Twilight of the Valkyries: A 20 July Plot TL (Redux)

[LumineVonReuental]

Good update. Two minor typos- I think- "they appear either unlikely talented for," instead of "uniquely talented for," "and there is reluctance in understanding by Beck’s authority should be" which doesn't make grammatical sense.

Small typo note - General Donovan was head of the OSS, not the SS.

Thanks for pointing this out! I try to review constantly for grammar, but still make lots of mistakes - I still find new ones in earlier chapters and try to correct them -, they have been modified.

 

[Sport21ing]

Question: In your previous try, there was no mention of the Japanese thinking of the situation. How did they react to the coup?

 

[Mr Carrot]

Given the attrition on die hard SS formations and the demolition of bridges in the Netherlands I would presume we would be looking at a Patton offensive against less militant opposition instead of Market Garden?

 

[Tolkiene]

It really makes a difference, because the first book on Speer that I read was Gitta Sereny's biography of him (read it when I was 12 or so) and it left a deep impression on me. That meant that when I first wrote the original version I was still deeply influenced by Sereny's benevolent portrayal of Speer as consumed by guilt and by the Speer Myth itself, which really changes how to percieve and portray a character and his relationships. As I've read more - including some biographies that brilliantly demolish Speer to the point in which it almost feels excessive, like Kitchen's - so has my understanding of him change, and that sheds a different light on whether his portrayal of others is that accurate or not.

Having said all that, I strongly recommend to give Inside the Third Reich a try as long as one watches out for Speer's motivations and doesn't buy into his innocence myth (same with Sereny's biography, it gives you excellent context and expands on the personal relationships within the high ranking Nazis, but it is too soft on Speer), the Longerich biographies, Goebbels's diary (Ciano is a fun one too, but that one is also purposedly altered for posterity), some of the good Hitler biographies like Kershaw's and Steinert's (the latter of which has a good analysis of Hitler's court).

I second what Lumine said. Regarding Speer, recently Magnus Brechtken, the deputy director of the Institute for Contemporary History (Institut für Zeitgeschichte), wrote a new biography. It's called 'Albert Speer: Eine deutsche Karriere' (Albert Speer: A German Career'). There's a review here: https://journal.eahn.org/articles/10.5334/ah.334/

I'm not sure whether there's an English version yet. May be worth looking into though. Adam Tooze is a good source when it comes to his record as armaments minister, as well as Nazi economic policies and the German war economy in general. Longerich also wrote a Goebbels biography. I haven't read it, so I can't assess how good it is. The Himmler one is quite useful though since it's also an organisational history of the SS and examines his leadership style.

Schellenberg also wrote memoirs post-war. Obviously the same caveats mentioned by Lumine regarding post-war Nazi memoirs also apply to him. He spends a good portion of the book trying to empathise his own importance while making himself appear as innocent of Nazi crimes as possible (for instance, I don't think the Holocaust is even mentioned once).

I would not rank it super high on a read list, but it still has useful insights into Nazi power dynamics, anecotes about intelligence operations and Himmler's efforts to achieve a separate peace with the Western allies to save his own skin, though it should be paired with a critical study (Peter Black's Kaltenbrunner biography is a good companion piece because it seems Schellenberg misrepresents him in some ways to put himself in a better light).

 

[Kurt_Steiner]

The situation goes from bad to worse for Germany. At this pace, the Western Allies would only need to smash the remnats of the German forces in the West.

 

[Tolkiene]

Regarding this thread, I'm enjoying it a lot so far. Aside from the vivid detail each post has, I like how figures who are less known than the 'big names' of the Resistance and the Nazi regime are incorporated. It shows the amount of work that went into researching this.

It also showcases well what a mess Nazi Germany was. The Resistance fails, contrary to the comforting belief that things would have automatically turned out just fine if only that table had not saved Hitler from being blown to bits (as nice as that would have been), but at the same time the leading Nazis are too focused on petty intrigue and backstabbing to crush the putschists since without Hitler around there's no unifying factor. And so a cabal of left-overs scrambles to take over the ruins of the Reich.

 

[VanOwen]

Poor Halder, he can't catch a break in any timeline. LOL. As for Manstein, Guderian can't leave a talent like that on the sidelines.

Keep it coming.

 

[The Red]

[2] I lack detailed sources on what the personal relationship between Guderian, von Bock and Hoth was – I try to do detailed research, but there’s a point in which I’m forced to stop if I want to write at all -, but it doesn’t seem their joint cooperation was hostile and they supported each other in different moments. If Guderian needs skilled and reliable (that he can trust) commanders for an urgent task, and looking at what appeared to be the state of the Führerreserve in July 1944, von Bock and Hoth seemed like good options.

IIRC spent Guderian and Von Bock spent most of Barbarossa at each other's throats so I wouldn't say it's particularly plausible that the former would appoint the latter to such a senior position, at least not by virtue of their relationship. That said I'm more than aware of how difficult it can be trying to cover all bases whilst also trying to get something written down, and what you're posting here has been great. That goes for both the writing and the quality of the research. Keep up the good work!

 

[LumineVonReuental]

I have been giving some consideration to the names for the "Parts" of the TL, and though "Valkyrie" certainly fits the specific situation it sounds awfully redundant given the title, and the other provisional titles just don't seem to appeal to me.

Part One has been retconned as "Brünhild".

Question: In your previous try, there was no mention of the Japanese thinking of the situation. How did they react to the coup?

Aye, I never got to write about Japan back then. We will visit them on Part II, but at this point Hideki Tojo has offered his resignation after the Saipan debacle and the Japanese Empire is in the - in OTL extremely weird - process of finding a new Prime Minister that can somehow balance not being assassinated by the Army while still displaying some semblance of realism about the desperate situation. More likely than not events should still play out as in OTL and result in powerless PM Koiso, but I can't say for sure I'll go with that.

Although Ambassador Oshima from Berlin will do his best to downplay the impact of the assassination and express his belief Germany remains committed to the war (which A. at this moment isn't exactly a lie, and B. probably results in Oshima over-selling Guderian as an all-conquering hero), the defeats in Saipan and the Battle of the Philippine Sea have greatly impacted the Japanese government and several military leaders - not just in the IJN - and showcased that the war is essentially lost.

The news that Hitler is dead and therefore that Germany's end is near (or at the very least, that their resolve is breaking) will impact both sides of the debate ("peace" and "war to the bitter end") in different manners, and different "lessons" will be drawn from what happened to Hitler.

I must say though, my research has focused on Europe and I don't possess the level of knowledge I'd like to have about the Pacific front, so while events there will be covered I doubt I'll be able to give them a lot of focus. I have more or less decided on how the war in the Pacific is to end, but I suspect I'll have fun mapping out the specific roads as I manage to read more.

IIRC spent Guderian and Von Bock spent most of Barbarossa at each other's throats so I wouldn't say it's particularly plausible that the former would appoint the latter to such a senior position, at least not by virtue of their relationship. That said I'm more than aware of how difficult it can be trying to cover all bases whilst also trying to get something written down, and what you're posting here has been great. That goes for both the writing and the quality of the research. Keep up the good work!

Thanks! I took a break to consult a couple additional sources and von Bock does seem questionable in some aspects. Given his personality and conservative politics it does seem unlikely Guderian would entrust him with that command right after the coup, though given Bock's ambition it seems at least plausible he'd request a command and Guderian might given him one later on.

I've decided to retcon the chapter to replace him with Gotthard Heinrici, who - conveniently for me - is on leave from the front recovering from Hepatitis and has had several weeks to recover, is of sufficient rank for the tast at hand (Colonel General), has served as Guderian's subordinate and Guderian has a lot of praise for the man on his memoirs - one would hope at least that part can be believed -.

 

[LumineVonReuental]

IX.

July 1944:
After years playing a secondary role,
Franz von Papen plots his comeback

July 25th to July 28th, 1944
German Austria and Bohemia-Moravia SS Protectorate:
7:00 AM to 23:59 PM
​

Finally regaining military command after months of forced inactivity, Colonel General Hermann Hoth hastily assembles his new army staff on Dresden and overviews the limited forces he has available to confront Himmler and his surviving SS troops. Much like Heinrici’s new 24th Army, Hoth reassembles available forces into a new fighting formation, which is baptized as the 6th Panzer Army. The bulk of this new Panzer Army and the spearhead of the coming offensive against the SS comes from the Hermann Goering Panzercorps, transferred only two weeks ago from the Italian front [93]. With the Panzercorps having already started to move from Radom into Germany itself to support Reichsmarschall Goering’s short-lived efforts at securing power, the large unit and its commanding officer Lt. General William Schmalz redeploy to the border of the Sudetenland as the 6th Panzer Army assembles for the offensive, Guderian successfully lobbying the Hungarian and Slovakian governments to deploy the newly reassembled 2nd Hungarian Army – several of its units existing only on paper – under Lt. General Heszlény and the 1st Slovakian Infantry Division under Lt. General Pulanich as reinforcements to attack the SS forces from the rear. On Bohemia-Moravia, Reichsführer SS Himmler resolves to take personal command of the forces that his subordinates have managed to assemble [94], including the local SS-Oberabschnitt Böhmen-Mähren, the battered survivors of the 24th Waffen SS Mountain Division, the 5th SS Panzer Division Viking and the 18th SS Volunteer Panzergrenadier Horst Wessel division, all of which are understrength.

Matching Heinrici’s speed in organizing his own offensive in the Netherlands, Hoth successfully sends his armored spearhead into the Sudetenland by the morning of July 27th, his advance units being met with welcoming arms by Reichsstatthalter Henlein and other surviving anti-SS figures in the region at Liberec. Determined to put his military skills to the test, Himmler overrules the advice of his Waffen-SS commanders and of Reich Protector Frank, and orders his armored forces to confront the enemy Panzercorps in a counteroffensive as opposed to a purely defensive battle. SS-Gruppenführer Gille leads the Viking Division into an attempted ambush of the enemy Panzer units as they attempt to cross the Ploucnice River on the night of the 27th, a prolonged tank battle in which the mostly foreign-born SS troops acquit themselves well against Hoth’s battle-hardened men. Although Gille’s skill and the fierceness of his assault manages to cost the invading forces several Panzers, Himmler’s instance on constant report and his attempts to micromanage the SS attack hampers the performance of the Viking Division, and by the afternoon of the 28th heavy bombardment by the Luftwaffe – which the SS can’t effectively fight – allows General Schmalz to overwhelm the enemy positions and surround the division. The fight will rage until the night, most of the SS men fighting until death in dramatic fashion.

From the south and the east, General Ringel receives limited reinforcements from the Balkans and from Bavaria and pursues his own assault against the few surviving Valkyrie plotters, General Hoepner lacking both the necessary forces and any sense of morale among his men to put on a heavy resistance. It is this problem that allows the 24th Waffen SS Mountain Division to slip into Bohemia almost unmolested, and Ringel’s offensive on the afternoon of the 25th soon crushes any hopes of prolonged resistance. With the Beck government long gone and most Reserve Army troops having been deployed under false pretenses or at best only agreeing with the notion of suppressing the SS, defections are constant, and in a matter of hours Hoepner is pushed back into Vienna. The city itself is stormed by the mountain troops and defecting Reserve Army men on July 27th, Gauleiter von Schirach being released from imprisonment as most of Hoepner’s men surrender or melt way [95]. Surrounded on the Army HQ and left without any options, von Esebeck, Hoepner and Kodre are taken prisoner by the Heer. To their north, the combined Hungarian and Slovakian forces confront the Horst Wessel division at Brno on July 28th, and successfully push the SS back on account of superior numbers after several failed assaults.​

July 25th to July 28th, 1944
Berlin Area:
16:00 PM to 23:59 PM​

Ordered to evacuate Turkey as soon as possible after the formal breakup of diplomatic relations with the Reich, now former Ambassador Franz von Papen changes his original intentions to delay his departure and or to depart via train by taking a flight to Germany [96]. Well aware that his life might have been at risk in the event of certain individuals seizing power in the aftermath of the assassination, von Papen is greatly encouraged by the recent turn of events despite the collapse of Beck’s own government, which Papen felt might have been more receptive to making use of his talents in light of several prominent – and friendly - conservatives serving in it. Sensing a political vacuum in light of the newly assembled government, the former Chancellor is more convinced than ever that destiny has once again afforded him a unique opportunity to influence the course of events and aid Germany in this dangerous time. Briefed to an extent on some of the internal developments, Papen lands in Berlin on the afternoon of July 25th and immediately visits Walter Schellenberg at the Prinz Albrechtstrasse. Despite the awkwardness posed by several of Papen’s friends being imprisoned and/or tortured in the neighboring dungeons of the Gestapo, von Papen betrays no feeling as Schellenberg and him discuss the importance of, among other things, a separate peace with the Western Allies. With both men in agreement and neither being fully trusting of Guderian, they soon start to discuss the future of Germany and their role in it.

In the meantime, at the Reich Chancellery and over a number of meetings, Guderian and Speer face a remarkable dilemma that must be solved. Although the matter of the presidency is solved on account of Speer’s interest in assuming the office, both realize they must appoint a Chancellor, and their efforts to find a suitable figure prove unsuccessful. A similar problem to the issue of the Presidency arises, with talented men like Doenitz or Milch being ruled out in spite of their talents due to political reasons – Doenitz’s lack of interest and Milch’s heritage -, a talented General posing little attractive to Guderian, and a talented politician also proving unappealing to Speer [97]. Talented and younger men like Seyss Inquart or von Schirach are currently prisoners of the SS and their continued survival is uncertain, and mutual acquaintances or friends of either Speer or Guderian like General Fromm or Gauleiter Kaufman have obvious flaws of their own that make their appointment equally undesirable. Although the issue is always left unspoken, neither men is prepared to appoint a hyper-competent Chancellor nor are they prepared to appoint one lacking some degree of credibility. Forced to make an appointment sooner rather than later, increasingly absurd suggestions are made as Speer wonders whether Goebbels’s survival might not have been something positive [98].

Soon Speer and Guderian are separately approached by Schellenberg on behalf of Papen, who decides to put his cards on the table by openly promoting himself as an ideal figure to lead the next government. Mentioning his experience, his seemingly productive relationship to the Catholic Church, the conservatives and the industrialists that – in the last case – provide a part of Speer’s base of support, and the potential to offer something different in the eyes of the Allies, von Papen resolves to sell his would-be colleagues a vision of a government that could be seen as conservative and technocratic instead of outright Hitlerian, a not insignificant factor in trying to find the road to a negotiated peace. Cynical enough not to pay too much attention to Papen’s dreams, the Supreme Commander and the Acting President are nonetheless intrigued by the former Chancellor, and in light of past events start to feel confident that he might indeed be an alternative that would lack the necessary internal support to ever be a threat. Soon the surviving conservative generals and other important figures in the government are also repeating Papen’s name, and a brief conversation regarding Fromm’s evident political ambitions leads the leading figures of the government to reach a final decision.​

July 30th to July 31st, 1944
Occupied Netherlands:
1:00 AM – 23:59 PM​

The sound of the explosions reaches several cities and towns across the Netherlands, and General Heinrici grimly realizes the extent of the SS’s will to fight as several floods – gradual or sudden – are reported across the central Netherlands by his advancing units. However, in spite of Grohé and Rauter’s dark fantasy of a massive flood sweeping the entire region and getting rid of Heinrici’s forces, it soon becomes clear the situation is far less destructive than originally envisioned. Underestimating the amount of dikes, dams and floodgates that needed to be destroyed and lacking enough explosives and time to properly prepare, some of the SS squads have met unexpected resistance from Dutch collaborationists and even a few of the Dutch SS, some of which have resisted the attempt to wipe out the region despite Hauptsturmführer Henk Feldmeijer’s best attempts to stiffen the resolve of his men and implement the Reichskommisar’s scheme. Although the dikes that are successfully damaged or destroy lead to substantial floods and several hundred casualties – civilian or military -, and are predicted to significantly affect agricultural production in the area, the road to Amsterdam and The Hague remains open to the 24th Army, and the morale of the Dutch collaborationists continue to plummet after Anton Mussert is arrested after trying to protest [99].

Antwerp is cleared out a few hours following the explosions after the defeat of the SS-aligned 347th Infantry Division, but the southern spearhead of Heinrici is deterred from further advance due to the rising floods. It is thus Brandenberger’s 19th Panzer Division that moves into the Dutch capital after the successful conquest of Breda, and the Battle of The Hague rages from the night of the 30th to the late afternoon of the 31st. Despite the advantages in morale and armament the battle is nonetheless a tough one, the SS units refusing to yield ground and insisting on fighting house by house whenever possible. Eventually the Panzer troops manage to reach Clingendael manor, the final refuge of the Reichskommisars and the last men of the Dutch SS Landstorm Nederland. Following hours of desperate resistance and an unwillingness to yield, Grohé and Rauter refuse overtures to surrender and order Hauptsturmführer Feldmeijer to execute the current high-ranking prisoners – including King Leopold, Seyss Inquart, General Christiansen and Mussert – to prevent their release by Heinrici’s men. As more and more army units enter the manor's bunkers to overwhelm the heavily outnumbered defenders, Feldmeijer and his men engage in a violent firefight to reach the prisoners before the attackers, and resort to using grenades when their advance is blocked.

As night falls General Heinrici makes his formal entrance in The Hague and immediately assumes command of the remnants of the local administration as Military Governor of the Netherlands. Although the casualties have been high, Clingendael is finally secured after the last defenders are killed in battle, and the process of removing the bodies starts almost immediately. Rauter, Grohé and Feldmeijer have all died in battle, preventing Heinrici from sending any high profile prisoners back to Berlin. More concerning for the General is the fate of the hostages, with only Seyss-Inquart and Mussert being pulled from the rubble alive and for the most part unharmed. General Christiansen has died as a result of the explosions, and from the unfortunate Belgian royal family King Leopold, his wife Princess Lilian, and two of his children, Princes Baudouin and Albert, have all been shot dead by the SS. The deeply religious General Heinrici noticeably winces while overseeing the retrieval of the corpses and their separation from Prince Charles and the surviving children, and is overheard remarking that he does not look forward to his next report to Berlin.​

July 21st to 29th, 1944
Germany, Berlin and the Obersalzberg:
8:00 AM to 20:00PM​

Having seen the Führer rule in near-undisputed fashion over Germany for eleven years, exposed to the full effects of Hitler’s personality cult, and with their faith not wholly shaken despite military losses and the dramatic effects of Allied bombing thanks to Goebbels’s constant propaganda, the German public as a whole was simply not prepared for the sudden loss of Hitler [100]. The confusion over the assassination and the power struggle – and the violent deaths of powerful men Germans were now well acquainted with - did little to offer even a minor sense of stability, a feeling reinforced after that first dramatic night as German households listened to broadcasts from Goering, Himmler, the Beck government and the loyalty-shifting Generals and Gauleiters. Despite predictions from the plotters of a popular reaction in their favor, a rejection of their goals was perhaps the most common reaction in the aftermath of the assassination, millions of Germans who remained loyal to the Führer experimenting a burning desire to avenge Hitler and seeing those responsible as a pack of traitors, yet another stab in the back for the Reich. Rage soon turned into despair for many, resulting in a few instances of suicide among civilians or within the Nazi elite, including the families of those killed in the succession struggle.

Following a botched suicide attempt by a despondent Alfred Rosenberg on the morning of July 25th, Albert Speer realizes other relevant figures might well attempt to kill themselves, and despite being unable to leave Berlin he nonetheless moves as quickly as he can to ensure the well-being of two of his friends. An urgent call is placed to Henrietta von Schirach – whose husband will not be released from Vienna until the 27th – urging her to visit Eva Braun at the Obersalzberg and ensure she does nothing rash, and Speer enlists Gauleiter Karl Hanke – an old friend of his – in a visit to Magda Goebbels at the Goebbels residence. Frau von Schirach finds Braun shaken by Hitler’s death but nonetheless functional, having taken care of the wounded following the Obersalzberg Raid and helping to save the lives of General Köller and Gauleiter Giesler. Von Schirach does her best in attempting to persuade Braun of the merits of carrying on, and averts an attempt to consume cyanide when Braun finally suffers a breakdown. Speer and Hanke are less successful in their visit to the Goebbels residence, finding the despairing Magda in the process of attempting to poison her own children before committing suicide herself. Despite the pleading of both men – longtime friends, and in Hanke’s case, former lover – Frau Goebbels refuses to listen and shouts that without the Führer, Germany is truly lost.

Locking herself up in a room, Magda Goebbels takes a cyanide capsule and commits suicide. Deeply perturbed by the experience, Hanke and Speer will find some solace in realizing Goebbels’s children are only drugged, both having interrupted Magda before she could administer them the poison [101].​

July 29th to July 31st, 1944
Bohemia-Moravia SS Protectorate:
10:00 AM to 20:00 PM​

Having secured victory at the Battle of the Ploucnice River, the 6th Panzer Army moves towards Prague during July 29th, and the battle for the former Czechoslovakian capital rages for over two days as the remnants of the battered SS divisions barricade themselves in streets and buildings in order to resist as long as possible. With Himmler’s orders proving less than effective and costing the SS most of its remaining tanks on another costly battle on the outskirts of the city, and with rapidly advancing Slovakian, Hungarian and German units entering Czechia from the rear, the situation appears as bleak as it can possibly be for the Reichsführer SS. As a result of it, several messengers will cross the frontlines to approach Hoth on behalf of the SS, offering anything from a ceasefire to a negotiated settlement for Guderian to allow Himmler to remain in office, and even a last minute offer to make Hoth the Supreme Commander if he defects. Informed of such offers by the General, Guderian responds by having Colonel General Stumpff’s Luftflotte Reich bomb Prague intensively on July 30th, destroying as many enemy positions as possible from the air in a violent raid which claims hundreds of civilian casualties in the process and kills SS-Obersturmbannführer Karl Marx as well.

The night of July 30th and the morning of the 31st see the general collapse of the SS positions, ensuring Hoth’s panzers can advance to Himmler’s position whilst leaving dozens of pockets with isolated SS personnel behind. As hundreds of Reserve Army personnel arrested during the coup are released and re-employ to fight the SS, Himmler and most of his entourage decide to attempt a daring escape across the city, in the hopes that they can slip by in the confusion and find a way to reach Switzerland as a refuge of sorts. The SS leaderships divides in three by the afternoon of the 31st as Himmler and Frank lead separate groups and Kaltenbrunner disappears on his own, army units rapidly closing in and pursuing the SS officers even across the sewers of the city. Frank’s group makes an attempt to barricade themselves in a building when their exit is blocked by Lt. Heinz Goering – one of the heroes of the battle [102] -, and after a prolonged firefight Reichsprotector Frank and Odilo Globocnik commit suicide to avoid capture by the Army. Slightly luckier, Himmler and Adolf Eichmann reach the sewers and cover significant ground before an attempt to reach the surface results in Himmler’s entourage being surrounded by Panzer troopers. Himmler is knocked to the ground before he can bite on a cyanide capsule, and is arrested alongside Eichmann and other key lieutenants.

With Hoth now in control of most of Prague – though SS resistance pockets will continue fighting for a number of days – and the SS leadership being gathered to be sent to Berlin, the only missing target is Ernst Kaltenbrunner, who is not reported killed or captured by any of Hoth’s units. Soon tales will spread of a dramatic escape via air, with unconfirmed rumors even claiming that Kaltebrunner left Prague via one of the Flettner FI 282 helicopter prototypes captured by the SS days ago [103].​

July 31st, 1944
Reichstag, Berlin:
12:00 AM ​

Despite having long lost its prominence or even its relevance, the half-empty– a fact which is cleverly hidden in the official photographs – and nearly unusable Reichstag is chosen as the scenery of a crucial ceremony for the National Salvation Government, which is formalizing its new leadership as the succession to Hitler is finally settled. The first to take his oath of office is Reich President Albert Speer, taking office as Hitler’s successor despite only being 39 years old. Never a brilliant orator, Speer nonetheless delivers an acceptable speech before the Reichstag that is to be transmitted over the radio, filled with references to avenging the death of the Führer and promises of a “victorious peace” won with countless and unstoppable miracle weapons. He then motions for the new head of government to approach the podium, the 64 years old Franz von Papen taking the oath of office as Germany’s newest Chancellor, finally recapturing the office after twelve turbulent years. The final act of the ceremony is sealed when Colonel General Guderian is asked to approach Speer and von Papen, each of whom holds a richly decorated baton. Von Papen is the first to give Guderian a baton, confirming his elevation as Germany’s newest Field Marshal. Speer follows, handing him an even richer baton and confirming his elevation to an even higher rank.

Once the ceremony is over and after photographs are taken, Chancellor von Papen approaches Speer and Guderian with a mischievous smile and proclaims: “Gentlemen, we truly are men of destiny.” Shortly after that Guderian bids both men farewell and prepares to depart for Zossen alongside a group of brilliant officers personally handpicked by him for the task of remaking the disorganized and headless OKH and OKW into something more efficient.

As General Walter Wenck salutes the Supreme Commander, Reichsmarschall Heinz Guderian is overheard saying that there is much to be done.​

___________________________________

Notes for Part IX:
[93] It was difficult to find info on units near Germany that could be deployed for his operation. When on unrelated research I found the Panzercorps I just couldn’t refuse the opportunity to use it, I can’t resist historical ironies.
[94] If the man felt confident enough in OTL to take on the Soviet Army with Army Group Vistula I’m sure he’d be confident trying his luck against Hoth. Sadly for the SS, Himmler is not exactly Napoleon or Alexander the Great.
[95] I maintain that in a scenario of infighting following a successful Hitler assassination this would have been the greatest problem of the plotters. They had plenty of officers, but the troops they used for Valkyrie were mostly deployed on false pretenses and pretending the situation was far different than it actually was, which is how they got fanatical Nazis like Remer to cooperate until the illusion crashed like a house of cards. In this scenario, with Beck’s regime having collapsed, there really isn’t any reason for these troops to die fighting fellow Germans, particularly if they’re not facing the SS boogeyman.
[96] Papen departed via train in OTL and delayed his departure a bit, possibly because he had good reason to think he’d be executed on account of his friendship with so many of the plotters – Count Helldorf included -. It’s actually hilarious to read that passage on his memories, because he portrays himself as receiving a hero’s welcome across Bulgaria with the people giving him gifts and food at every train station (supposedly because they saw him a peacemaker trying to end the war). Since Papen would be keen to exploit the opportunity, you can bet he’ll race to Berlin as fast as he can.
[97] A most difficult balance for ambitious men like Guderian and Speer, whom I imagine wouldn’t be keen to share power with people all too competent for their taste. This is still the Third Reich, one of the most unpractical and intrigue-filled regimes ever to set foot in the history of authoritarianism.
[98] Even I wonder whether the story would be well served by sparing Goebbels instead of wiping out so many high ranking Nazis. At this point Speer’s alliance with Goebbels was damaged and both men weren’t in the best of terms – wouldn’t be aligned again until later in the year -, but he does recognize Goebbels’s talents even on his memoirs.
[99] Feldmeijer was in the record as embracing a Germanic identity instead of Dutch, whereas Mussert was apparently defensive of the Dutch identity. Hence the more fanatical Dutch SS would probably go along with the orders, but I have a hard time believing even men like these could not flinch while being ordered to destroy their nation. Mussert certainly lacked courage to stand up even symbolically to the Germans, but I do think it plausible he’d at least try to protest this particular crime.
[100] This is all just speculation on my behalf. I simply do not know what was the state of mind of the German public at the time, but it is repeated in several memoirs and other books that the public would have reacted badly to the assassination as the faith in Hitler hadn’t yet been shattered. This is another problem posed to the Valkyrie plotters and their plans, had the public learned of their involvement in the assassination they would have been a most unpopular government.
[101] It is not as serious as in OTL April 1945, but there are sufficient individuals too emotionally linked with Hitler to resist living in a world without their Führer, Madga Goebbels being one of them. I figure Speer, who by all accounts was one of Magda closest friends and one of the few allies of Eva Braun, would try to prevent a tragedy, and in OTL he apparently did offer to take the Goebbels children with him. In this scenario Braun and the Goebbels children are saved, at least temporarily.
[102] Yep. Goering’s nephew served in the Hermann Goering division, and was apparent a very accomplished and responsible man before dying in battle against the Russians on July 29th. The division goes against Prague and the SS instead, and Heinz Goering lives.
[103] Also couldn’t resist. Karl Hanke’s escape from the siege of Breslau into Czechoslovakia is surrounded in some mystery, Speer repeats the tale of Hanke escaping via helicopter prototype James Bond-villain style, some historians contend it was a small Storch plane. Since nobody knows what happened to Kaltenbrunner or how he escaped – if he did -, it is reasonable similar tales would spread given Kaltenbrunner’s fearsome reputation.

 

[LumineVonReuental]

Annex: Casualties of the
German Civil War (July 1944)
​

JULY 20, 1944:

Killed by the Stauffenberg bomb at Rastenburg:

• Adolf Hitler, Führer of Germany
• Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, Chief of the OKW
• General Alfred Jodl, Keitel’s Chief of Staff
• General Adolf Heusinger, Interim Chief of the General Staff
• General Rudolf Schmundt, Chief of the Army Staff Office
• General Walther Buhle, Chief of Army Staff at OKW
• General Walter Warlimont, Deputy Chief of Staff at OKW
• General Gunther Körten, Chief of Staff of the Luftwaffe
• Lt. General Hermann Fegelein, SS Liason Officer

Committed suicide by cyanide in Berlin:

• Josef Goebbels, Minister of Propaganda

Killed in the fighting in Berlin:

• Major Otto Ernst Remer

Killed in Prague by the SS:

• General Ferdinand Schaal

JULY 21, 1944:

Executed via firing squad at the Wolf’s Lair:

• Martin Bormann, Chief of the NSDAP Chancellery
• SS Brigadier General Johann Rattenhuber

JULY 22, 1944:

Killed in the fighting at Castle Itter:

• Paul Reynaud, former Prime Minister of France

Killed in the Obersalzberg Raid:

• Hermann Goering, Reichsmarschall and Acting Führer
• Joachim von Ribbentrop, Foreign Minister

JULY 23, 1944:

Killed in the fighting in Berlin:

• Colonel-General Ludwig Beck, “Regent” of Germany
• General Frederich Olbricht, Acting Commander of the Reserve Army
• Arthur Nebe, Head of the Kripo
• General Walter Bruns
• Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg
• Colonel Albrecht Mertz von Quirnheim
• Lt. Werner von Haeften

JULY 24, 1944:

Committed suicide in Paris:

• General Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel, Military Governor of France

Killed in the Oslo Parliament Raid:

• Josef Terboven, Reichskommissar of Norway

JULY 30, 1944:

Killed in the fighting in Prague:

• SS-Obersturmbannführer Karl Marx, Commander of the 24th Waffen SS Mountain Division

JULY 31, 1944:

Committed suicide in Prague:

• General Karl Hermann Frank, Reich Minister for Bohemia and Moravia
• Gruppenführer Odilo Globocnik, SS and Police Leader of the Operational Zone of the Adriatic Littoral

Killed in the fighting in Amsterdam:

• Hanns Albin Rauter, SS Reichskommisar of the Netherlands
• Josef Grohé, Reichskommisar of Belgium and Northern France
• Captain Henk Feldmeijer, Head of the Sonderkommando-Feldmeijer

Murdered by the SS in Amsterdam:

• Leopold III, King of the Belgians
• Princess Lilian of Belgium, Princess of Réthy
• Prince Baudouin of Belgium
• Prince Albert of Belgium
• General Friedrich Christiansen, Military Commander of the Netherlands

 

[LumineVonReuental]

 

[ThatOneGuy]

Have the Allies made any substantial moves yet? Seeing the chaos it would be weird for them to just sit on the sidelines for so long, even if they had to take a few days to resupply after Normandy.

 

[LumineVonReuental]

And that's part one! Several storylines have been expanded from the original version - others shelved - and on the whole I'm reasonably satisfied despite the grammar mistakes and the fact that we could have gone into greater detail (though it would have probably become a July-August TL only).

Can't make any promises as to when Part Two begins, I have a lot of material and notes that are yet to be turned into actual chapters and it may take some time. I rather hope people have liked the TL thus far, though.

Have the Allies made any substantial moves yet? Seeing the chaos it would be weird for them to just sit on the sidelines for so long, even if they had to take a few days to resupply after Normandy.

Sure, Operation Cobra is in full swing by now and having a large impact. We'll get to that on Part Two, probably with other events which also happened during July 20th - July 31st which weren't covered on Part One due to its focus on the internal struggles. But the fronts have continued to move.

 

[Time Enough]

I can imagine when the Warsaw uprising is triggered I can imagine it maybe doing better since much of the Whermacht would be in the midsts of restructuring.

 

[Kurt_Steiner]

Popcorn ready for the next part.

 

[Unknown]

What happened to Anne Frank and her family ITTL? They were captured on August 4th, 1944 IOTL, so they'd still be in hiding here; they might just make it ITTL...

Good series of updates...

 

[LumineVonReuental]

What happened to Anne Frank and her family ITTL? They were captured on August 4th, 1944 IOTL, so they'd still be in hiding here; they might just make it ITTL...

Good series of updates...

Anne and her family certainly enjoyed the news of Hitler's death - Chapter VI - and hoped for a German collapse as they learned of the infighting. The fighting in Amsterdam was a tense affair as they feared being discovered or their building hit by artillery or panzer fire, but they survived unscatched and remain optimistic - perhaps too optimistic - the Allies will liberate Amsterdam in a matter of days. Obersturmführer Dettman died fighting and Oberscharführer Silberbauer had the good sense to surrender to the Army, which butterflies away the arrest on August 4th.

Since I do have an idea of what will happen to the Franks in the coming parts of the TL - though they won't be key characters -, that's about as much as I can say.

 

[Squidfam]

Honestly, this read like an actual history book.

 

[Old1812]

There's a pretty good World in Flames scenario that could be made out of this.