportunity may not arise again. Delayed in their deliberations by the inevitable celebratory disruptions, Hannegan and Convention Chairman Samuel Jackson watch in horror as Senator Pepper takes the floor before Jackson can motion to adjourn, with Pepper calling for the nomination of Vice President Wallace for another term and displaying a fiery oratory to what appears to be great effect. The large contingent of Wallace supporters responds enthusiastically, and Jackson is forced to allow the process to move forward as Hannegan scrambles to shore up additional support for Truman [123]. The equivalent of a small political war is waged inside the Chicago Stadium as both sides attempt to sway, lure or intimidate delegates on their camp, recruitment efforts cut short when the vote is finally called.
Despite a wide scattering of votes among several favorite sons, the first ballot is a major success for the Vice President, who leads Truman – damaged by the lack of a clear presidential endorsement - by more than two hundred votes, and is himself only a few dozen votes short of victory. Deep into the night, Hannegan’s ruthless efforts allow the anti-Wallace votes to consolidate behind the Truman camp by the second vote, but it proves to be too late to change the outcome of the race. Having showed clear momentum, the delegates award Wallace the nomination by a thin margin on the second ballot, which turns into a strong victory as countless delegates switch votes in a traditional show of unity. As July 21st dawns, the Democratic ticket of Roosevelt and Wallace is nominated to fight the 1944 election, and an irritated President Roosevelt scolds Hannegan, Truman and others for their failed efforts [124].
Having previously rebuffed Hannegan’s attempts to get him to drop out and somewhat confident of President Roosevelt’s intentions, Vice President Wallace and his allies – including Senators Claude Pepper and Joe Guffrey - are determined to fight for the Vice Presidential nomination at the DNC and defeat what they interpret as an intrigue crafted by Hannegan and the party bosses. Amidst signs such as “Roosevelt and Victory”; “The People want Wallace”; “Roosevelt and a Lasting Peace”; or “Roosevelt wants Wallace”, the delegates at the Chicago Stadium spend the second day of the DNC successfully nominating Roosevelt for a fourth term, and the Vice President seemingly triumphs with most of the audience – filled with his supporters – after delivering a thundering speech about “winning the war” and “winning the peace” that predated the first rumors of Hitler’s death. The Presidential nomination vote coincides with the spread and confirmation of the dramatic turn of events within the Third Reich, turning an already energetic atmosphere into widespread celebration, many delegates happily predicting the war will be over in a matter of weeks [122], if not days.
In the aftermath of Roosevelt’s acceptance speech, Hannegan and the party bosses calculate that it is in their best interest to attempt to push the Vice Presidential vote for July 21st, the now dying day having seemingly bolstered Wallace too much among the wavering delegates. On the other hand, both Pepper and Guffrey realize it may well be their chance to breakthrough in spite of their disorganized operation, and that a better opportunity may not arise again. Delayed in their deliberations by the inevitable celebratory disruptions, Hannegan and Convention Chairman Samuel Jackson watch in horror as Senator Pepper takes the floor before Jackson can motion to adjourn, with Pepper calling for the nomination of Vice President Wallace for another term and displaying a fiery oratory to what appears to be great effect. The large contingent of Wallace supporters responds enthusiastically, and Jackson is forced to allow the process to move forward as Hannegan scrambles to shore up additional support for Truman [123]. The equivalent of a small political war is waged inside the Chicago Stadium as both sides attempt to sway, lure or intimidate delegates on their camp, recruitment efforts cut short when the vote is finally called.
Despite a wide scattering of votes among several favorite sons, the first ballot is a major success for the Vice President, who leads Truman – damaged by the lack of a clear presidential endorsement - by more than two hundred votes, and is himself only a few dozen votes short of victory. Deep into the night, Hannegan’s ruthless efforts allow the anti-Wallace votes to consolidate behind the Truman camp by the second vote, but it proves to be too late to change the outcome of the race. Having showed clear momentum, the delegates award Wallace the nomination by a thin margin on the second ballot, which turns into a strong victory as countless delegates switch votes in a traditional show of unity. As July 21st dawns, the Democratic ticket of Roosevelt and Wallace is nominated to fight the 1944 election, and an irritated President Roosevelt scolds Hannegan, Truman and others for their failed efforts [124].
August 1st to August 31st, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
Berlin, Germany:
Firmly installed at the Prinz Albrechtstrasse and now a Reichsminister, Police Chief and the supreme master of the entire German security apparatus, Heinrich Müller has been hard at work in overseeing reports, arrests, interrogations, torture and the hunt for any allies of Beck and Himmler still at-large, including party and military officers who attempt to go unnoticed on their current positions. Not the ideological type in spite of his unwavering belief in Endsieg [125], Müller has taken advantage of his new position to install his allies in crucial posts and expand his influence into the Ministry of the Interior – via the State Secretary – and the Ministry of Justice – via fellow Reichsminister Dr. Best -, a power structure which enables him to ensure the “internal enemies” of the Reich are crushed by the rapidly growing Gestapo. Further arrests are made relatively few SS men employed within Germany are judged reliable enough to be retained, the rest of the dwindling, collapsed organization – by this point mostly comprised of the loyal Waffen-SS units - left under the temporarily leadership of new SS Chief – not Reichsführer – Sepp Dietrich, appointed to oversee the dissolution of the SS and the integration of the Waffen-SS into the Heer [126].
Although the collapse of resistance by the two enemy groups appears to rule out any serious domestic threat to the new regime in the short term, Müller nonetheless resolves to establish vigilance over some of the high ranking generals to prevent desertions or surrender – a “preventive” approach – as well as move to crush any reorganization attempt by SS fugitives – a “corrective” approach -, the latter of which is judged as a potential threat. Although the more relevant figures of the SS or the Valkyrie conspiracy have been secured, the highest profile fugitive still at large is none other than Ernst Kaltenbrunner, whose mysterious disappearance from Prague after the fall of the city has led to wild rumors regarding a daring escape via plane or helicopter. Assuming his old superior to be both alive and a credible threat to be neutralized, Müller summons fellow ally and former head of the Gestapo in Vienna Franz Josef Huber – recently released from captivity alongside Vice Chancellor von Schirach -, and puts him at the head of a Gestapo taskforce assigned to hunt down the former RSHA Chief as soon as possible.
Müller is additionally preoccupied with the investigation into the activities of Himmler and the Valkyrie plotters; the survival of Himmler, Eichmann, Goerdeler, Tresckow, Kluge, Witzleben and others providing him with sources of information and leading the Gestapo into employing all of its available methods to extract confessions and uncover other conspirators still undetected. It does not take long for the details of the plans for Hitler’s assassination – and Stauffenberg’s role in it – to emerge as well as some of Himmler’s questionable actions over the past few years, the combination of which becomes material to be utilized by the beleaguered Ministry of Propaganda via denouncing the Beck Putsch as a “treasonous attempt to force Germany to surrender”, and Himmler’s actions as a failed coup against “the legitimate government”, a narrative which – sanctioned by Speer and von Papen – essentially portrays Reichsmarschall Goering as Hitler’s martyrized successor. Working closely with Minister of Justice Dr. Best, Müller and the leading members of the government nonetheless rule out carrying extensive show trials, particularly in the case of army officers [127], with the end result that only trials of Himmler, Eichmann, Goerdeler and Witzleben are scheduled to start in the next few weeks.
Although the collapse of resistance by the two enemy groups appears to rule out any serious domestic threat to the new regime in the short term, Müller nonetheless resolves to establish vigilance over some of the high ranking generals to prevent desertions or surrender – a “preventive” approach – as well as move to crush any reorganization attempt by SS fugitives – a “corrective” approach -, the latter of which is judged as a potential threat. Although the more relevant figures of the SS or the Valkyrie conspiracy have been secured, the highest profile fugitive still at large is none other than Ernst Kaltenbrunner, whose mysterious disappearance from Prague after the fall of the city has led to wild rumors regarding a daring escape via plane or helicopter. Assuming his old superior to be both alive and a credible threat to be neutralized, Müller summons fellow ally and former head of the Gestapo in Vienna Franz Josef Huber – recently released from captivity alongside Vice Chancellor von Schirach -, and puts him at the head of a Gestapo taskforce assigned to hunt down the former RSHA Chief as soon as possible.
Müller is additionally preoccupied with the investigation into the activities of Himmler and the Valkyrie plotters; the survival of Himmler, Eichmann, Goerdeler, Tresckow, Kluge, Witzleben and others providing him with sources of information and leading the Gestapo into employing all of its available methods to extract confessions and uncover other conspirators still undetected. It does not take long for the details of the plans for Hitler’s assassination – and Stauffenberg’s role in it – to emerge as well as some of Himmler’s questionable actions over the past few years, the combination of which becomes material to be utilized by the beleaguered Ministry of Propaganda via denouncing the Beck Putsch as a “treasonous attempt to force Germany to surrender”, and Himmler’s actions as a failed coup against “the legitimate government”, a narrative which – sanctioned by Speer and von Papen – essentially portrays Reichsmarschall Goering as Hitler’s martyrized successor. Working closely with Minister of Justice Dr. Best, Müller and the leading members of the government nonetheless rule out carrying extensive show trials, particularly in the case of army officers [127], with the end result that only trials of Himmler, Eichmann, Goerdeler and Witzleben are scheduled to start in the next few weeks.
August 4th, 1944
The Hague and Amsterdam, Occupied Netherlands:
6:00 AM to 12:00 AM
The Hague and Amsterdam, Occupied Netherlands:
6:00 AM to 12:00 AM
Having only recently re-established control across the Netherlands after the fall of The Hague on July 31st, Colonel General Heinrici has temporarily become the supreme authority in the Reichskommissariat, the recalling of Seyss-Inquart to Berlin to become a Minister and the collapse of the Dutch collaborationists requiring a wholesale reorganization. Before the appointment and arrival of new Reichskommisar Siegfried Kasche [128], Heinrici does his best to reestablish order and arrest the surviving members of the SS with the help of the Gestapo and the few Dutch collaborationists who did not side with Himmler, but several security functions are nonetheless disrupted for the time being. As Gestapo detectives attempt to take over the functions of the SD and determine which of the surviving SS personnel can be retained and relied upon, a call reaches the desk of a detective in Amsterdam on the morning of August 4th, claiming to have info on a sensitive matter taking place at a building at the Prinsengracht canal. Not knowing the source and overburdened by their current task, a single Gestapo detective – alongside a couple of Dutch policemen – arrives at Prinsengracht 263 by 10:00 AM, briefly interrogate managing director Victor Kugler and performing a quick search of the building, finding nothing of note. Returning – in frustration – to their more pressing issues, the detective makes a mental note to disregard further “false alarms” from the same source. Inside the building itself, the Frank family will only learn of the visit from the Gestapo a few hours later, the news lowering their past enthusiasm at learning that the Germans were shooting at each other. Still, they hope the liberation of Amsterdam and of the entire Netherlands is only a few days away [129].
August 1st to August 7th, 1944
Zossen, Wehrmacht HQ:
Zossen, Wehrmacht HQ:
Setting up his new headquarters inside the vast underground bunkers (Maybach I and II) at Zossen and following a general sweep by the Gestapo – which results in the uncovering of further incriminating evidence against officers involved in the conspiracy [130] -, Supreme Commander Guderian undertakes a general reorganization of the command structure of the Wehrmacht, judging Hitler’s previous system and the dual nature of the OKW and OKH to be inefficient and counterproductive. Now the undisputed master of Germany’s war machine, Guderian finds himself somewhat less powerful than Hindenburg and Ludendorff at their greatest influence on account of lacking popularity and complete political control, but holds more than enough power to put his ideas – and the plans he’s pondered upon for months - to the test. Guderian rapidly moves to combine both staff organizations into a single and centralized General Staff, and promotes the promising General Walther Wenck to serve as Chief of the General Staff. With the widespread replacement of unreliable staff officers overseen by General Hans Krebs (Chief of Personnel Office), Guderian additionally promotes his protégé General Thomale as his successor in his previous job (Inspector General of Armored Troops), and successfully installs old ally Colonel General Georg Lindemann to lead the remnants of the Reserve Army. With Schellenberg, Fromm and Dietrich playing more political roles of their own, the leadership of the branches of the Wehrmacht is also reorganized via the appointments of Zeitzler – at Speer’s insistence – to lead the Heer and Field Marshal von Richthofen to lead the Luftwaffe, Grand Admiral Doenitz remaining in place [131].
Appointments aside, the strategic challenge presented to Guderian is of an unprecedented kind, the battered Wehrmacht finding itself outmatched, outnumbered and demoralized across the separate – and still overextended – frontlines. Distinctly unimpressed by Hitler’s previous refusals to shorten the fronts, one of Guderian’s immediate concerns is the perceived overextension of the Wehrmacht across the remaining occupied territories, many of which are judged to be little more than a nuisance as opposed to the Supreme Commander’s single strategic goal: the effective defense of Germany itself, and in particular, against the Red Army. Maintaining hope – like Speer and most of the new government – that a negotiated settlement and the potential division of the Allies is a firm possibility, Guderian also believes the best way to protect the Reich and bring the Western Allies to the table is to concentrate his forces and bleed the enemy dry through the use of fortified positions. Moving quickly – and dealing with a series of immediate crises in France and Poland -, the Supreme Commander engages in extensive planning alongside Wenck and draws inspiration from the WWI Operation Alberich as he drafts a new and ambitious operational plan, provisionally titled Fall Silber (Case Silver) [132]. Presenting his plan at the Chancellery on August 3rd, Guderian makes the case for a general strategic withdrawal from most of Italy and France, from parts of Romania, from Norway, Finland, the Southern Balkans and from Estonia and Latvia, most of said withdrawals being designed to allow the redeployment of divisions to defend East Prussia and Occupied Poland.
Broadly supported by President Speer and Vice Chancellor von Schirach, Guderian is nonetheless surprised to find a degree of opposition – or at least of skepticism – on behalf of Müller and von Papen, the former due to a belief that a general withdrawal would be an unforgivable admission of defeat, and with the latter pointing out that abandoning such a large number of regions would in all likelihood have significant political consequences, signaling the collapse of the remaining Axis Powers. Furthermore, Papen makes a detailed contribution of his own during the meeting, speaking in favor measures directed towards undermining and dividing the advancing Allies, advocating in a favor of a “disruptive strategy” [133] that could complement both Fall Silber and the efforts to seek a negotiated settlement, provided the scale of the withdrawal is significantly reduced. Von Papen, however, is abruptly cut off while attempting to make the case for a manipulation of the current situation in Warsaw, resulting in the first serious disagreement within the new government. Successfully demanding and obtaining the support of the President and the cabinet, Guderian departs back with the firm intention to implement Fall Silber, and Papen starts making calls of his own – as well as assembling a staff of still surviving allies - after a meeting with Walter Schellenberg.
Returning to Zossen and under the careful guard of a heavily armed escort of Panzer troops – a consequence of the past few days -, Guderian is intrigued by the arrival of a personal – and urgent - letter from Field Marshal Manstein. The next day the Supreme Commander will phone Gestapo Müller at the Prinz Albrechtstrasse to make a personal request.
_____________________________________________Appointments aside, the strategic challenge presented to Guderian is of an unprecedented kind, the battered Wehrmacht finding itself outmatched, outnumbered and demoralized across the separate – and still overextended – frontlines. Distinctly unimpressed by Hitler’s previous refusals to shorten the fronts, one of Guderian’s immediate concerns is the perceived overextension of the Wehrmacht across the remaining occupied territories, many of which are judged to be little more than a nuisance as opposed to the Supreme Commander’s single strategic goal: the effective defense of Germany itself, and in particular, against the Red Army. Maintaining hope – like Speer and most of the new government – that a negotiated settlement and the potential division of the Allies is a firm possibility, Guderian also believes the best way to protect the Reich and bring the Western Allies to the table is to concentrate his forces and bleed the enemy dry through the use of fortified positions. Moving quickly – and dealing with a series of immediate crises in France and Poland -, the Supreme Commander engages in extensive planning alongside Wenck and draws inspiration from the WWI Operation Alberich as he drafts a new and ambitious operational plan, provisionally titled Fall Silber (Case Silver) [132]. Presenting his plan at the Chancellery on August 3rd, Guderian makes the case for a general strategic withdrawal from most of Italy and France, from parts of Romania, from Norway, Finland, the Southern Balkans and from Estonia and Latvia, most of said withdrawals being designed to allow the redeployment of divisions to defend East Prussia and Occupied Poland.
Broadly supported by President Speer and Vice Chancellor von Schirach, Guderian is nonetheless surprised to find a degree of opposition – or at least of skepticism – on behalf of Müller and von Papen, the former due to a belief that a general withdrawal would be an unforgivable admission of defeat, and with the latter pointing out that abandoning such a large number of regions would in all likelihood have significant political consequences, signaling the collapse of the remaining Axis Powers. Furthermore, Papen makes a detailed contribution of his own during the meeting, speaking in favor measures directed towards undermining and dividing the advancing Allies, advocating in a favor of a “disruptive strategy” [133] that could complement both Fall Silber and the efforts to seek a negotiated settlement, provided the scale of the withdrawal is significantly reduced. Von Papen, however, is abruptly cut off while attempting to make the case for a manipulation of the current situation in Warsaw, resulting in the first serious disagreement within the new government. Successfully demanding and obtaining the support of the President and the cabinet, Guderian departs back with the firm intention to implement Fall Silber, and Papen starts making calls of his own – as well as assembling a staff of still surviving allies - after a meeting with Walter Schellenberg.
Returning to Zossen and under the careful guard of a heavily armed escort of Panzer troops – a consequence of the past few days -, Guderian is intrigued by the arrival of a personal – and urgent - letter from Field Marshal Manstein. The next day the Supreme Commander will phone Gestapo Müller at the Prinz Albrechtstrasse to make a personal request.
Notes for Part XI:
[118] Most of it OTL, including the fate of several Home Army units and commanders that were indeed arrested or forcefully conscripted by the Red Army. The main difference for the Polish Resistance in Warsaw is that the German garrison (in OTL of some 20,000 to 25,000 men) has been substantially weakened first by the initially successful SS uprising, and then by the movement of Model’s rearguard units, who arrested the security personnel; and that the Home Army makes the decision to start the uprising on the morning – and not the afternoon – of August 1st, which increases the element of surprise.
[119] In OTL General Stahel was surrounded in a group of city blocks including the Saxon Palace, and it took several days for his men to finally break through the Polish siege. With his garrison far weaker and the Poles having a more successful first days – despite the lack of ammunition -, the Home Army succeeds in capturing the German commander. A significant propaganda coup, but a very costly one.
[120] Most of Mikolajcyzk’s trip to the Soviet Union – and the earlier disagreements among the Allies – are OTL as well. The outcome of that trip was also technically similar in the sense that IOTL Stalin made promises he did not intend to keep, and though Mikolajcyzk did not trust him, he left Moscow confident Warsaw would be liberated and the Red Amy would help. The main differences are that Stalin meets earlier with Mikolajcyzk and that Stalin decides to take the gamble to push ahead and see how the situation develops. The topic is of a sensitive nature given the lack of clarity on what exactly took place within STAVKA and Stalin’s inner circle concerning what to do about Warsaw and who stood for what. Leaving aside the historiographical debate of how and why the Soviet Union did not aid the Home Army, what I’ve read concerning the first week of August is that, allegedly, Rokossovsky and Zhukov favored not going to Warsaw, that Molotov ended up backing them, that Beria wanted the armies to move forward, that STAVKA supposedly had bitter debates on what to do, and that Stalin alternatively: A. accepted the point of view of his Generals after wanting to move forward; or B. put on a charade of wanting to help while never intending to. I could go onto greater detail, but the point here is that Stalin – determined to ensure the fastest possible victory over Germany to disrupt any attempt of negotiation between Berlin and the Allies, which he distrusts – makes a conscious decision to see whether Warsaw and the Vistula can be secured, intending to deal with the Home Army later.
[121] OTL of course, part of the giant comedy of errors that formed the Vice Presidential selection of 1944. The unwilling Truman had to be pressured to be a candidate – not even being FDR’s sole candidate - after several other alternatives were ruled out or forced to rule themselves out, with Truman being told point plank he would be responsible for breaking the Democratic Party if he said no. Truman said yes.
[122] Another instance affected by the psychological impact of Hitler’s death. I obviously can’t judge the mood inside the Chicago Stadium more than seventy-five years in the past, but it seems a fair assumption that delegates would be very enthusiastic about Hitler’s death and would get carried away in believing Germany’s collapse to be imminent. Within that context, the fears or misgivings regarding the war would decrease on a temporary fashion.
[123] Chronologically one of our biggest and most immediate butterflies. Wallace had a notoriously strong momentum on July 20th – his supporters were filling up the Stadium, he gave a well-received speech, and so on – and his bid only unraveled when Convention Chairman Jackson (urged by Hannegan) suspended the convention for the rest of day before Wallace could be nominated, the next day producing Truman’s victory following extensive efforts to sway the delegates. Here, the disruption caused by Hitler’s death allows Senator Pepper to nominate Wallace before the Convention can be suspended. Hannegan still puts up a hell of a fight, but it is not enough.
[124] Said the same on the original version of this TL, will say it again: I still can’t quite understand why FDR never decided to just ask Wallace to step down directly. Or rather, I can understand – up to a point – the potential dilemmas he wanted to avoid, but his approach seems to be the direct cause of why Wallace came shockingly close of being renominated. Here, the original and overcomplicated scheme backfires.
[125] Müller is a fascinating case, and an example of a minor character in the original version whose role I’ve decided to expand upon. Not ideologically committed to National Socialism, he has the odd combination of being anti-intellectual and pragmatic while displaying some fanatical traits (sort of a mirror version of Speer), and believing in victory almost until the end. Thus far, he has been of the individuals who has benefited the most from the fall or proscription of his rivals, particularly Kaltenbrunner.
[126] Dietrich has been selected – in light of his prominent role, his deal with Guderian, and the lack of more suitable alternatives – to fulfill a role not dissimilar to Viktor Lutze when he took over the SA following the Night of the Long Knives. It is, however, a significant role to play given the decision of integrating the Waffen-SS into the army itself. We’ll be seeing more of Dietrich.
[127] One should not believe Guderian’s attempts – alongside other people who got to write memoirs – to dissociate himself from the “Court of Honor” and trials led by Roland Freisler against the Valkyrie plotters, in which he played a prominent role. On the other hand, that Guderian willingly took part to bolster his own position does not mean the same model will be followed ITTL, particularly since there’s also the SS to consider. Those unlucky enough to survive and end up in a Gestapo dungeon are going to suffer a lot, but the political trials will be reserved to the most high-profile survivors.
[128] I did struggle a bit with finding a suitable replacement for Seyss-Inquart. The original candidate was SA Leader William Schepmann, until a re-read of Panzer Leader gave me a very good idea of where to send him instead. In the end I chose Kasche, who was apparently known to be an opponent of the SS – and would thus be a sensible option to lead a Reichskommissariat which requires rooting out SS influence and personnel -.
[129] Thus, the Franks escape arrest due to the consequences of much of the OTL personnel who did arrest them – Gestapo officers linked to the SS and Dutch collaborator policemen – being arrested or outright dead. It is not altogether clear why the original raid took place – some argue it wasn’t because their identities were revealed, but because of unrelated offenses taking place at that building – and the identity of whoever talked to the Gestapo is not cleared either, so I didn’t feel confident in making an assumption here. Ultimately, it doesn’t seem relevant enough.
[130] Happened in OTL, seems like the plotters – in yet another silly blunder – left incriminating evidence at Zossen, which made it easier to uncover several officers linked to the plot.
[131] This took some time, and I went through several drafts before setting on the reorganization of the Wehrmacht. All of them are figures either linked to Guderian (either as his friends, subordinates, or people he spoke highly of) or Speer, and weren’t disgraced enough in the sense that it would prove too problematic to bring them out of retirement. Perhaps one of the hardest – but more fun – parts of researching this TL is trying to find the occasional mention of “and ____ was a friend of _____” that help identifying who might be appointed to what. An example of this: Georg Lindemann was a last minute choice, identified thanks to a book which noted his long-standing friendship with Guderian.
[132] It would seem that Guderian was remarkably persistent in advocating for a general withdrawal of several fronts and in favor of focusing virtually every resource available in the Eastern Front, a point of view which a few other generals seemed to share, but which Hitler opposed rather strongly. Here Guderian is in a position to execute this design (and I chose to believe he would try to do so). Still, it is one thing to plan a withdrawal across large parts of Europe from Zossen and other thing to find it easy to execute on the ground.
[133] Of course, by this point on his long, infamous and distinguished career von Papen has: devised a German uprising in Canada and a Mexican invasion of the United States in WWI, deposed at least two Chancellors of Germany, helped facilitate the Anschluss and attempted to stage a full-scale Arab uprising. With Occupied Europe as his newest playground, I have to think he’d put his creativity to work.
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