Not right away, I still want the focus of Part I to remain Germany despite devoting more time to the immediate Allied reaction. But we'll certainly visit the 1944 Democratic Convention - with greater detail - once we reach Part II.
Twilight of the Valkyries: A 20 July Plot TL (Redux)
- Thread starter LumineVonReuental
- Start date
Not right away, I still want the focus of Part I to remain Germany despite devoting more time to the immediate Allied reaction. But we'll certainly visit the 1944 Democratic Convention - with greater detail - once we reach Part II.
VI. July 22nd, 1944 (Night)
VI.
July 1944:
The brave Colonel Stauffenberg and the
Valkyrie plotters face their final battle
July 20th to July 21st, 1944
London and Occupied Europe:
July 1944:
The brave Colonel Stauffenberg and the
Valkyrie plotters face their final battle
July 20th to July 21st, 1944
London and Occupied Europe:
It was only two hours after the explosion at Rastenburg that Allied intelligence started to receive reports of the event, with men like Allen Dulles personally learning of Hitler’s death in the early afternoon through his German contacts. In the backdrop of the first German broadcasts announcing the death of the Führer - coming from the Bendlerstrasse plotters – the BBC World Service confirms the rumor during the afternoon: Hitler has been killed. The news spread further into Occupied Europe as countless homes listen to the BBC in order to learn more, and are frustrated at a lack of information during the night as listeners in Germany are bombarded with radio broadcasts from pro-Beck, Goering or Himmler speakers, adding to a shared sense of confusion (if for different reasons) for thousands if not millions of people. Within the BBC, Hugh Greene, news editor of the German service, is encouraged by his brother Graham to make an unauthorized broadcast during the night of July 20th, dramatically declaring that “civil war has broken out in Germany” and celebrating Hitler’s death [61].
Although the irritated Foreign Office will reprimand Greene, the broadcast serves as a further morale boost to homes in Occupied Europe. Indeed, many felt not only immense joy at the death of their hated enemy – betrayed by his own “master race” -, but full blown schadenfreude as Greene’s broadcast reports on the civil war and subsequent broadcasts by the BBC – with a significant delay – inform avid listeners regarding the death of Goebbels and other high-ranking Nazis during the week. Still hiding alongside her family at a concealed room in Amsterdam as the SS enacts their arrest of Reichskommissar Seyss-Inquart, an ecstatic Anne Frank writes on her diary by July 21st[62]:
Although the irritated Foreign Office will reprimand Greene, the broadcast serves as a further morale boost to homes in Occupied Europe. Indeed, many felt not only immense joy at the death of their hated enemy – betrayed by his own “master race” -, but full blown schadenfreude as Greene’s broadcast reports on the civil war and subsequent broadcasts by the BBC – with a significant delay – inform avid listeners regarding the death of Goebbels and other high-ranking Nazis during the week. Still hiding alongside her family at a concealed room in Amsterdam as the SS enacts their arrest of Reichskommissar Seyss-Inquart, an ecstatic Anne Frank writes on her diary by July 21st[62]:
“I’m finally getting optimistic. Now, at least, things are going well! They really are! Great news! Hitler has been killed! The cruel monster is dead! What we hear is often confusing, but it seems a bomb went off on his bunker, and it killed a number of generals as well. It seems the impeccable Germans are now fighting and killing each other off, which means less work for the Russians and for the British, and will allow them to start rebuilding their cities all that much sooner. But we haven’t reached that point yet, and I’d hate to anticipate the glorious day of liberation…”
July 20th to July 23rd, 1944
London, Moscow and San Diego:
July 20th to July 23rd, 1944
London, Moscow and San Diego:
On the political sphere, emergency cabinet meetings are held in the Kremlin and Downing Street during the afternoon and night of July 20th as the Allied leadership attempts to closely monitor the internal situation in Germany, whilst many – but not all - officers and high-ranking politicians celebrate what they see as beyond excellent news and the sign of imminent German collapse. Upon learning of the news Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden excitedly rushes into Downing Street to report to the Prime Minister, allowing Winston Churchill to be the first Allied leader to be informed of the death of the Führer. Upon hearing Eden out, Churchill looks towards Lord Beaverbrook and laconically comments: “I got the date wrong.” [63] With British Intelligence well aware of several activities from the Valkyrie plotters Churchill does not hesitate to attribute the assassination to “a cabal of Prussian aristocrats”, and despite coldly dismissing the “cabal” as hardly better or distinguishable at all from the Nazis, he nonetheless leads the War Cabinet in a toast to the news, and in a brief discussion once again agree that the sole alternative to continuing the war is an unconditional surrender. In the months after July 20th Churchill will pressure Noël Coward into singing “Don’t Let’s Be Beastly to the Germans” at every social venue both men are invited to [64].
Roosevelt is far away from the White House when he is informed of Hitler’s death, currently staying at his private train near San Diego naval base in a brief detour before he is to depart Hawaii in order to have an important conference with MacArthur, Nimitz and other key military figures. Roosevelt, who has cancelled his plans for the afternoon in order to listen to the proceedings of the 1944 Democratic Convention through the radio, ends up juggling his interest on the convention with reports of the events in Germany. Roosevelt’s party – including James Roosevelt, Admiral William Leahy and Vice Admiral McIntire, his personal physician – cheers at the news and shares a toast, Roosevelt allowing himself to join the celebration despite his deep disappointment. Although he finds Hitler’s death something to be celebrated, he regrets the fact that Hitler has essentially escaped justice, and worries about Stalin’s reaction if someone implies the policy of unconditional surrender should be modified. At dinner, Roosevelt will dismiss talk among his companions regarding the German succession as “irrelevant”, and refocuses on internal policies upon being informed via telegram of his re-nomination as the Democratic candidate for President. At 8:20 PM Roosevelt will broadcast a 20-minute speech from his private train, accepting the nomination, addressing Hitler’s death and reiterating his unwavering belief on unconditional surrender [65].
At the Kremlin party and military officers will spend most of the afternoon celebrating the death of Hitler and the constant stream of encouraging news from the frontlines, which are only to further improve during the rest of the week. Stalin celebrates alongside his closest allies at his Dacha late into the night of July 20th, subjecting several to a somewhat uncomfortable night of heavy drinking and endless toasts concerning the news. Despite outwardly celebrating the successful assassination Stalin is nonetheless far more concerned than pleased on the inside, and shares some of his misgivings with Molotov, Beria, Zhdanov and Malenkov. Having greatly benefited from Hitler’s incompetence and ever paranoid regarding his Allies, Stalin can’t help but wonder whether the new government will attempt to drive a wedge between the Soviet Union and the West, and even worse, whether his Allies might be willing to listen what the Germans have to say [66]. As a result, in the days immediately after the coup Pravda and Radio Moscow will exploit the events for propaganda purposes, portraying the assassins as desperate men determined to cling to their positions and power in defeat, and the internal civil war as a “grotesque palace coups”. This will lead to initial tensions with the Soviet-backed National Committee for a Free Germany, which attempts to portray the Valkyrie plotters as “brave men” resisting Hitler and scores a minor coup by finally persuading Field Marshal Friedrich Paulus to join their cause.
Although the Committee will soon be forced to walk the official line under pressure from the Kremlin and due to rapidly changing events, Paulus and General von Seydlitz-Kurzbach sense an opportunity.
Roosevelt is far away from the White House when he is informed of Hitler’s death, currently staying at his private train near San Diego naval base in a brief detour before he is to depart Hawaii in order to have an important conference with MacArthur, Nimitz and other key military figures. Roosevelt, who has cancelled his plans for the afternoon in order to listen to the proceedings of the 1944 Democratic Convention through the radio, ends up juggling his interest on the convention with reports of the events in Germany. Roosevelt’s party – including James Roosevelt, Admiral William Leahy and Vice Admiral McIntire, his personal physician – cheers at the news and shares a toast, Roosevelt allowing himself to join the celebration despite his deep disappointment. Although he finds Hitler’s death something to be celebrated, he regrets the fact that Hitler has essentially escaped justice, and worries about Stalin’s reaction if someone implies the policy of unconditional surrender should be modified. At dinner, Roosevelt will dismiss talk among his companions regarding the German succession as “irrelevant”, and refocuses on internal policies upon being informed via telegram of his re-nomination as the Democratic candidate for President. At 8:20 PM Roosevelt will broadcast a 20-minute speech from his private train, accepting the nomination, addressing Hitler’s death and reiterating his unwavering belief on unconditional surrender [65].
At the Kremlin party and military officers will spend most of the afternoon celebrating the death of Hitler and the constant stream of encouraging news from the frontlines, which are only to further improve during the rest of the week. Stalin celebrates alongside his closest allies at his Dacha late into the night of July 20th, subjecting several to a somewhat uncomfortable night of heavy drinking and endless toasts concerning the news. Despite outwardly celebrating the successful assassination Stalin is nonetheless far more concerned than pleased on the inside, and shares some of his misgivings with Molotov, Beria, Zhdanov and Malenkov. Having greatly benefited from Hitler’s incompetence and ever paranoid regarding his Allies, Stalin can’t help but wonder whether the new government will attempt to drive a wedge between the Soviet Union and the West, and even worse, whether his Allies might be willing to listen what the Germans have to say [66]. As a result, in the days immediately after the coup Pravda and Radio Moscow will exploit the events for propaganda purposes, portraying the assassins as desperate men determined to cling to their positions and power in defeat, and the internal civil war as a “grotesque palace coups”. This will lead to initial tensions with the Soviet-backed National Committee for a Free Germany, which attempts to portray the Valkyrie plotters as “brave men” resisting Hitler and scores a minor coup by finally persuading Field Marshal Friedrich Paulus to join their cause.
Although the Committee will soon be forced to walk the official line under pressure from the Kremlin and due to rapidly changing events, Paulus and General von Seydlitz-Kurzbach sense an opportunity.
July 22nd, 1944
Istanbul, Turkey:
20:00 PM
Istanbul, Turkey:
20:00 PM
Ambassador, spy, and former Chancellor of Germany Franz von Papen enjoys the sight of the Bosporus and a glass of wine as he re-reads the reports on the Führer’s death and the coded messages he has received from Germany [67]. Both messages come from the Foreign Office requesting “loyalty to the true Government”, one from Ulrich von Hassell on behalf of Beck, the other from von Ribbentrop on behalf of Goering. Discussing the situation with his attaché Moyzisch, Papen makes the point that from the looks of it the conservative-influenced Berlin Government is far more to his liking, partly due to the apparently high number of Junkers involved and partly because his employment options seem certainly better [68]. After all – states Papen with a mischievous smile – is he not the author of the Marburg Speech? Has he not fought loyally for Germany on the diplomatic front whilst courageously – but not openly – undermine the Bohemian corporal? It certainly does not help that Ribbentrop has been constantly undermining the Junker on his countless plots, even downplaying his brilliant efforts recruiting the “Cicero” [69], the spy who could change the course of the war – so Papen passionately believes – if that incompetent champagne salesman would only listen to what he has to say.
Painfully aware that the Government in Ankara is already planning to cut all diplomatic ties with Germany – with Hitler’s demise only accelerating those plans – as soon as it is humanly possible, von Papen equally wonders aloud how long it will take for Germany’s “allies” to jump ship in the present moment, and orders his staff to make the arrangements for his return to Berlin via train in the event of his expulsion by the Turkish government. Although Papen realizes an arrest by the British is likely, he is determined and invigorated enough to evade any attempts at capture in order to return to play his part on a new Germany. As phone calls and messages begin to fly away from the German Embassy in Turkey, Papen will attempt to make full use of his many links and relationships to establish talks with von Hassell, President Inönü, the Vatican and his newest friend and ally Walter Schellenberg [70], all in hopes of both saving his neck and make a hopefully triumphal return to Germany. After all, as von Papen firmly believes, his country could very much benefit from the talents of such a brilliant, experienced statesman.
Painfully aware that the Government in Ankara is already planning to cut all diplomatic ties with Germany – with Hitler’s demise only accelerating those plans – as soon as it is humanly possible, von Papen equally wonders aloud how long it will take for Germany’s “allies” to jump ship in the present moment, and orders his staff to make the arrangements for his return to Berlin via train in the event of his expulsion by the Turkish government. Although Papen realizes an arrest by the British is likely, he is determined and invigorated enough to evade any attempts at capture in order to return to play his part on a new Germany. As phone calls and messages begin to fly away from the German Embassy in Turkey, Papen will attempt to make full use of his many links and relationships to establish talks with von Hassell, President Inönü, the Vatican and his newest friend and ally Walter Schellenberg [70], all in hopes of both saving his neck and make a hopefully triumphal return to Germany. After all, as von Papen firmly believes, his country could very much benefit from the talents of such a brilliant, experienced statesman.
July 22nd to July 23rd, 1944
Berlin Area:
19:00 PM to 20:00 PM
Berlin Area:
19:00 PM to 20:00 PM
Having managed to maintain some momentum after a difficult start and with several of the more opportunistic members of the Nazi elite backing his attempts at becoming Hitler’s successor (at least for the time being), Goering’s death forced through another decisive shift across the Third Reich. It was becoming clear by this date that neither the SS nor the Beck Government had enough resources to retake the initiative, with most of the Wehrmacht having sided with the fallen Reichsmarschall or having refused to take sides. That the plotters at the Bendlerstrasse could not use this last chance for survival can only be considered a consequence of the rapid and confusing sequence of events in Berlin that led into July 23rd, in which a single individual held the immediate future of Germany on his hands. Ambitious, political and arrogant, General Heinz Guderian had often been convinced on his own merits as a would-be savior of Germany, and while his current role as Armored Troops Inspector kept him away from the real sources of power within Hitler’s regime, his hopes of returning to higher office were more alive than ever.
Holding the strongest military force immediately outside Berlin, Guderian’s importance to a military coup or a seizure of power was unnaturally crucial, a fact that neither of the quarreling sides neglected. Indeed, it had been Beck and his conspirators that had courted the General first, having him alerted of the coup several days ago and having taken the key decision – via Olbricht – to prevent some of his panzer units from departing to East Prussia to they could be available in due time. And yet, overtures aside, it remained a fact that Guderian held an intense dislike not only for Beck, but also for Kluge and other of the officers rumored to be a part of the plot [71]. Even if General Thomale had done his best to secure the crucial support of Guderian, the Panzer commander could well wonder whether Beck would truly offer the best road ahead in terms of advancement. One could even make the case for Guderian facing imminent danger at the hands of Germany’s newest would-be savior, a case Müller pressed as strongly as he could before enabling direct communications between Guderian and Goering.
Goering had made firm promises – bold, tempting promises – to Guderian whereas Beck had not, and thus the Panzers were rolling into Berlin as the Reserve Army (not precisely the highest quality units, as their firefights with the SS had displayed) units began to collapse under heavy armored fire. But now, with no clear successor to Goering’s and plainly unwilling to offer his support to Himmler – now basically a pariah on the run -, Guderian further debated the matter with Müller. He could, of course, attempt a ceasefire with the Bendlerstrasse despite the raging battle and see the possibility of arranging a pardon from Beck for himself and his officers. Although considered and heavily promoted by Thomale, this alternative was ruled out following a crucial telephone exchange between Speer and Guderian, in which Speer skillfully notes that not only Guderian is before a unique opportunity to seize Berlin, but that Germany will need men to pick up the pieces after the internal conflict and the defeat of Beck and Himmler. The alternative, involving far-reaching consequences, is nonetheless more appealing to the ambitious general than trying to obtain Beck’s forgiveness in the hopes he may not be disposed of later on.
Guderian, therefore, makes a fateful gamble.
Holding the strongest military force immediately outside Berlin, Guderian’s importance to a military coup or a seizure of power was unnaturally crucial, a fact that neither of the quarreling sides neglected. Indeed, it had been Beck and his conspirators that had courted the General first, having him alerted of the coup several days ago and having taken the key decision – via Olbricht – to prevent some of his panzer units from departing to East Prussia to they could be available in due time. And yet, overtures aside, it remained a fact that Guderian held an intense dislike not only for Beck, but also for Kluge and other of the officers rumored to be a part of the plot [71]. Even if General Thomale had done his best to secure the crucial support of Guderian, the Panzer commander could well wonder whether Beck would truly offer the best road ahead in terms of advancement. One could even make the case for Guderian facing imminent danger at the hands of Germany’s newest would-be savior, a case Müller pressed as strongly as he could before enabling direct communications between Guderian and Goering.
Goering had made firm promises – bold, tempting promises – to Guderian whereas Beck had not, and thus the Panzers were rolling into Berlin as the Reserve Army (not precisely the highest quality units, as their firefights with the SS had displayed) units began to collapse under heavy armored fire. But now, with no clear successor to Goering’s and plainly unwilling to offer his support to Himmler – now basically a pariah on the run -, Guderian further debated the matter with Müller. He could, of course, attempt a ceasefire with the Bendlerstrasse despite the raging battle and see the possibility of arranging a pardon from Beck for himself and his officers. Although considered and heavily promoted by Thomale, this alternative was ruled out following a crucial telephone exchange between Speer and Guderian, in which Speer skillfully notes that not only Guderian is before a unique opportunity to seize Berlin, but that Germany will need men to pick up the pieces after the internal conflict and the defeat of Beck and Himmler. The alternative, involving far-reaching consequences, is nonetheless more appealing to the ambitious general than trying to obtain Beck’s forgiveness in the hopes he may not be disposed of later on.
Guderian, therefore, makes a fateful gamble.
Berlin Area:
20:00 PM to 4:00 AM
20:00 PM to 4:00 AM
Utterly exhausted after the prolonged street fighting, running low on ammunition and with no support from the outside, the SS units are the first to collapse under the fire of the panzers. With Kaltenbrunner making arrangements to take a plane to Prague at the earliest opportunity, Müller successfully contacts Schellenberg through a trusted contact, makes a tempting offer on behalf of Guderian, and secures the crucial defection of the intelligence officer. For his part, Schellenberg recruits the support of Skorzeny, equally exhausted of having to fight fellow German units and willing to trust Schellenberg’s judgement, in ordering SS and security forces to surrender across Berlin after Kaltenbrunner – exhausted after two sleepless days - finally loses his nerve and escapes to the SS redoubt in Bohemia-Moravia. Most of the units that can be reached will surrender, even at the cost of fanatical SS officers being shot in the back by SD men on Schellenberg’s orders, and only a handful will insist in fighting until death. Thus the struggle of the SS and other Nazi loyalists to resist the Reserve Army is over after some 50 hours of resistance, leaving several buildings in the Government Block heavily damaged and hundreds of bodies in the streets. Within thirty minutes of most of the SS standing down from the fight Schellenberg himself shows up in Guderian’s provisional HQ near the frontlines in the capital and formally surrenders to the General.
The Reserve Army does not fare any better. With General Fromm and some of his closest aides and officers imprisoned, morale is running low among the officers at the Bendlerstrasse not involved in the conspiracy, many starting to believe the actual coup may be Beck’s actual attempts to seize power. Chief among them is Lt. Colonel Franz Herber, who bitterly questioned Fromm’s arrest a few hours ago only to be rebuked by an irate Colonel von Quirnheim. Hearing the reports of Guderian’s continued march on Berlin and the steady defeat the Reserve Army units are suffering on their unsuccessful attempts to maintain defence Herber makes a fateful decision. Gathering officers and soldiers loyal to Fromm and armed with the weapons they can find, they assault the improvised prison cell that has been set up for the General on an office on the first floor [72]. Taking heavy casualties, Herber manages to frees Fromm and his adjutant, the group escaping from the Bendlerblock in the confusion and making a desperate run for the nearby Armaments Ministry. Having reached the Ministry and with the troops ordered to defend Speer acknowledging Fromm’s command, Speer greets his old friend on his office after previous attempts by both men to contact each other have ended in failure. Being in contact with Guderian and aware of the situation, Speer presses Fromm to cast his lot with Guderian, presenting as their final opportunity to end the chaos and prevent the SS from taking over Germany [73].
The first panzer units to reach the vicinity of the ministry are those of Colonel Bollbrinker, who is surprised to find Fromm in the company of Speer. Both men establish contact with Guderian over the telephone, and formally commit their support to put down the “Beck putsch” and back the countercoup by the panzer units. As the battlelines move forward, Speer, Bollbrinker and Fromm board an armored vehicle to meet Guderian a few blocks back. In the meantime, the appointment of a new commander for the Reserve Army has only made matters worse for the Bendlerstrasse. Olbricht’s authority going unrecognized or outright rejected by several unit commanders [74], who protest the absence of Fromm and the apparent failure to coordinate the defence of Berlin. Eventually, Olbricht’s brief tenure will end on a disastrous note as Fromm’s release and his contact with Guderian provides the panzer general with a chance to send counter-orders to resisting units. Not being able to count on the loyalty of many of the commanders inside Berlin (only on their obedience to some orders), the plotters at the Bendlerstrasse see in horror as unit after unit formally changes sides or surrenders to Guderian’s men. Although Stauffenberg and Tresckow will do their best to rally the officers in the building and desperately ask the Wehrkreise for reinforcements, the chaotic and disorganized Beck Government rapidly crumbles.
The Reserve Army does not fare any better. With General Fromm and some of his closest aides and officers imprisoned, morale is running low among the officers at the Bendlerstrasse not involved in the conspiracy, many starting to believe the actual coup may be Beck’s actual attempts to seize power. Chief among them is Lt. Colonel Franz Herber, who bitterly questioned Fromm’s arrest a few hours ago only to be rebuked by an irate Colonel von Quirnheim. Hearing the reports of Guderian’s continued march on Berlin and the steady defeat the Reserve Army units are suffering on their unsuccessful attempts to maintain defence Herber makes a fateful decision. Gathering officers and soldiers loyal to Fromm and armed with the weapons they can find, they assault the improvised prison cell that has been set up for the General on an office on the first floor [72]. Taking heavy casualties, Herber manages to frees Fromm and his adjutant, the group escaping from the Bendlerblock in the confusion and making a desperate run for the nearby Armaments Ministry. Having reached the Ministry and with the troops ordered to defend Speer acknowledging Fromm’s command, Speer greets his old friend on his office after previous attempts by both men to contact each other have ended in failure. Being in contact with Guderian and aware of the situation, Speer presses Fromm to cast his lot with Guderian, presenting as their final opportunity to end the chaos and prevent the SS from taking over Germany [73].
The first panzer units to reach the vicinity of the ministry are those of Colonel Bollbrinker, who is surprised to find Fromm in the company of Speer. Both men establish contact with Guderian over the telephone, and formally commit their support to put down the “Beck putsch” and back the countercoup by the panzer units. As the battlelines move forward, Speer, Bollbrinker and Fromm board an armored vehicle to meet Guderian a few blocks back. In the meantime, the appointment of a new commander for the Reserve Army has only made matters worse for the Bendlerstrasse. Olbricht’s authority going unrecognized or outright rejected by several unit commanders [74], who protest the absence of Fromm and the apparent failure to coordinate the defence of Berlin. Eventually, Olbricht’s brief tenure will end on a disastrous note as Fromm’s release and his contact with Guderian provides the panzer general with a chance to send counter-orders to resisting units. Not being able to count on the loyalty of many of the commanders inside Berlin (only on their obedience to some orders), the plotters at the Bendlerstrasse see in horror as unit after unit formally changes sides or surrenders to Guderian’s men. Although Stauffenberg and Tresckow will do their best to rally the officers in the building and desperately ask the Wehrkreise for reinforcements, the chaotic and disorganized Beck Government rapidly crumbles.
Berlin Area:
4:00 AM to 9:00 AM
4:00 AM to 9:00 AM
After conspirator General Walter Bruns dies in battle while attempting to prevent the panzers from opening a flank into the main defensive position, Guderian’s men are now ready to march into the main government block and, of course, the Bendlerblock itself. The first major building to fall is the Foreign Ministry, leading to the collective arrest of von Hassell, Canaris, Gisevius and Schulenburg, and the end of the plotters’ doomed diplomatic efforts. Not having expected the sudden collapse of their fighting units, the conspirators find to their horror that escape routes to the airports are closed or the airports themselves lost to the panzer units, leaving the surviving plotters trapped. General Henning von Tresckow is captured while attempting to shore up resistance outside the building, Lt. Colonel Rudolf Schlee betraying him to the panzer troopers in order to side with Guderian. As gunfire echoes closer and eventually starts raining down on the building, the coup is now truly doomed. A desperate Chancellor Goerdeler will express his intention to secure a ceasefire, but Guderian proves unwilling to receive any messengers from the building and demands an unconditional surrender.
In response, Stauffenberg and Mertz von Quirnheim distribute weapons to those present and willing to defend the Bendlerblock, while others attempt to surrender or to break out of the enclosing enemy lines in the hopes of an unlikely escape. The battle for the government area and then for the Bendlerblock lasts until about 5:00 AM, at which point artillery and panzer fire set the Reserve Army HQ on fire. Some conspirators, like Chancellor Goerdeler and Count Helldorf will be captured and put under guard. Others will be shot while attempting to escape (Olbricht) or commit suicide at the last moment (Beck). A cadre of the more desperate officers, including Stauffenberg, Haeften and Mertz von Quirnheim will fight until the last moment in the areas of the main building not yet on fire, dying in a hail of gunfire. Stauffenberg’s last words as he bleeds to death are reported to be “Long live our Sacred...” Guderian reaches the area soon afterwards; prisoners being driven away as attempt have begun to put out any fires on the area. It is from here that Guderian’s allegedly states: “the Führer has been avenged”. By the morning of July 23rd SS and Reserve Army resistance is all but over within the capital with the exceptions of a few nests of resistance, and Guderian is essentially in control of Berlin.
Despite successfully assassinating the Führer, taking out Goebbels and Bormann among others, and having come close to seizing the German state, the Schwarze Kapelle has lost its desperate struggle for power. The counter-coup has succeeded in Berlin, but will it also succeed on the rest of Reich and against the SS?
_____________________________________________In response, Stauffenberg and Mertz von Quirnheim distribute weapons to those present and willing to defend the Bendlerblock, while others attempt to surrender or to break out of the enclosing enemy lines in the hopes of an unlikely escape. The battle for the government area and then for the Bendlerblock lasts until about 5:00 AM, at which point artillery and panzer fire set the Reserve Army HQ on fire. Some conspirators, like Chancellor Goerdeler and Count Helldorf will be captured and put under guard. Others will be shot while attempting to escape (Olbricht) or commit suicide at the last moment (Beck). A cadre of the more desperate officers, including Stauffenberg, Haeften and Mertz von Quirnheim will fight until the last moment in the areas of the main building not yet on fire, dying in a hail of gunfire. Stauffenberg’s last words as he bleeds to death are reported to be “Long live our Sacred...” Guderian reaches the area soon afterwards; prisoners being driven away as attempt have begun to put out any fires on the area. It is from here that Guderian’s allegedly states: “the Führer has been avenged”. By the morning of July 23rd SS and Reserve Army resistance is all but over within the capital with the exceptions of a few nests of resistance, and Guderian is essentially in control of Berlin.
Despite successfully assassinating the Führer, taking out Goebbels and Bormann among others, and having come close to seizing the German state, the Schwarze Kapelle has lost its desperate struggle for power. The counter-coup has succeeded in Berlin, but will it also succeed on the rest of Reich and against the SS?
Notes for Part VI:
[61] This is OTL, only this time the broadcast – which the Foreign Office really didn’t like – has a factual basis, whereas the original was likely intended to encourage any plotters who may have been still resisting Hitler after the night of July 20th. The BBC made another crucial mistake a couple days later by broadcasting a list of conspirators which included people the Gestapo hadn’t identified as plotters yet, which was also, shall we say… controversial. Here they avoid that mistake, but will commit others on account of the confusing situation. It is only speculated Graham Greene encouraged his brother Hugh to make the broadcast – or wrote it himself -, but I’ve decided to follow that assumption. We will see more of Greene later, who has only recently left SIS – allegedly – out of tensions with Kim Philby.
[62] A modified version of Anne Frank’s diary entry of July 21st, 1944. I wondered on whether it was for the best just to briefly reference Frank’s reaction or refrain from introducing her this early, but I figured the poor girl deserved a break and learning of Hitler’s death would have been – not just for her – a massive boost of optimism. Still, some may be getting too optimistic…
[63] I’m aware of what Churchill said to the House of Commons days after the failed plot, but not his more private reaction. This is based off a historical event, as at a dinner in Marrakech (January 1944) Churchill took a vote among those present on whether Hitler would still be in power by September. Seven people (Edvard Benes included) voted no. Churchill (alongside Beaverbrook and two more) voted yes. Since Churchill’s OTL reaction to Hitler’s death – he was told Hitler went down “fighting the Bolsheviks” and Churchill graciously called it appropriate – doesn’t fit here I came up with this reference.
[64] It is said he loved the song, even if it sparked backlash among those who – somehow – didn’t get the joke. I can’t quite take Noël Coward too seriously because of Eric Idle on The Meaning of Life, but Don’t Let’s Be Beastly to the Germans” is a brilliant piece of satire which captures the feeling of those who DID NOT believe Germany should be treated with kid’s gloves after the war. Churchill will be singing it a lot ITTL for the next few weeks.
[65] Roosevelt was indeed in San Diego, following the DNC through the radio on his private train. I do think he’d be annoyed Hitler was taken out before he could be tried or punished, and FDR being FDR unconditional surrender is still the only acceptable outcome for him.
[66] We know Roosevelt and Churchill aren’t suddenly going to tell the Soviet Union to go to hell just because Hitler is dead – on the contrary, they’re on the record as viewing Prussian or German militarism as bad a Nazism -. Stalin, however, isn’t anywhere near sure of that, and his paranoia affected quite a few historical events.
[67] Von Papen is a wonderful – in narrative terms - character to have because he has such a unique personality, a noteworthy lack of scruples, and a disposition towards bold, ambitious schemes which makes for a curious combination. He remains an important character on this version as well.
[68] Papen was most certainly unaware of the plot, but he had contacts to many of those involved, and his Embassy had members of the German Resistance inside. As many in the Foreign Office had been killed for less, everybody predicted Papen was to be executed once he returned to Germany after July 20th. For reasons known to Hitler alone, he just asked him whether he remained loyal, gave him a medal and let him go.
[69] Whether the Cicero affair was organized by the British from beginning or not I leave it up to the reader (there’s a case to be made for both sides). Either way, von Papen’s dislike of Ribbentrop due to his meddling on this situation is known, and the former Chancellor would doubtlessly see it as a major success on his behalf. Petty squabbles within the Nazi elite take their toll.
[70] Schellenberg had gone to Turkey a few months ago, earning the trust of the Turkish Government and its security services to the point that Turkey kept intelligence links to Nazi Germany even after the diplomatic relationship was “cut”. Apparently, Schellenberg and Papen got along very well, both admiring each other’s skills. A similar situation arises with President Inonü, as Papen served in Palestine during World War I and apparently met the future President there.
[71] That Beck allowed for Guderian to be contacted in the first place shows Beck could probably get over his grudge and acknowledge that they needed him in order to succeed. Alas, Guderian has little incentive to let go of his own dislike for Beck or Kluge unless, of course, the offer is tempting enough. And most of the roles Guderian would like to play are already filled in Beck’s mind. Additionally, Guderian’s belief that he was some sort of military savior for Germany could be seen on his new role as "Chief of Staff" (so to speak) after July 20th in OTL. I do believe he was sincere on his belief that he could do a better job than most is staging a "successful" defence of Germany during that time, but of course belief and fact are quite a different thing.
[72] In OTL they put Fromm in an improvised place rather carelessly, allowing him to contact with the outside. Similarly, in OTL Lt. Col. Herber led officers loyal to Hitler to arrest Stauffenberg. Here both situations combine into one due to butterflies.
[73] Both men, as I pointed out before, are very good friends by this point. The plotters may have thought they could get Speer to join their government and it's possible he would have done so if they had taken control from the start, but with the distress from Hitler's assassination (as Speer would no doubt suspect Beck as the culprit) and his infamous survival skills Speer would probably remain neutral until the last moment, if not be predisposed to be very much hostile to the plotters regardless of what his memories report regarding his actions on OTL July 20th.
[74] Happened also in OTL, several unit commanders and people crucial to the coup refusing to listen to Olbricht or follow his orders. He was the wrong man for the job in many ways given the large role he had to play in order for Valkyrie to succeed.
Last edited:
It'll be fascinating to see how the coup's remembered ITTL. One the one hand, in our timeline the failings of the plotters will be more evident since there won't be the terrible twist of fate that was Hitler being saved by a chair leg. Instead, Valkyrie's problems- the indecisiveness, the poor planning and so forth- will be far more widely known.
On the other hand, they actually killed Hitler and made a serious bid to seize power. Crucially, the plotters have all died or been captured before they can embark upon their doomed attempt to open peace talks with the Allies- which means that the failure for the plot to bring a swift end to the war will be blamed on Guderian and Speer et al rather than on the conspiracy.
I expect that Beck will be far better remembered and far more respected; Fromm will probably wear most of the blame for the failure, which won't be fair but there you go.
It's early days, of course, and we readers don't know how what Europe will look like when the dust settles- but just think of what popular culture will be like, particularly when those great sixties war films get made.
BTW, how long are you expecting the timeline to go on for?
On the other hand, they actually killed Hitler and made a serious bid to seize power. Crucially, the plotters have all died or been captured before they can embark upon their doomed attempt to open peace talks with the Allies- which means that the failure for the plot to bring a swift end to the war will be blamed on Guderian and Speer et al rather than on the conspiracy.
I expect that Beck will be far better remembered and far more respected; Fromm will probably wear most of the blame for the failure, which won't be fair but there you go.
It's early days, of course, and we readers don't know how what Europe will look like when the dust settles- but just think of what popular culture will be like, particularly when those great sixties war films get made.
BTW, how long are you expecting the timeline to go on for?
Last edited:
I wonder how Speer and Guderian are going to handle the war after this. One thing is for sure: Guderian is gonna die in prison if the Allies capture him in this timeline. He extended the length of the war after all.
Well, soon Warsaw Uprising will start. August 1st. August 29th Slovak Uprising will start. With Germany in chaos, internal security Forces disturbed there is big chance both of these could do much better. Poles and Slovaks both managed to hold for app 2 month. Slovaks had their 2 best divisions disarmed due to indecision of Corps commander. Here he may be much more decisive and Slovaks could be in much better situation.
Poles probably too.
Poles probably too.
damn i forgot abut that Poles might have more easy time witch makes me wonder what will be reaction by soviet as i doubt they will do same thing as otl as German might decide to retreat fully from Warsaw
Well, the original outline goes until the War in Europe ends, though I fear confessing how many chapters it will take to get there is something of a spoiler. There is some material for what happens afterwards that can at least make a good epilogue, but we're still far away from that.
I can say Valkyrie (which is likely to end in the next one or two chapters) is the first of several parts of the story.
And Slovaks may managed to open Carpathians for Soviets. Suddenly you have Soviet and Czechoslovak army on eastern border of Protectorate and while northern border of Hungary is opened.
I will admit that reading this timeline has brought the Mitchell and Webb sketch about Dönitz to my mind more than once, but the writing for this TL reads like something straight out of a history book and i find the premise extremely interesting. The concept of a nazi succession crisis/civil war outside an Axis victory scenario is not nearly popular enough and this TL is a welcome addition.
VII. July 23rd to July 26th, 1944
VII.
July 1944:
The Reich’s Leadership decapitated,
Guderian and Himmler battle for survival
July 23rd, 1944
Reich Chancellery, Berlin:
10:00 AM to 14:00 PM
July 1944:
The Reich’s Leadership decapitated,
Guderian and Himmler battle for survival
July 23rd, 1944
Reich Chancellery, Berlin:
10:00 AM to 14:00 PM
By 10:00 AM of July 23rd the burning husk of the Reserve Army HQ at the Bendlerstrasse is occupied by Werhmacht and Reserve Army personnel, the surviving conspirators forcefully dragged into trucks and sent to the Gestapo dungeons at the Prinz Albrechtstrasse. Gestapo Müller is in the process of seizing control over the remnants of the non-SS security apparatus and, in light of the confusion over the bomb at the Wolf’s Lair and in the inner workings of the separate coups, a long interrogation will await those unfortunate enough not to have perished in the battle. Particular emphasis will be placed upon those conspirators who had seemingly infiltrated the Reich’s internal security offices and institutions, Admiral Canaris and Count Helldorf bearing the brunt of the initial interrogation at the hands of Müller and his officers. However, a critical piece of the puzzle is left missing when a squadron sent to arrest Arthur Nebe meets with harsh resistance on behalf of the conspirator and his loyal Kripo subordinates, the standoff ending with Nebe shot and confirmed dead later at 16:00 PM. As the conspirators are hunted down, countless party members or bureaucrats are released from custody, with the exception of SS officers, allies of Bormann, and a handful of potentially problematic figures.
Once snipers have been ruthlessly cleared out General Guderian and his entourage – which includes Speer, Fromm and Müller – enter the Reich Chancellery alongside several officers and aides, judging it the best building from where to deal with the present situation as well as offer a symbolic statement of power. With several Panzer cadets and armored vehicles placed outside the enormous building other relevant figures in the vicinity – Schellenberg, Funk, Holzhauer, Thomale and so on – enter the building to take part of a crucial meeting starting at noon. Privately, the “original four”, although shaken by various degrees over the endless chaos and strife of the last three days, are nonetheless able to calmly analyze their current dilemma. Choosing not to identify with the Beck plotters (their individual involvement or inaction left unspoken) and having for the most part sided with Goering as a temporary solution, all four remain deeply committed to the ideal of the Reich and, crucially, agree that Germany is in dire need of strong leadership to put an end to the crisis and stop the complete collapse of the Reich, November 1918-style.
They recognize themselves as holding crucial advantages despite the brutal decapitation of much of the Reich’s leadership, possessing the means – Fromm- of remobilizing the Reserve Army to secure the Wehrkreise whenever the conspirators are not strong enough to continue resisting, a reasonable knowledge of targets that need to be neutralized – Müller - and some potential credibility with the Wehrmacht and the Field Marshals in terms of their record or proximity – Speer – or their avenging of the Führer through the suppression of the socialist-supported Beck plotters – Guderian -. It does not take long for this group of ambitious men to resolve that they’re the Reich’s collective last hope, and that consolidating power is of the outmost priority. Although it is relatively easy to resolve that the Goering supporters must be brought on board – particularly men like Doenitz or Milch -, the matter of the SS is far more controversial. Most of them have reasons to distrust Himmler personally and politically, and the continued existence of an autonomous SS apparatus would pose a fateful threat to any new government.
Once Müller freely discloses Himmler’s willful neglect of his warnings regarding a plot and with Speer still convinced the SS were behind an attempt to murder him earlier in the year [75], the decision is made within minutes. Drawing direct inspiration from the Führer and the fateful Night of the Long Knives, and with the decision further supported by Schellenberg and the others, Heinrich Himmler must die.
Once snipers have been ruthlessly cleared out General Guderian and his entourage – which includes Speer, Fromm and Müller – enter the Reich Chancellery alongside several officers and aides, judging it the best building from where to deal with the present situation as well as offer a symbolic statement of power. With several Panzer cadets and armored vehicles placed outside the enormous building other relevant figures in the vicinity – Schellenberg, Funk, Holzhauer, Thomale and so on – enter the building to take part of a crucial meeting starting at noon. Privately, the “original four”, although shaken by various degrees over the endless chaos and strife of the last three days, are nonetheless able to calmly analyze their current dilemma. Choosing not to identify with the Beck plotters (their individual involvement or inaction left unspoken) and having for the most part sided with Goering as a temporary solution, all four remain deeply committed to the ideal of the Reich and, crucially, agree that Germany is in dire need of strong leadership to put an end to the crisis and stop the complete collapse of the Reich, November 1918-style.
They recognize themselves as holding crucial advantages despite the brutal decapitation of much of the Reich’s leadership, possessing the means – Fromm- of remobilizing the Reserve Army to secure the Wehrkreise whenever the conspirators are not strong enough to continue resisting, a reasonable knowledge of targets that need to be neutralized – Müller - and some potential credibility with the Wehrmacht and the Field Marshals in terms of their record or proximity – Speer – or their avenging of the Führer through the suppression of the socialist-supported Beck plotters – Guderian -. It does not take long for this group of ambitious men to resolve that they’re the Reich’s collective last hope, and that consolidating power is of the outmost priority. Although it is relatively easy to resolve that the Goering supporters must be brought on board – particularly men like Doenitz or Milch -, the matter of the SS is far more controversial. Most of them have reasons to distrust Himmler personally and politically, and the continued existence of an autonomous SS apparatus would pose a fateful threat to any new government.
Once Müller freely discloses Himmler’s willful neglect of his warnings regarding a plot and with Speer still convinced the SS were behind an attempt to murder him earlier in the year [75], the decision is made within minutes. Drawing direct inspiration from the Führer and the fateful Night of the Long Knives, and with the decision further supported by Schellenberg and the others, Heinrich Himmler must die.
July 23rd, 1944
Germany and the Wehrkreise:
15:00 PM to 00:00 AM
Germany and the Wehrkreise:
15:00 PM to 00:00 AM
Three to four days of unprecedented, maddening chaos were delivering a crushing blow to the already weakened morale of the Wehrmacht, placing the surviving generals and the key figures of the Reich in a permanent state of tension and, even further, leaving the few remaining allies of the Reich in a state of doubt over their present allegiance. Having long learned to develop a survival instinct following years of court intrigues under Hitler, countless high ranking officers had done their best to hedge their best and avoid committing themselves too openly whenever possible, even when one of the Wehrkreise had at least symbolically declared for a would-be government. And yet, it was painfully evident to many of these officers that unless chaos ended it would only take weeks – if not days – for the Allies to storm their way into Berlin, just as it was pressing to those still fanatically loyal (and there were several) to avenge the Führer [76]. Countless generals, officers, ministers, bureaucrats or high ranking party members would receive calls from Guderian, Speer or Fromm outlining their view of the situation, either recruiting indispensable individuals into their ranks or presenting the new “Government of National Salvation” as a done deal any given individual would do well in supporting loyally and unquestionably.
The combination of Fromm’s authority, the outspoken support of General Bodewin Keitel and the various appeals of his colleagues successfully sway the pro-Goering Wehrkreise (I, V, VI, VII, X, XVIII and XX) into supporting the new government being formed in Berlin. During that same day or the 24th several of the neutral or nominally pro-Beck commanders (many of which supported his government out of discipline) will break ranks or arrest “disloyal” officers (VIII, XII, XIII and XXI). Not taken seriously as an alternative, Himmler and the SS will be unable to capitalize on the confined dissent within the Reserve Army and receive their support, leaving General Hoepner and General von Esebeck as the senior conspirator officers within Germany still holding out by the night of July 24th (II, IV, IX, XVII and parts of IX and I). A combination of friendship, opportunism or successful convincing will result in supportive messages from Grand Admiral Doenitz, Milch, Karl Hanke and several Gauleiters, and Guderian himself will phone most of the Field Marshals and relevant commanders explaining the situation, requesting their support and asking them to attend a meeting at the earliest opportunity.
Most of the German public – stunned into varying reactions by the events of the past few days – would also be informed through the radio stations in Berlin during the afternoon before Himmler could counteract with a broadcast of his own. The impact on the civilian population, later surveyed by the Gestapo and the Propaganda Ministry, seemed to indicate widespread outrage at Hitler’s assassination, and an immediate belief that the Reich had been robbed of the one man who could have saved the nation from disaster [77]. The outrage would turn into confusion as separate and constant radio broadcasts would offer alternate culprits for the assassination, and further instances of shootouts between army units and the disruption of civilian life in some cities led to further depression regarding the present chaos. It is in this context that a broadcast from Guderian, Fromm and Speer – followed by other shorter messages and orders – places Hitler’s death in the context of a “treasonous plot” by a group of criminals (Beck and his cabal), and Himmler and the SS as having attempted to seize control of the state. Guderian himself violently asserts the Führer has been avenged through the destruction of the Beck Junta, and Speer – in what he hopes is a reassuring tone – informs the public that a new government of German patriots has been formed with the ostensible purpose of restoring order and saving Germany from collapse.
The combination of Fromm’s authority, the outspoken support of General Bodewin Keitel and the various appeals of his colleagues successfully sway the pro-Goering Wehrkreise (I, V, VI, VII, X, XVIII and XX) into supporting the new government being formed in Berlin. During that same day or the 24th several of the neutral or nominally pro-Beck commanders (many of which supported his government out of discipline) will break ranks or arrest “disloyal” officers (VIII, XII, XIII and XXI). Not taken seriously as an alternative, Himmler and the SS will be unable to capitalize on the confined dissent within the Reserve Army and receive their support, leaving General Hoepner and General von Esebeck as the senior conspirator officers within Germany still holding out by the night of July 24th (II, IV, IX, XVII and parts of IX and I). A combination of friendship, opportunism or successful convincing will result in supportive messages from Grand Admiral Doenitz, Milch, Karl Hanke and several Gauleiters, and Guderian himself will phone most of the Field Marshals and relevant commanders explaining the situation, requesting their support and asking them to attend a meeting at the earliest opportunity.
Most of the German public – stunned into varying reactions by the events of the past few days – would also be informed through the radio stations in Berlin during the afternoon before Himmler could counteract with a broadcast of his own. The impact on the civilian population, later surveyed by the Gestapo and the Propaganda Ministry, seemed to indicate widespread outrage at Hitler’s assassination, and an immediate belief that the Reich had been robbed of the one man who could have saved the nation from disaster [77]. The outrage would turn into confusion as separate and constant radio broadcasts would offer alternate culprits for the assassination, and further instances of shootouts between army units and the disruption of civilian life in some cities led to further depression regarding the present chaos. It is in this context that a broadcast from Guderian, Fromm and Speer – followed by other shorter messages and orders – places Hitler’s death in the context of a “treasonous plot” by a group of criminals (Beck and his cabal), and Himmler and the SS as having attempted to seize control of the state. Guderian himself violently asserts the Führer has been avenged through the destruction of the Beck Junta, and Speer – in what he hopes is a reassuring tone – informs the public that a new government of German patriots has been formed with the ostensible purpose of restoring order and saving Germany from collapse.
July 23rd to July 25th, 1944
Bohemia and Moravia (SS) Protectorate:
13:00 PM to 00:00 AM
Bohemia and Moravia (SS) Protectorate:
13:00 PM to 00:00 AM
Much as Himmler had triumphantly celebrated once the delayed news of Goering’s death had relayed him – none of the troops involved having survived in order to report to Prague -, the Reichsführer SS would find scarce comfort in the outright hostile reception from several high ranking army officers to his appeals. Although Himmler would find some degree of success in winning over several Gauleiter to his cause, the arrest of several key members of his personnel left him without key men that he needed on board to successfully appeal to key commanders – Wolff’s arrest in Italy, for example, robbed him of a chance to approach Kesselring -, and the collapse of the SS’s efforts in Berlin would further place him in a critical situation. Even if Kaltenbrunner would arrive safe and sound to Prague the loss of Skorzeny and Schellenberg would present Himmler with a complex dilemma, made worse by the lack of immediate troops to deploy within Germany and the presence of the best Waffen-SS units at the fronts, where they couldn’t be made available (or where outright unwilling to even consider it). The head of the SS nonetheless chooses to fight a conventional struggle for a few hours, ordering new SS Reichskommisar Rauter to send reinforcements to Grohé in Belgium, successfully reaching out to foreign Waffen-SS leaders to desert their posts or move their units into friendly territory, and holding onto several key prisoners of the Reich despite the fiasco at Castle Itter.
Himmler’s strategy will only be disrupted once the new broadcasts from Berlin reach the SS High Command in Prague, confirming the formation of a new government which appears to crush Himmler’s hopes of a settlement by declaring him a public enemy. In the course of the following days and hours Reichsprotector Frank and Waffen-SS officers will do their best to fortify Prague and summon as many units as possible to the new SS redoubt, including recalling Globocnik, Marx and the 24th Waffen SS Mountain Division – which experienced heavy casualties trying to enter Bavaria -; and Himmler will plot a new course. Although the inability to hold the General Government and the death camps robs him of his best bargaining chip, Himmler is nonetheless still in possession of several high profile prisoners of war, thousands of Jews and, crucially, counting on the Netherlands and parts of Belgium as a magnificent gift to the Western Allies. Convinced that Washington and London would have no alternative to negotiate with him, Himmler immediately reaches out to his contacts in Sweden and to Count Bernadotte, passing on an offer that the Allies – or so Himmler believes – would find it impossible to refuse. By presenting himself as the legitimate ruler of Germany, Himmler would agree to a surrender in the Western Front – never against the Soviets – and hand over thousands (if not millions) of Jews and prisoners of war [78].
Himmler’s strategy will only be disrupted once the new broadcasts from Berlin reach the SS High Command in Prague, confirming the formation of a new government which appears to crush Himmler’s hopes of a settlement by declaring him a public enemy. In the course of the following days and hours Reichsprotector Frank and Waffen-SS officers will do their best to fortify Prague and summon as many units as possible to the new SS redoubt, including recalling Globocnik, Marx and the 24th Waffen SS Mountain Division – which experienced heavy casualties trying to enter Bavaria -; and Himmler will plot a new course. Although the inability to hold the General Government and the death camps robs him of his best bargaining chip, Himmler is nonetheless still in possession of several high profile prisoners of war, thousands of Jews and, crucially, counting on the Netherlands and parts of Belgium as a magnificent gift to the Western Allies. Convinced that Washington and London would have no alternative to negotiate with him, Himmler immediately reaches out to his contacts in Sweden and to Count Bernadotte, passing on an offer that the Allies – or so Himmler believes – would find it impossible to refuse. By presenting himself as the legitimate ruler of Germany, Himmler would agree to a surrender in the Western Front – never against the Soviets – and hand over thousands (if not millions) of Jews and prisoners of war [78].
July 24th, 1944
Reich Chancellery, Berlin:
12:00 AM – 15:00 PM
Reich Chancellery, Berlin:
12:00 AM – 15:00 PM
Several planes land in Berlin during the morning, carrying most of the Wehrmacht’s leadership – with the exception of Kluge and Falkenhorst – with them. Having called for a meeting of the Army Group or Theatre Field Marshals and Generals, Guderian welcomes Kesselring (OB South), Model (Centre and North Ukraine), Friessner (North), Schörner (South Ukraine), Löhr (E), von Weichs (F) and Blaskowitz (G) as well as Doenitz, Milch, Raeder and others, and informs them both of the internal decision – in which Guderian persistently portrays the SS as being on its last legs – and of the responsibility of Beck and his conspirators in murdering Hitler, as well as Himmler’s “willful” failure to prevent the assassination. Presenting himself as having taken revenge for Hitler against different groups of traitors and playing to the image of faithful supporter of the late Reichsmarschall, Guderian rapidly enlists the fanatical Model and Schörner into denouncing his enemies and traitors and signing up in support for the new government. With several of the others being unwilling to play politics or keen to survive the present ordeal, the Field Marshals soon agree with Doenitz’s assessment that Germany can either choose between a civil war that would end the war in days or an ultimate effort to retain control. Prodded and seduced by their newest Hindenburg and the fanatic diatribes of men like Mödel, they choose the second [79]. Having gained the support of the military leadership to put Himmler down and reorganize the fronts, Guderian will nonetheless surprise many by stating his unwillingness to become President, Chancellor or Führer – the latter of which seems disrespectful – and announcing his intention to assume control over the war effort as Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht [80].
Firmly in control of most of the Wehrmacht and its leadership, the new government begins to take form as Schellenberg is assigned the task of reopening contact lines with the foreign service and the rest of the world (giving the intelligence officer a chance to alert von Papen to evacuate Istanbul as soon as possible [81] and the repression of internal enemies is handed over to Müller, whose powers are to grow exponentially. During the next few days’ hundreds of arrests are made across the Reich, targeting those with clear links the plotters and the SS, those seen as disloyal to the new regime, or even, previous enemies of Guderian, Speer and Müller. Many of the still resisting Wehrkreise commanders and officers who had declared to Beck find their staff – and their men - all too unwilling to go up against Guderian for a lost cause (and all too willing to rise in office), leading to the escape of General Hoepner to Vienna in what promises to be the last gasp of the Valkyrie plotters. By July 25th Keitel’s units surround and storm the Wolf’s Lair, crushing the battered remnants of the 3rd Cavalry Brigade and arresting Colonel Boeselager and Generals Stieff and Fellgiebel. Guderian also takes the additional step of calling Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt back into service, a crucial addition to the new government as the Gestapo informs Müller and Guderian of Kluge’s peace overtures to Montgomery and his involvement in plot. Although it is believed the vast majority of army units could be relied to resist Kluge’s orders to surrender, it is clear the CiC West must be neutralized.
Firmly in control of most of the Wehrmacht and its leadership, the new government begins to take form as Schellenberg is assigned the task of reopening contact lines with the foreign service and the rest of the world (giving the intelligence officer a chance to alert von Papen to evacuate Istanbul as soon as possible [81] and the repression of internal enemies is handed over to Müller, whose powers are to grow exponentially. During the next few days’ hundreds of arrests are made across the Reich, targeting those with clear links the plotters and the SS, those seen as disloyal to the new regime, or even, previous enemies of Guderian, Speer and Müller. Many of the still resisting Wehrkreise commanders and officers who had declared to Beck find their staff – and their men - all too unwilling to go up against Guderian for a lost cause (and all too willing to rise in office), leading to the escape of General Hoepner to Vienna in what promises to be the last gasp of the Valkyrie plotters. By July 25th Keitel’s units surround and storm the Wolf’s Lair, crushing the battered remnants of the 3rd Cavalry Brigade and arresting Colonel Boeselager and Generals Stieff and Fellgiebel. Guderian also takes the additional step of calling Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt back into service, a crucial addition to the new government as the Gestapo informs Müller and Guderian of Kluge’s peace overtures to Montgomery and his involvement in plot. Although it is believed the vast majority of army units could be relied to resist Kluge’s orders to surrender, it is clear the CiC West must be neutralized.
July 22nd to July 26th, 1944
Occupied France:
Occupied France:
In despair over the growing disaster in Germany and the imminent danger faced by his beleaguered troops at the frontlines, Field Marshal von Kluge orders an immediate withdrawal from Normandy, deploys reinforcements for Falkenhausen in Belgium and commands the widespread redeployment of units in Southern or Western France towards Italy or to Alsace-Lorraine, in what amounts to a desperate forced-march which is inevitably vulnerable to allied air power. Reasoning that France is lost and having already requested a ceasefire and surrender talks to Montgomery – who had then relayed them to Eisenhower -, Kluge will nonetheless be doubly disappointed by the morning of July 23rd. With the matter of the local surrender being political in nature Eisenhower has directed it to London and Washington, whose response is clear and unequivocal: any conditional surrender if off the table, and Kluge will only be allowed to unilaterally surrender his armies command. Indecisive as ever, Kluge spends the 23rd in deep self-doubt as he tries to organize the withdrawal and give it some semblance of order, and wastes precious time while the rest of the conspirators are being crushed or hunted down. Reappointed CiC of OB West exactly 22 days after his dismissal, Field Marshal von Rundstedt is sent by Guderian – who has also separately contacted his old friend Sepp Dietrich - to France in July 24th along with General Siegfried Westphal with strict orders to prevent a separate ceasefire in the Western Front and arrest Kluge with any means at his disposal.
As German troops begin to retreat to the Seine under heavy attack by allied airpower (only marginally slowed by the still bad weather), Kluge fights the equivalent of a war of nerves as he tries to extract as many conditions from the Allies as possible, and this delay seals his fate. In July 24th, a meeting of the 7th Army officers and Kluge at La Roche-Guyon – the castle to be abandoned that very night – in which the decision to surrender is being formalized ends abruptly when SS soldiers surround and storm the castle, arresting Kluge, Speidel and other conspirators under the authority of Hausser and Dietrich. As Dietrich will privately explain to the terrified Speidel, a telephone call from Guderian ended with the General securing a firm promise for Rommel to be spared and protected, fulfilling Dietrich’s greatest priority. The other officers involved in the coup fare no better, as in Paris General Blumentritt is informed by Rundstedt of the extent of the conspiracy [82]. Blumentritt, far more loyal to Rundstedt than to Kluge and fully aware that the latter’s position has become hopeless, decides to turn the tables on the conspirators in Paris. Enlisting the help of the 716th Static Infantry Division and his commander, General Wilhelm Richter [83], Blumentritt has Admiral Krancke and those officers arrested and not linked to the SS released, after which Stülpnagel's office is attacked in order to secure his arrest.
Stülpnagel, seeing that all is lost, commits suicide before he can be captured. In the coming days Blumentritt will do his best to blur many of the actual events that took place in Paris, thus saving the lives of a few minor conspirators and pro-SS officers. Rundstedt takes immediate action to resolve the Belgium situation and prevent a dangerous SS threat at his rear, ordering a combination of Reserve Army units from the Ruhr, Wehrmacht units still stationed at Calais and rebellious units to march Southern Brussels, General Falkenhausen being arrested at his makeshift HQ the morning of July 24th. By July 25th the hodgepodge forces have engaged the SS and inflicted significant casualties due to Luftwaffe support, and Reichskommisar Grohé flees to the Netherlands with King Leopold III – moved under heavy SS guard – as a “new guest” of the Reichsführer SS and his loyal forces. Rundstedt is thus able to install himself temporarily in Paris by July 25th, receiving the news that Allied forces are both landing in Brittany and restarting the offensive in Normandy as German troops continue their desperate attempts to withdraw.
___________________________________As German troops begin to retreat to the Seine under heavy attack by allied airpower (only marginally slowed by the still bad weather), Kluge fights the equivalent of a war of nerves as he tries to extract as many conditions from the Allies as possible, and this delay seals his fate. In July 24th, a meeting of the 7th Army officers and Kluge at La Roche-Guyon – the castle to be abandoned that very night – in which the decision to surrender is being formalized ends abruptly when SS soldiers surround and storm the castle, arresting Kluge, Speidel and other conspirators under the authority of Hausser and Dietrich. As Dietrich will privately explain to the terrified Speidel, a telephone call from Guderian ended with the General securing a firm promise for Rommel to be spared and protected, fulfilling Dietrich’s greatest priority. The other officers involved in the coup fare no better, as in Paris General Blumentritt is informed by Rundstedt of the extent of the conspiracy [82]. Blumentritt, far more loyal to Rundstedt than to Kluge and fully aware that the latter’s position has become hopeless, decides to turn the tables on the conspirators in Paris. Enlisting the help of the 716th Static Infantry Division and his commander, General Wilhelm Richter [83], Blumentritt has Admiral Krancke and those officers arrested and not linked to the SS released, after which Stülpnagel's office is attacked in order to secure his arrest.
Stülpnagel, seeing that all is lost, commits suicide before he can be captured. In the coming days Blumentritt will do his best to blur many of the actual events that took place in Paris, thus saving the lives of a few minor conspirators and pro-SS officers. Rundstedt takes immediate action to resolve the Belgium situation and prevent a dangerous SS threat at his rear, ordering a combination of Reserve Army units from the Ruhr, Wehrmacht units still stationed at Calais and rebellious units to march Southern Brussels, General Falkenhausen being arrested at his makeshift HQ the morning of July 24th. By July 25th the hodgepodge forces have engaged the SS and inflicted significant casualties due to Luftwaffe support, and Reichskommisar Grohé flees to the Netherlands with King Leopold III – moved under heavy SS guard – as a “new guest” of the Reichsführer SS and his loyal forces. Rundstedt is thus able to install himself temporarily in Paris by July 25th, receiving the news that Allied forces are both landing in Brittany and restarting the offensive in Normandy as German troops continue their desperate attempts to withdraw.
Notes for Part VII:
[75] Speer was injured in 1943 and sent the Hohenlynchen clinic, under the supervision of SS doctor Karl Gebhardt. Speer was immensely weakened during his stay there and may have come close to death until Gebhardt was replaced by another doctor, a process which drastically reduced Speer’s power and influence in the Reich and which showcased his antagonistic relationship to Himmler and the SS. He remembers this very well.
[76] Self-preservation and a warped sense of loyalty and patriotism kicks in, enabling the situation to stabilize. Most officers know full well any continuation of the struggle will result in the collapse of the Reich within a few weeks, and the Wehrmacht will consider it a sacred duty to keep the Soviets out of Germany, and the vast majority of the officers and high ranking members of the government remain fanatical Nazis. A scenario of sheer anarchy and chaos – and full-blown German collapse - is plausible and attainable with a few POD’s, but it is not what we intend to explore on this TL.
[77] Seems to be a consensus among some of the sources I’ve read. The German people still had faith in Hitler even at this moment, and Goebbels’s propaganda was very successful in selling the idea of the miracle weapons – several Generals believed on them! -. More likely than not, they’d see it as the “stab in the back”, at least initially.
[78] We can laugh at Himmler’s notions of an acceptable peace to the Allies or his clumsy, almost ridiculous overtures to Eisenhower, but the man took them very seriously. I’m confident he’d try to negotiate his way out of the mess if he saw it as the way to survive, but whether he’s realistic about what he can negotiate about is another thing.
[79] By July 1944 Germany is both doomed and not getting a conditional surrender – much less a negotiated peace – period, barring Frederick Barbarrossa emerging from the Kyffhäuser mountains and steamrolling the Red Army with an army of the dead. However, that is not to say the Generals themselves believe this to be true, even those who would later proclaim in their memoirs that they knew the war was over and begged for peace. The truth is that the general sense of delusion lasted far longer than I should have.
[80] Particularly so given that Guderian saw himself as a potential military savior for Germany, he is more than aware that in the past it was the Kaiser and not Hindenburg who faced the consecuences of the war – unlikely as it is that the mistake will be repeated by the Allies -, and he is also enough of a survivor to recognize there’s differences from being a soldier instead of the political head of the Third Reich in the eyes of the Allies, or so he hopes. I don’t think he’d find it necessary or desirable to assume the office of Führer, President, Regent or something of the sort, but this does depend on how you interpret Guderian’s ambition and its practical limits.
[81] Thus ends the “Cicero” conspiracy and the Papen adventures in Turkey. This is a strange thing to mention, but if someone is interested on that subject matter – or in Papen as a historical figure - I strongly recommend 5 Fingers (1952), a James Mason film partly based on “Operation Cicero”. Austrian actor John Wengraf portrays Papen and it is a really fun performance.
[81] Blumentritt was shown before as not being part of the coup, and by now it's starting to become evident that Beck and company were behind the assassination of the Führer. That will not sit well with a lot of people who sided with the plotters unaware of their true intentions or background.
[83] The division took great losses in Normandy and was sent to recover in late July, before moving to Southern France. They came quite in handy.
Last edited:
Map: July Crisis, Morning of July 24th, 1944
Map: The III Reich in the
morning of July 24th, 1944
morning of July 24th, 1944
Well done so far. Not a fan of Nebe, based on what I've read about them. The plotters weren't saints, but, the fact they tried to kill Hitler is good enough for quite a lot of people. Even if they prevale, it won't be a cake walk.
I probably won't be using Wikiboxes out of a lack of basic skills, but here's an experiment:
Very interesting! With most of the Nazi elite dead through Himmler's machinations or the bombing itself I wonder who Guderian will appoint as the new Fuhrer, if anybody at all? Im also interested as to how the chaos will affect the fighting on the Front(s).