Twilight of the Valkyries: A 20 July Plot TL (Redux)
- Thread starter LumineVonReuental
- Start date
John Fredrick Parker
Donor
Just re-read.
As of early September, how sure are Americans TTL that the war in Europe is going to be over within six months (so by March)? If they are certain -- while the end of war with Japan remains out of sight -- that could have interesting implications for the election.
As of early September, how sure are Americans TTL that the war in Europe is going to be over within six months (so by March)? If they are certain -- while the end of war with Japan remains out of sight -- that could have interesting implications for the election.
XVI. Mid to Late August, 1944 (III)
XVI.
August 1944:
Cornered, collaborateur premier Pierre Laval
Prepares for a last tango in Paris
August 10th to August 16th, 1944
Versailles, Occupied France:
August 1944:
Cornered, collaborateur premier Pierre Laval
Prepares for a last tango in Paris
August 10th to August 16th, 1944
Versailles, Occupied France:
Following his arrival on August 10th to the metropolis, alongside his closest advisors and prominent politician Édouard Herriot, Pierre Laval faces an uphill struggle in the task of forming a “transition” government capable of undermining De Gaulle, particularly due to the timing. Glued to a series of phones installed at the Hótel de Ville, Laval alternates between discussions with Herriot, members of the Vichy government, foreign diplomats, and deputies and senators from the previously dissolved National Assembly and Senate, the same ones sent home after 1941. His initial efforts to seek Paris being declared an “open city” are firmly shut down by ambassador Abetz on Berlin’s orders – for they would compromise von Rundstedt’s defensive line across the Seine -, and the plot surrounding the reconvening of the legislative institutions suffer an almost crippling blow when President of the Senate Jules Jeanneney – a critic of Vichy currently residing in Grenoble – ignores Laval’s repeated calls, and eventually formally shuts him down once Allied troops start landing in Southern France. Not only that, Laval also has to deal with an ultra-collaborationist malice that – stirred by his cabinet rivals – refuses to listen to him. To add a final insult to injury, Marshal Pétain refuses to abandon Vichy in order to come to the city [209].
Still, the one bright spot is Herriot, who finally makes up his mind after the Communist elements of the FFI stage what rapidly becomes the Paris Uprising. Exploiting his fears of a Communist takeover – and citing anecdotal examples from other cities liberated by Communist maquis -, Laval is finally able to persuade Herriot to formally call for a reconvening of the National Assembly, a prospect for which Laval has already set up the presence of Vichy-friendly deputies. With the city turning into a war zone it soon becomes clear the traditional seats of power cannot be used to hold a session, and Laval prevails on garrison commander von Zangen – who has better things to worry about – to facilitate the Palace of Versailles, suitably removed from the chaos. It is there that startled, curious or confused members of the French legislature start to gather after August 16th, all while Paris burns [210]. With the Communist deputies already purged by President Lebrun back in 1940, and the bulk of the legislature having legally handed over power to Pétain, Laval’s parliamentary stratagem would have said legislature – or in this case, the National Assembly – resume said power.
Still, the one bright spot is Herriot, who finally makes up his mind after the Communist elements of the FFI stage what rapidly becomes the Paris Uprising. Exploiting his fears of a Communist takeover – and citing anecdotal examples from other cities liberated by Communist maquis -, Laval is finally able to persuade Herriot to formally call for a reconvening of the National Assembly, a prospect for which Laval has already set up the presence of Vichy-friendly deputies. With the city turning into a war zone it soon becomes clear the traditional seats of power cannot be used to hold a session, and Laval prevails on garrison commander von Zangen – who has better things to worry about – to facilitate the Palace of Versailles, suitably removed from the chaos. It is there that startled, curious or confused members of the French legislature start to gather after August 16th, all while Paris burns [210]. With the Communist deputies already purged by President Lebrun back in 1940, and the bulk of the legislature having legally handed over power to Pétain, Laval’s parliamentary stratagem would have said legislature – or in this case, the National Assembly – resume said power.
August 15th to August 17th, 1944
Paris, Occupied France:
00:00 AM to 00:00 AM
Paris, Occupied France:
00:00 AM to 00:00 AM
Gunfire rages across the night in the vicinity of the Prefecture of Police, with Colonel Oehmichen’s Heer units repeatedly storming the building with armored support until the building is cleared from FFI and pro-Resistance policemen. Bodies pile up across the streets and beneath the rubble, signaling the start of what is soon referred to by FFI militiamen as the “Paris Uprising”. Forced into a tactical withdrawal amidst the slaughter - with only the small satisfaction of inflicting heavy casualties on the invading force – Colonel Rol and his men withdraw back into the occupied Radio Paris. There, FFI operatives are hard at work transforming the collaborationist media outlet into a mass media tool for the Resistance. Renaming the signal as Radiodiffusion de la Nation Francaise (RNF), they immediately start broadcasting whenever the electricity supply is on, bringing – optimistic and heavily edited – news of the uprising and repeating Rol’s call for the people of Paris to build barricades to stop the Germans. Moreover, soon posters and other forms of propaganda start showing up, repeating not only the battle cry of “Aux barricades!”, but also Rol’s own “motto”: “A chacun son boche!” [211].
Whereas more affluent neighborhoods experience less infighting and/or action by FFI-friendly civilians, the more “popular” areas on the north and southeast rapidly see improvised barricades erected and guarded by militiamen, using whatever means possible to prevent German units - particularly armored - from passing through. Still, the first official day of the Paris Uprising is also marked by the distinct lack of coordination within the National Council of Resistance, with several of its members – particularly the Gaullist wing – having only joined the call for immediate, active resistance due to pressure from Rol, Pierre Villon and the Communist wing of the FFI. PCF aligned commanders will soon start talking of “popular warfare”, causing nervousness amidst some Resistance leaders wary of a second “Commune”. Still, disagreements aside, the various FFI units are focused on resisting the Germans, launching ambush after ambush on isolated units while plans are made for the assault of lightly defended neighborhoods or key buildings. As a way to raise morale, the Vichy-aligned Prefect of Police – captured on the previous assault and not rescued in time by the Germans – is summarily executed as a collaborateur.
Garrison commander von Zangen immediately alerts Field Marshal von Rundstedt of the whole affair, and requests urgent reinforcements to avoid a prolonged struggle like the Wehrmacht has been facing in Warsaw. And while Rundstedt cannot spare much, over the next few days’ units of paratroopers, 88mm batteries and a handful of Panzers – which are to bolster von Zangen’s outdated tanks, many of them captured French vehicles from 1940 – will enter the city, preventing the German units from being separated and cut off. Whilst intensive pressure is applied on Laval to deploy the Vichy milice to assist the garrison, von Zangen makes a point of deploying forces on government buildings, including the Palais du Luxembourg, Palais Bourbon, the Invalides, as well as key Hotels housing German or French collaborationist HQ’s. The first serious attack on the more centric German positions starts on August 16th, when FFI units attempt to storm the Place Saint-Michel and come under heavy fire from well-placed enemy machineguns. Bolstered by several MG 42’s, the defenders kill dozens of militiamen, forcing General Delmas to step in personally to halt the attack. Later that night, the RNF radio station broadcasts a warning against further attacks on the Place Saint-Michel, which earns the nickname “le Carrefour de la mort” [212].
Whereas more affluent neighborhoods experience less infighting and/or action by FFI-friendly civilians, the more “popular” areas on the north and southeast rapidly see improvised barricades erected and guarded by militiamen, using whatever means possible to prevent German units - particularly armored - from passing through. Still, the first official day of the Paris Uprising is also marked by the distinct lack of coordination within the National Council of Resistance, with several of its members – particularly the Gaullist wing – having only joined the call for immediate, active resistance due to pressure from Rol, Pierre Villon and the Communist wing of the FFI. PCF aligned commanders will soon start talking of “popular warfare”, causing nervousness amidst some Resistance leaders wary of a second “Commune”. Still, disagreements aside, the various FFI units are focused on resisting the Germans, launching ambush after ambush on isolated units while plans are made for the assault of lightly defended neighborhoods or key buildings. As a way to raise morale, the Vichy-aligned Prefect of Police – captured on the previous assault and not rescued in time by the Germans – is summarily executed as a collaborateur.
Garrison commander von Zangen immediately alerts Field Marshal von Rundstedt of the whole affair, and requests urgent reinforcements to avoid a prolonged struggle like the Wehrmacht has been facing in Warsaw. And while Rundstedt cannot spare much, over the next few days’ units of paratroopers, 88mm batteries and a handful of Panzers – which are to bolster von Zangen’s outdated tanks, many of them captured French vehicles from 1940 – will enter the city, preventing the German units from being separated and cut off. Whilst intensive pressure is applied on Laval to deploy the Vichy milice to assist the garrison, von Zangen makes a point of deploying forces on government buildings, including the Palais du Luxembourg, Palais Bourbon, the Invalides, as well as key Hotels housing German or French collaborationist HQ’s. The first serious attack on the more centric German positions starts on August 16th, when FFI units attempt to storm the Place Saint-Michel and come under heavy fire from well-placed enemy machineguns. Bolstered by several MG 42’s, the defenders kill dozens of militiamen, forcing General Delmas to step in personally to halt the attack. Later that night, the RNF radio station broadcasts a warning against further attacks on the Place Saint-Michel, which earns the nickname “le Carrefour de la mort” [212].
August 15th to August 19th, 1944
Vichy, Occupied France; Berlin, Germany:
Vichy, Occupied France; Berlin, Germany:
Seeing the writing on the wall following the successful Allied landings in Southern France and the fast withdrawal of the Wehrmacht back to eastern France, Marshal Pétain intently awaits the results of his own political maneuver. Having previously sent Admiral Gabriel Auphan – one of his officers less tainted by collaboration [213] – to Paris to contact the Allies, Pétain has extended his efforts to attempting to reach out to De Gaulle himself. Having once been supportive of reconvening the National Assembly – only to be ironically thwarted by Laval himself -, Pétain remains convinced his Prime Minister is acting too late. Unwilling to hear those advisors who point out the Marshal’s presence in Paris could yet turn things around, Pétain instead reasons that he could take advantage of his self-perceived legitimacy by offering a formal transfer of power to De Gaulle, thus ensuring the legality of the Free French government. Auphan will spend the week before the start of the Paris Uprising attempting to reach out to men close to De Gaulle, only to receive no reply [214].
Meanwhile, the bulk of the ultra-collaborationist forces within the cabinet fume at what they consider to be Pétain and Laval’s defeatism, and their deviation from supporting the German war effort through the last ditch transition schemes. However, the recent political upheaval in the Reich has left them in the astonishing position of lacking a direct line to Berlin, the bulk of the German officers they worked with now under surveillance or arrested for being too close to Himmler and the SS. Ironically, out of their colleagues the only one with an apparent chance of being listened to is none other than Jean Bichelonne, the former Industry minister that, despite recent disagreements, has often been regarded as something of a “teacher’s pet” for Laval [215]. Knowing Bichelonne to be close and friendly to Speer due to their mutual work in strengthening Franco-German economic collaboration (and/or French industrial subservience to the Reich) [216], they press the minister to request an urgent audience with the Reich President, in the hopes of thwarting both of Pétain and Laval’s overtures.
Bichelonne successfully requests such a meeting and is flown to Berlin on August 19th, being taken to the Reich Chancellery to meet Speer. Both self-described technocrats, they initially reminisce and discuss their shared dream of economic cooperation at the European level, as well as the prospect of pursuing such a cause once the war is over. Speer expresses his unwavering belief that the “miracle weapons” in development will allow for a favorable peace settlement, and/or save Europe from Soviet domination. After compliments are over, Bichelonne sounds the alarm regarding the conflict between Laval and Pétain, as well as his concern – despite his disapproval of his latest scheme – that Laval may well find death in Paris. Speer, for his part, takes the matter seriously enough. Well aware of the decisive contribution of French forced labor to the war industry, the loss of both Pétain and Laval might prove too dear a cost in terms of keeping said workers in line if the transition schemes fail. However, at a subsequent – and larger - meeting in the afternoon, Chancellor von Papen objects against an intervention. In his view, Laval’s “transition” plot is a perfect opportunity to drive a wedge within the Allies, and Papen makes the case for Laval being allowed to see it through.
Meanwhile, the bulk of the ultra-collaborationist forces within the cabinet fume at what they consider to be Pétain and Laval’s defeatism, and their deviation from supporting the German war effort through the last ditch transition schemes. However, the recent political upheaval in the Reich has left them in the astonishing position of lacking a direct line to Berlin, the bulk of the German officers they worked with now under surveillance or arrested for being too close to Himmler and the SS. Ironically, out of their colleagues the only one with an apparent chance of being listened to is none other than Jean Bichelonne, the former Industry minister that, despite recent disagreements, has often been regarded as something of a “teacher’s pet” for Laval [215]. Knowing Bichelonne to be close and friendly to Speer due to their mutual work in strengthening Franco-German economic collaboration (and/or French industrial subservience to the Reich) [216], they press the minister to request an urgent audience with the Reich President, in the hopes of thwarting both of Pétain and Laval’s overtures.
Bichelonne successfully requests such a meeting and is flown to Berlin on August 19th, being taken to the Reich Chancellery to meet Speer. Both self-described technocrats, they initially reminisce and discuss their shared dream of economic cooperation at the European level, as well as the prospect of pursuing such a cause once the war is over. Speer expresses his unwavering belief that the “miracle weapons” in development will allow for a favorable peace settlement, and/or save Europe from Soviet domination. After compliments are over, Bichelonne sounds the alarm regarding the conflict between Laval and Pétain, as well as his concern – despite his disapproval of his latest scheme – that Laval may well find death in Paris. Speer, for his part, takes the matter seriously enough. Well aware of the decisive contribution of French forced labor to the war industry, the loss of both Pétain and Laval might prove too dear a cost in terms of keeping said workers in line if the transition schemes fail. However, at a subsequent – and larger - meeting in the afternoon, Chancellor von Papen objects against an intervention. In his view, Laval’s “transition” plot is a perfect opportunity to drive a wedge within the Allies, and Papen makes the case for Laval being allowed to see it through.
August 18th to August 25th, 1944
Paris, Occupied France:
Paris, Occupied France:
Trying to counter recent and deadly German successes, CNR Delegate General Parodi, General Delmas and Colonel Rol attempt to improve their coordination despite leading from different strongpoints in the capital. Whenever the German building garrisons are small in size, attacks are launched to destroy them, with the FFI successfully overrunning a number of periphery strongholds once the German defenders run out of ammunition or reinforcements are blocked from advancing through barricades. In south eastern Paris, FFI Colonel Fabien successfully rallies Parisians to join the FFI, with hundreds of new volunteers – identified only by improvised white armbands – starting to take part in the struggle. Generally speaking, the FFI and all the civilian volunteers outnumber the near 50,000 strong German garrison, but lack sufficient weapons and planning due to the improvised nature of the Paris Uprising. As the first couple of days turns into a first week with no Allied reinforcements in sight, Colonel Rol and the Communist wing of the FFI start to receive pushback from those who warned the uprising was launched too soon. Whilst otherwise attempting to force the Allies to march on the city and liberate it, the FFI prepares for a longer struggle than it originally hoped for [217].
Braving across streets with gunfire echoing all around, municipal council chairman Taittinger and Swedish consul Nordling unsuccessfully attempt to secure a private meeting with General von Zangen during the first few days of the uprising. It is only on the 21st that they can meet the General, who is otherwise occupied with what has become a struggle for every street and landmark in the city. Alarmed over the deployment of high explosive charges across the city – a few of which have already gone off during the battle -, Nordling and Taittinger attempt to persuade von Zangen to consider a ceasefire and/or to refrain from actions that could destroy the city. Von Zangen rebuffs them, arguing he is not authorized to start talks with the Resistance. As a small, single concession, he promises not to detonate the charges – that would obliterate much of Paris’ cultural heritage – until the last possible moment, but refuses to adopt any measure that may weaken his defense of Paris [218]. Across the city, the scarcity of foodstuffs is beginning to the felt, with the infighting and the collapse of the transportation network preventing much of the city from being fed.
Although the Luftwaffe is otherwise occupied and hopelessly outmatched against the Allied air force across the Seine, von Zangen can rely on several dozen bombers, which start their own bombing runs against the barricades whenever tank action is needed. Several neighborhoods are progressively reduced into rubble, but new groups of volunteers repeatedly spring from the ruins to build wooden barricades. Whilst doing his best to maintain a semblance of order in liberated parts of the city, Alexandre Parodi has a new Prefect of Police installed, and a system of messengers is established to address the serious communication issues faced by Resistance units. For his part, and now firmly installed within a series of catacombs underneath the place Denfert-Rochereau, Colonel Rol starts concentrating forces for an assault on the center of the city, hoping to catch the Germans by surprise once they’ve diluted their strength towards the periphery of the metropolis. The rumors that Free French forces are on the way accelerate such plans. As the first week of battles draws to a close, the Resistance leadership is still at odds regarding the strategy to follow.
Braving across streets with gunfire echoing all around, municipal council chairman Taittinger and Swedish consul Nordling unsuccessfully attempt to secure a private meeting with General von Zangen during the first few days of the uprising. It is only on the 21st that they can meet the General, who is otherwise occupied with what has become a struggle for every street and landmark in the city. Alarmed over the deployment of high explosive charges across the city – a few of which have already gone off during the battle -, Nordling and Taittinger attempt to persuade von Zangen to consider a ceasefire and/or to refrain from actions that could destroy the city. Von Zangen rebuffs them, arguing he is not authorized to start talks with the Resistance. As a small, single concession, he promises not to detonate the charges – that would obliterate much of Paris’ cultural heritage – until the last possible moment, but refuses to adopt any measure that may weaken his defense of Paris [218]. Across the city, the scarcity of foodstuffs is beginning to the felt, with the infighting and the collapse of the transportation network preventing much of the city from being fed.
Although the Luftwaffe is otherwise occupied and hopelessly outmatched against the Allied air force across the Seine, von Zangen can rely on several dozen bombers, which start their own bombing runs against the barricades whenever tank action is needed. Several neighborhoods are progressively reduced into rubble, but new groups of volunteers repeatedly spring from the ruins to build wooden barricades. Whilst doing his best to maintain a semblance of order in liberated parts of the city, Alexandre Parodi has a new Prefect of Police installed, and a system of messengers is established to address the serious communication issues faced by Resistance units. For his part, and now firmly installed within a series of catacombs underneath the place Denfert-Rochereau, Colonel Rol starts concentrating forces for an assault on the center of the city, hoping to catch the Germans by surprise once they’ve diluted their strength towards the periphery of the metropolis. The rumors that Free French forces are on the way accelerate such plans. As the first week of battles draws to a close, the Resistance leadership is still at odds regarding the strategy to follow.
August 15th to August 27th, 1944
Vichy and Paris, Occupied France:
Vichy and Paris, Occupied France:
Once the Paris Uprising begins, and much like Laval, Admiral Auphan is also forced to switch tack, ditching his efforts to reach out to Algiers in order to have messages sent to Admiral Leahy, Roosevelt’s Chief of Staff and, as it happens, previously the US Ambassador to Vichy. To his renewed disappointment, the Admiral is not only uninterested in Vichy overtures, he is also too busy to even entertain a reply, with the whole Laval-Pétain dispute being ranked into the lowest order of priorities for the White House. Thus out of options, Auphan makes a desperate plea to the Marshal to take action around the same time in which Bichelonne returns from Berlin, having been asked by the Germans to rally his colleagues and Pétain behind Laval’s efforts, which now have renewed blessing for Berlin. Caught in a deeply unpleasant situation, the ultra-collaborationists are temporarily quieted down and/or focus on assisting the Milice put down the “Communist insurrection” in Paris, clearing the ground for Bichelonne and Auphan to – unknowingly to each other – try and persuade the Field Marshal to make a move.
Pétain, increasingly tired and exhausted, has remained mostly inactive over the past few months, other than a handful of merely symbolic acts of defiance and/or protest [219]. Furthermore, the old Marshal fears being arrested and sent into Germany should he abandon the perceived safety of Vichy and head for the metropolis [220]. In the end, Auphan – and not Bichelonne, whose audience with Pétain is interrupted when the latter walks out - prevails by pointing out that, though the Allies could reach the city soon, little prevents the Germans from dragging Pétain against his will, or the Communists to seize the city like they have done in Toulouse. As the Marshal enters a car that is to take him in what promises to be an exhausting trip, Bichelonne implements the remaining private requests made to him by Speer. Mainly, he starts the process of moving Vichy documents and personnel to Belfort, and then, eventually, to Germany should the transition gambit collapse. On August 27th, Pétain finally arrives on the outskirts of the capital, at the German-held side of the Seine. After a prolonged nap, and briefed by Auphan on the current developments regarding the recalled National Assembly, the Marshal evades meeting with Ambassador Abetz and heads straight for Versailles.
Pétain, increasingly tired and exhausted, has remained mostly inactive over the past few months, other than a handful of merely symbolic acts of defiance and/or protest [219]. Furthermore, the old Marshal fears being arrested and sent into Germany should he abandon the perceived safety of Vichy and head for the metropolis [220]. In the end, Auphan – and not Bichelonne, whose audience with Pétain is interrupted when the latter walks out - prevails by pointing out that, though the Allies could reach the city soon, little prevents the Germans from dragging Pétain against his will, or the Communists to seize the city like they have done in Toulouse. As the Marshal enters a car that is to take him in what promises to be an exhausting trip, Bichelonne implements the remaining private requests made to him by Speer. Mainly, he starts the process of moving Vichy documents and personnel to Belfort, and then, eventually, to Germany should the transition gambit collapse. On August 27th, Pétain finally arrives on the outskirts of the capital, at the German-held side of the Seine. After a prolonged nap, and briefed by Auphan on the current developments regarding the recalled National Assembly, the Marshal evades meeting with Ambassador Abetz and heads straight for Versailles.
August 18th to August 28th, 1944
Across the Seine River:
10:00 AM to 23:59 AM
Across the Seine River:
10:00 AM to 23:59 AM
By August 18th, both main Allied army groups have established themselves across or nearby the Seine river, now turned into the next main German line of defense following von Rundstedt’s successful evacuation of the Normandy front. Following a failed attempt to force a crossing of the Seine with two US infantry divisions, Eisenhower is forced with the prospect of a prolonged battle to secure the river. Although the numerical and material superiority – particularly in aerial terms – makes the notion of a “Seine line” untenable for the Germans in the long term, it is clear OB West has preserved enough force after its fast withdrawal from the Normandy front to present a significant challenge. For his part, and following Guderian’s recent personnel changes, an exhausted von Rundstedt – who alongside Chief of Staff Westphal has only narrowly averted a disaster at the last moment – is allowed to take a step back to focus on the larger picture. On August 19th, Field Marshal Georg von Küchler is flown to von Rundstedt’s new HQ in Reims as Army Group B’s new commander, a task which will pit him directly against Montgomery and Bradley.
Despite limited time, von Küchler reviews the hastily built “fortifications” across the new German lines and meets with his local Army commanders, some of which have been recently promoted due to the recent political upheaval. This includes von Zangen as Paris Garrison Commander and Günther Blumentritt, whose collaboration in capturing the Valkyrie-aligned officers in OB West has not gone unnoticed, as the new head of the 15th Army. Generals von der Chevallerie (1st Army), Hausser (7th Army) and Eberbach (Panzer Group West), have retained their commands, though Hausser – having sided with Sepp Dietrich against the SS to protect Rommel – is seen as a candidate for future promotion. Von Küchler’s tours are cut short once Montgomery’s divisions start their assault on the river, attempting to secure points in which to build bridges to allow for a thrust that can bypass the Germans and turn the defensive line obsolete. For this purpose, and whilst Bradley’s divisions extend themselves out east towards Paris and Troyes, Montogmery launches two separate assaults with Canadian and British divisions, which take place from August 19th to August 22nd.
High on morale, Allied divisions weather significant casualties and inflict significant damage in Rundstedt’s already battered units, forcing the intervention of Panzer Group West. The half-strength armored divisions are deployed as a reserve to try and close any prospective beachheads, inevitably coming under heavy fire from the air. In spite of this, Eberbach’s Panzer Group West has preserved enough forces from the successful Normandy evacuation to still pose a threat, forcing Montgomery to call off his first assaults. After a couple of days of pause and continuous bombardment – whenever the weather allows – to soften the German lines, a second attempt is made during August 25th to August 28th. Von Küchler and Von Rundstedt are in constant contact, trying to mobilize – or improvise – as many reserves as can be found to plug any gaps. Initially promising advances by the Canadian troops on the vicinity of Rouen are only contained upon heavy sacrifices, forcing the Germans to create Kampfgruppes out of understrength divisions to hold their lines of defense On the east, Bradley crashes into the 1st German Army, which is fighting on a continuous, firm front for the first time in weeks. Although the defensive line neighboring Paris holds out with the use of substantial sabotage and the destruction of bridges, Patton’s 3rd Army lurches forward as the easternmost Allied formation, and fights its way to the outskirts of Troyes before being temporarily contained by the Wehrmacht.
Despite limited time, von Küchler reviews the hastily built “fortifications” across the new German lines and meets with his local Army commanders, some of which have been recently promoted due to the recent political upheaval. This includes von Zangen as Paris Garrison Commander and Günther Blumentritt, whose collaboration in capturing the Valkyrie-aligned officers in OB West has not gone unnoticed, as the new head of the 15th Army. Generals von der Chevallerie (1st Army), Hausser (7th Army) and Eberbach (Panzer Group West), have retained their commands, though Hausser – having sided with Sepp Dietrich against the SS to protect Rommel – is seen as a candidate for future promotion. Von Küchler’s tours are cut short once Montgomery’s divisions start their assault on the river, attempting to secure points in which to build bridges to allow for a thrust that can bypass the Germans and turn the defensive line obsolete. For this purpose, and whilst Bradley’s divisions extend themselves out east towards Paris and Troyes, Montogmery launches two separate assaults with Canadian and British divisions, which take place from August 19th to August 22nd.
High on morale, Allied divisions weather significant casualties and inflict significant damage in Rundstedt’s already battered units, forcing the intervention of Panzer Group West. The half-strength armored divisions are deployed as a reserve to try and close any prospective beachheads, inevitably coming under heavy fire from the air. In spite of this, Eberbach’s Panzer Group West has preserved enough forces from the successful Normandy evacuation to still pose a threat, forcing Montgomery to call off his first assaults. After a couple of days of pause and continuous bombardment – whenever the weather allows – to soften the German lines, a second attempt is made during August 25th to August 28th. Von Küchler and Von Rundstedt are in constant contact, trying to mobilize – or improvise – as many reserves as can be found to plug any gaps. Initially promising advances by the Canadian troops on the vicinity of Rouen are only contained upon heavy sacrifices, forcing the Germans to create Kampfgruppes out of understrength divisions to hold their lines of defense On the east, Bradley crashes into the 1st German Army, which is fighting on a continuous, firm front for the first time in weeks. Although the defensive line neighboring Paris holds out with the use of substantial sabotage and the destruction of bridges, Patton’s 3rd Army lurches forward as the easternmost Allied formation, and fights its way to the outskirts of Troyes before being temporarily contained by the Wehrmacht.
August 17th to August 31st, 1944
Normandy, Liberated France; Paris, Occupied France:
Normandy, Liberated France; Paris, Occupied France:
Having just landed on Cherbourg after a dangerous flight from Algiers, Colonel de Gaulle pressures General Leclerc – initially via telephone, then with his presence near the battlefield – to have the 2nd French Armored Division move on Paris immediately. The General, while displeased with the timing of the uprising, finds it urgent to spare the metropolis from the consequences of heavy fighting and, from a political point of view, also fears the optics of the PCF-aligned Resistance units liberating the capital by themselves should they succeed. Thus far, both General Gerow - Leclerc’s American corps commander - and Eisenhower himself have refused permission, the state of the battle of the Seine not yet allowing – or not making it desirable - a direct penetration towards Paris. Meeting after meeting is held, call after call launched, in which De Gaulle – increasingly suspicious of the motives of his Allies – demands an immediate push towards Paris. Said determination grows even stronger once news of Laval’s National Assembly meeting at Versailles reaches De Gaulle, leading the combative General to once again fear his American allies may be willing to bypass him and cut the deal with Vichy that previously eluded them.
As the fighting in Paris intensifies and von Rundstedt determined defense slows down the Allied advance, De Gaulle makes it clear he has no qualms with bypassing the chain of command. Eisenhower’s staff is repeatedly bombarded with demands from De Gaulle to relieve the city through an offensive, as well as with desperate calls from help by Parodi and the CNR. Albeit sympathetic to the plight of the city, Eisenhower and Army Group 12th commander Bradley both agree the battle for the Seine has not yet developed to the point in which a forceful assault on the city is desirable, and are also wary of what they perceive as De Gaulle’s political motives in trying to force an early liberation of the city. Perhaps equally decisive, supply issues that are only starting to be alleviated by the German withdrawal from key points would be instantly worsened by the strain of having to supply Paris and its entire population whilst trying to capture and destroy von Rundstedt’s entire OB West. De Gaulle, for his part, threatens to bypass the command structure altogether. This he ultimately does on August 27th, ordering General Leclerc to make an immediate push to relieve the city [221].
Departing from Leclerc’s new headquarters at Chartres, the 2nd Armored Division makes a drive towards Rambouillet – estimated to a key point in the outer defense perimeter of the city -, in the hopes of securing the area to, at least, persuade Eisenhower of the vulnerability of Paris to an Allied offensive. Initially delayed by the previous destruction of relevant bridges by the Germans, Leclerc then encounters hodgepodge elements of the Panzer Group West, resulting in a series of difficult tank battles across the evening of the 27th and the morning of 28th. As General Gerow angrily demands Leclerc stop his offensive – and takes the matter up to Bradley and then to Eisenhower -, the 2nd Armored Division sacrifices a substantial part of its American-made tanks, but is able to make progress towards Rambouillet. With OB West lacking strategic reserves, von Zangen is forced to destine several of his own armored units to try and contain Leclerc. This they manage to do by August 29th, stopping several French assaults on Rambouillet – including the old Palace itself - before pressure from the Allied high command – and collective anger at De Gaulle for taking matters into his own hand – forces the offensive to be at least temporarily called off. A frustrated Leclerc has Paris well in sight, but is thus unable to break through as August comes to an end.
As the fighting in Paris intensifies and von Rundstedt determined defense slows down the Allied advance, De Gaulle makes it clear he has no qualms with bypassing the chain of command. Eisenhower’s staff is repeatedly bombarded with demands from De Gaulle to relieve the city through an offensive, as well as with desperate calls from help by Parodi and the CNR. Albeit sympathetic to the plight of the city, Eisenhower and Army Group 12th commander Bradley both agree the battle for the Seine has not yet developed to the point in which a forceful assault on the city is desirable, and are also wary of what they perceive as De Gaulle’s political motives in trying to force an early liberation of the city. Perhaps equally decisive, supply issues that are only starting to be alleviated by the German withdrawal from key points would be instantly worsened by the strain of having to supply Paris and its entire population whilst trying to capture and destroy von Rundstedt’s entire OB West. De Gaulle, for his part, threatens to bypass the command structure altogether. This he ultimately does on August 27th, ordering General Leclerc to make an immediate push to relieve the city [221].
Departing from Leclerc’s new headquarters at Chartres, the 2nd Armored Division makes a drive towards Rambouillet – estimated to a key point in the outer defense perimeter of the city -, in the hopes of securing the area to, at least, persuade Eisenhower of the vulnerability of Paris to an Allied offensive. Initially delayed by the previous destruction of relevant bridges by the Germans, Leclerc then encounters hodgepodge elements of the Panzer Group West, resulting in a series of difficult tank battles across the evening of the 27th and the morning of 28th. As General Gerow angrily demands Leclerc stop his offensive – and takes the matter up to Bradley and then to Eisenhower -, the 2nd Armored Division sacrifices a substantial part of its American-made tanks, but is able to make progress towards Rambouillet. With OB West lacking strategic reserves, von Zangen is forced to destine several of his own armored units to try and contain Leclerc. This they manage to do by August 29th, stopping several French assaults on Rambouillet – including the old Palace itself - before pressure from the Allied high command – and collective anger at De Gaulle for taking matters into his own hand – forces the offensive to be at least temporarily called off. A frustrated Leclerc has Paris well in sight, but is thus unable to break through as August comes to an end.
August 17th to August 31st, 1944
Versailles, Occupied France:
Versailles, Occupied France:
Despite Laval’s furious sprinting around trying to breathe some life into the proceedings, the so-called parliamentary session at Versailles – attended only by a fraction of the 1940 deputies – that finally starts on August 25th appears, in the words of Pierre Taittinger - to resemble more a farce than a serious effort. Indeed, it is suggested that the only thing holding the effort together – other than German indifference preventing a forceful dissolution – is Colonel Rol’s increased prominence as Paris remains under siege, both due to fears of rising Communist influence and a seemingly genuine desire to spare the city and its population from a grim fate. For his part, Herriot quickly identifies Laval as the biggest stumbling block in any transition effort, judging him both entirely unacceptable to all sides as broker due to his reputation and unpopularity, and because of his behavior as well. Before the sessions collapse in failure, Marshal Pétain makes his arrival into the capital, and his entrance into Versailles provides the potential for salvaging the situation.
Following a conversation with Herriot, and despite Laval’s angry protests, Pétain summarily dismisses the Prime Minister from office, and delivers a letter to the rump National Assembly in which he formally returns his powers given by the “Constitutional Law” of 1940. Despite the proceedings being suddenly enlivened by the Marshal’s appearance, Pétain subsequently bores the few dozen deputies with a lengthy and dry speech, in which he attempts to justify his actions over the past few years and expresses his desire to avoid a civil war [222]. Whilst an irate Laval returns to Paris to rethink his actions alongside his cabinet – or what remains of it – Herriot ponders on the current power void alongside a few other conservative or centrist politicians present at Versailles. Recent actions by De Gaulle’s Algiers government have declared all of Vichy’s legal acts null and void, which would mean the previous Constitutional Laws of 1875 remains in effect. Likewise, Pétain’s announcement of the return of his constituent powers might also suggest the previous Constitution is back in force. Thus, they reason – and hope -, there is a potentially legitimate alternative to De Gaulle: President Albert Lebrun.
Lebrun, who currently resides at Vizille in southeastern France, is reached out to via phone by Herriot and his allies, and asked whether he would resume the Presidency in order to “restore harmony” and legal Republican government in France. Despite his age and ill-health, Lebrun jumps at the opportunity to restore his power, and formally accepts to resume the duties of the Presidency – fictitiously claiming to not have resigned his office in 1940 -, expressing his intent to return to Paris at the earliest possible moment [223].
Following a conversation with Herriot, and despite Laval’s angry protests, Pétain summarily dismisses the Prime Minister from office, and delivers a letter to the rump National Assembly in which he formally returns his powers given by the “Constitutional Law” of 1940. Despite the proceedings being suddenly enlivened by the Marshal’s appearance, Pétain subsequently bores the few dozen deputies with a lengthy and dry speech, in which he attempts to justify his actions over the past few years and expresses his desire to avoid a civil war [222]. Whilst an irate Laval returns to Paris to rethink his actions alongside his cabinet – or what remains of it – Herriot ponders on the current power void alongside a few other conservative or centrist politicians present at Versailles. Recent actions by De Gaulle’s Algiers government have declared all of Vichy’s legal acts null and void, which would mean the previous Constitutional Laws of 1875 remains in effect. Likewise, Pétain’s announcement of the return of his constituent powers might also suggest the previous Constitution is back in force. Thus, they reason – and hope -, there is a potentially legitimate alternative to De Gaulle: President Albert Lebrun.
Lebrun, who currently resides at Vizille in southeastern France, is reached out to via phone by Herriot and his allies, and asked whether he would resume the Presidency in order to “restore harmony” and legal Republican government in France. Despite his age and ill-health, Lebrun jumps at the opportunity to restore his power, and formally accepts to resume the duties of the Presidency – fictitiously claiming to not have resigned his office in 1940 -, expressing his intent to return to Paris at the earliest possible moment [223].
August 26th to September 1st, 1944
Paris, Occupied France:
Paris, Occupied France:
Having recently started to be supplied via limited airdrops by Allied forces, the FFI forces start to slowly recover from their lack of weapons and ammunition, but remain unable to break the deadlock with the German garrison despite some local successes. Sensing an opportunity as German armored columns are forced to leave the city to reinforce the lines at Rambouillet, the CNR authorizes a limited offensive to retake the initiative against the enemy garrison, which begins late into August 26th. Outside the usual attacks towards vulnerable units and/or positions, Colonel Rol successfully coordinates an attack on the Palais Bourbon, the traditional seat of the National Assembly. Although the FFI is forced to give up the building once the garrison recovers some strength, the audacious raid gives Rol significant notoriety and provides a morale boost to the Resistance within the city. Alexandre Parodi and Charles Luizet, new Prefect of Police, also make progress in consolidating control and coordination, narrowly escaping death in a gunfight with the Germans. Despite these accomplishments, FFI losses remain significant and exponential compared to German casualties, and the rapidly worsening food crisis is already a source of hunger in several neighborhoods within the city.
For his part, von Zangen is frustrated with the state of affairs several days into the uprising, convinced that the limited number of troops he has would make it impossible to firmly hold on to Paris with so many areas of active Resistance. Even passive resistance is starting to make things difficult, with the German commander unaware that the French staff at his Hotel Meurice HQ sends continuous messages to the CNR reporting on anything that can be useful to the Resistance [224]. The German commander, not wanting to repeat the events taking place in Warsaw, is forced to start escalating his tactics, including the use of flamethrowers, explosives, or even Panzer artillery in buildings held by his opponents. Although such tactics can prevent the French from establishing lasting strongpoints in the center proper, the constant guerrilla skirmishes, the use of snipers, the barricades and such other elements take a toll on German morale and determination. Other than the better trained reinforcements initially sent by von Rundstedt – more of which will not be arriving – the bulk of the garrison remains woefully under-experienced.
For his part, von Zangen is frustrated with the state of affairs several days into the uprising, convinced that the limited number of troops he has would make it impossible to firmly hold on to Paris with so many areas of active Resistance. Even passive resistance is starting to make things difficult, with the German commander unaware that the French staff at his Hotel Meurice HQ sends continuous messages to the CNR reporting on anything that can be useful to the Resistance [224]. The German commander, not wanting to repeat the events taking place in Warsaw, is forced to start escalating his tactics, including the use of flamethrowers, explosives, or even Panzer artillery in buildings held by his opponents. Although such tactics can prevent the French from establishing lasting strongpoints in the center proper, the constant guerrilla skirmishes, the use of snipers, the barricades and such other elements take a toll on German morale and determination. Other than the better trained reinforcements initially sent by von Rundstedt – more of which will not be arriving – the bulk of the garrison remains woefully under-experienced.
August 30th to September 1st, 1944
Paris, Occupied France:
00:00 AM to 23:59 PM
Paris, Occupied France:
00:00 AM to 23:59 PM
Irritated by his sudden dismissal and his apparent sidelining in favor of Pétain, Laval returns to Paris in order to discuss matters with ambassador Abetz, whom he wants to lobby von Zangen and Berlin into taking action. Abetz, for his part, is remarkably confused at the turn of events for the Vichy government, and whether the whole experiment – or charade – has gone too far. While Abetz consults Foreign Minister von Krosigk – who is just as baffled by what he feels is von Papen’s unworkable brainchild – Laval tries to reassert control over the milice. Its commanders and/or supporting ministers, hostile to the now former Premier and/or otherwise busy fighting the FFI in the streets, pay no mind to him, and even refuse Laval an escort. Despite warnings that it’s increasingly unsafe to venture outside, Laval insists on moving constantly from his Hótel de Ville HQ to the German HQ. On the morning of August 30th, his car and limited escort are ambushed by an FFI cell, who recognize Laval and fire upon the car. Stumbling outside of it, a stunned Laval is taken prisoner and immediately placed under FFI custody. Unfortunately for him, he falls into the hands of the more militant Communist units.
Rather than raise the matter of Laval’s capture to the National Council of Resistance, there is internal discussion within the PCF leadership in the city on what to do with Laval. Although the idea of retaining him as a captive for a future trial appears to be the more practical option, others alternatively reject the idea of Laval deserving such a trial, and/or raise the prospect of him being released if the ongoing uprising continues. It remains unclear who formally gives the order, but following a “popular tribunal” in September 1st, in which a number of accusations are thrown at Laval – including treason, murder and collaboration with the Germans -, the former premier is taken into a basement to be executed. After a final attempt to frustrate his captors by trying to get shot via attempting to escape, Laval is lined up against a wall and shot by an FFI firing squad. His body will later be paraded in streets and neighborhoods that are less threatened by the Germans. The night of Laval’s execution, Radio diffusion de la Nation Francaise (RNF) breaks the news on a triumphant note. Although many at the CNR will be frustrated by the PCF taking the initiative and sidelining the rest of the Resistance, few – if any – tears are shed [225].
Rather than raise the matter of Laval’s capture to the National Council of Resistance, there is internal discussion within the PCF leadership in the city on what to do with Laval. Although the idea of retaining him as a captive for a future trial appears to be the more practical option, others alternatively reject the idea of Laval deserving such a trial, and/or raise the prospect of him being released if the ongoing uprising continues. It remains unclear who formally gives the order, but following a “popular tribunal” in September 1st, in which a number of accusations are thrown at Laval – including treason, murder and collaboration with the Germans -, the former premier is taken into a basement to be executed. After a final attempt to frustrate his captors by trying to get shot via attempting to escape, Laval is lined up against a wall and shot by an FFI firing squad. His body will later be paraded in streets and neighborhoods that are less threatened by the Germans. The night of Laval’s execution, Radio diffusion de la Nation Francaise (RNF) breaks the news on a triumphant note. Although many at the CNR will be frustrated by the PCF taking the initiative and sidelining the rest of the Resistance, few – if any – tears are shed [225].
_____________________________________________
Notes for Part XVI:
[209] I’ve chosen to explore this scenario for narrative purposes, but it should not be misconstrued as me saying the Laval plan going ahead – and not instantly falling apart - was likely. Aside from the obvious obstacles, a significant number of people would have stayed away from it – like Jeannenney – either out of principle or because they would consider the plan insane.
[210] Due to the uprising, I have to imagine the chances of any deputy wanting to meet within Paris itself was close to zero. Versailles seemed suitable in terms of its history and placement.
[211] Apparently it roughly means “to each his own Boche!”.
[212] “Crossroads of death.” Nickname from OTL.
[213] Auphan resigned from the Vichy government post-Torch, which gave hope that he was a more acceptable envoy.
[214] Much like in OTL. If there’s one thing De Gaulle does not want or need, is to have Pétain’s blessing for anything.
[215] The teacher’s pet description comes from a book I read on French collaborationism, I felt the metaphor was too apt to alter it. Allegedly, Laval would ask questions in cabinet meetings that only Bichelonne – possessing an almost absurd amount of knowledge – could answer, and then praise him for it.
[216] Speer speaks highly of Bichelonne in his memoirs, and it doesn’t seem like an empty gesture. The “we both dreamt about a European economic union” is perhaps less believable, but there’s a point in which I have to consider at least some of what Speer wrote as truthful.
[217] Hundreds of FFI soldiers died in the OTL infighting within Paris, and the death toll will be vastly higher here. The German garrison is also larger, better equipped, and part of a semi-coherent defense system rather than left to its own devices.
[218] Once again, Zangen is not Choltitz. Which is not to say most Wehrmacht generals would be actively looking to blow up the Eiffel Tower, but they’re not necessarily squeamish about it in the least either.
[219] Among others, to write feeble letters of protest on the behavior of the milice, and describe himself as a captive of the Germans while giving his last speech in Paris.
[220] Not sure why Pétain thought he’d be safe if he remained in Vichy, and that the Germans wouldn’t simply grab him anyway and send him across the border. Here, his advisors are able to counsel that he will have more options if he goes to Paris.
[221] He almost did in OTL, but Eisenhower changed his mind after realizing the city could be captured rapidly instead of becoming a Stalingrad-like struggle. Here it’s more about events making it difficult to even attempt to seize the city rather than a lack of a will, but the pressure felt by De Gaulle to do something is also higher. Maybe the whole “threatening to give Leclerc an order to start an offensive” was a bluff, but I think De Gaulle was more than capable.
[222] Once again, Pierre Laval proves too clever by half. Getting Pétain to come breathes some life into something that should have fallen apart simply because Laval was leading the effort, but at the same time it gives the old Marshal the chance he needs to finally – after several failed attempts – to get rid of his premier.
[223] Allegedly, during late 1944 there was talk of Lebrun resuming his presidential duties, and of Lebrun himself being very much interested in returning to high office. De Gaulle was said not to be willing to consider this at all, thinking that the leading 1940 politicians were collectively guilty and/or no longer suitable for the times. Lebrun also eventually claimed he hadn’t resigned in a meeting with De Gaulle. I’m not knowledgeable enough to predict what Lebrun would do in this situation, but it felt at least plausible (which is enough for me).
[224] Also OTL. Apparently, hotel staff briefed the FFI on von Choltitz’s morale and/or state of mind.
[225] Thus Laval meets his end, more than a year ahead of schedule. He has set up events that will have unforeseen consequences, but his sheer unpopularity finally results in his demise. I considered the notion of him being kept alive, but I figured the Resistance might well give him the Mussolini treatment. It’s not like every single Vichy collaborateur was lucky enough to get a trial in OTL.
[210] Due to the uprising, I have to imagine the chances of any deputy wanting to meet within Paris itself was close to zero. Versailles seemed suitable in terms of its history and placement.
[211] Apparently it roughly means “to each his own Boche!”.
[212] “Crossroads of death.” Nickname from OTL.
[213] Auphan resigned from the Vichy government post-Torch, which gave hope that he was a more acceptable envoy.
[214] Much like in OTL. If there’s one thing De Gaulle does not want or need, is to have Pétain’s blessing for anything.
[215] The teacher’s pet description comes from a book I read on French collaborationism, I felt the metaphor was too apt to alter it. Allegedly, Laval would ask questions in cabinet meetings that only Bichelonne – possessing an almost absurd amount of knowledge – could answer, and then praise him for it.
[216] Speer speaks highly of Bichelonne in his memoirs, and it doesn’t seem like an empty gesture. The “we both dreamt about a European economic union” is perhaps less believable, but there’s a point in which I have to consider at least some of what Speer wrote as truthful.
[217] Hundreds of FFI soldiers died in the OTL infighting within Paris, and the death toll will be vastly higher here. The German garrison is also larger, better equipped, and part of a semi-coherent defense system rather than left to its own devices.
[218] Once again, Zangen is not Choltitz. Which is not to say most Wehrmacht generals would be actively looking to blow up the Eiffel Tower, but they’re not necessarily squeamish about it in the least either.
[219] Among others, to write feeble letters of protest on the behavior of the milice, and describe himself as a captive of the Germans while giving his last speech in Paris.
[220] Not sure why Pétain thought he’d be safe if he remained in Vichy, and that the Germans wouldn’t simply grab him anyway and send him across the border. Here, his advisors are able to counsel that he will have more options if he goes to Paris.
[221] He almost did in OTL, but Eisenhower changed his mind after realizing the city could be captured rapidly instead of becoming a Stalingrad-like struggle. Here it’s more about events making it difficult to even attempt to seize the city rather than a lack of a will, but the pressure felt by De Gaulle to do something is also higher. Maybe the whole “threatening to give Leclerc an order to start an offensive” was a bluff, but I think De Gaulle was more than capable.
[222] Once again, Pierre Laval proves too clever by half. Getting Pétain to come breathes some life into something that should have fallen apart simply because Laval was leading the effort, but at the same time it gives the old Marshal the chance he needs to finally – after several failed attempts – to get rid of his premier.
[223] Allegedly, during late 1944 there was talk of Lebrun resuming his presidential duties, and of Lebrun himself being very much interested in returning to high office. De Gaulle was said not to be willing to consider this at all, thinking that the leading 1940 politicians were collectively guilty and/or no longer suitable for the times. Lebrun also eventually claimed he hadn’t resigned in a meeting with De Gaulle. I’m not knowledgeable enough to predict what Lebrun would do in this situation, but it felt at least plausible (which is enough for me).
[224] Also OTL. Apparently, hotel staff briefed the FFI on von Choltitz’s morale and/or state of mind.
[225] Thus Laval meets his end, more than a year ahead of schedule. He has set up events that will have unforeseen consequences, but his sheer unpopularity finally results in his demise. I considered the notion of him being kept alive, but I figured the Resistance might well give him the Mussolini treatment. It’s not like every single Vichy collaborateur was lucky enough to get a trial in OTL.
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Indeed! I took a much needed pause to do more research and organize the narrative. Including this one, I have three updates ready, which will be published dring the week. The second one will also deal with the Western Front, and the third with the Axis and with a specific plot point people have asked about before. This should bring us well into September, and into the final updates of Part Two.
It returns! I'm by no means an expert on post-normandy WW2, but it seems to me that the knock-on effects of the POD have actually managed to make the fight somewhat harder for the allies at this stage of the battle for France, which is a far cry from the usual "and then Valkyrie happened and the allies steamrolled everyone all the way back to Berlin".
It's amusing that in spite of the weeks of chaos in the German high command, Paris has actually managed to hold on longer against the Allies here than in OTL.
But the way you lay the timeline out, it is plausible.
But the way you lay the timeline out, it is plausible.
I apologize for the extremely delayed response, but I haven't made a wikibox for it yet. There's only the ones I did a long time ago, but I'll definetly make more wikiboxes later. I do need to get the storyline moving first, I was really stuck with the Warsaw/Paris storlines and it's only this year that I've managed to find a way out.
Not sure if I stated it before, but the 1944 Presidential Election will be covered in detail. As a matter of the fact, the update coming tomorrow features a lot of material on the start of the campaign.
It could be said that the Allies are one to two weeks late in comparison to OTL, but much of this is really a consequence of OB West avoiding the Falaise pocket and generally withdrawing faster than the Allies can catch up due to their logistical issues. Whether the Wehrmacht will experience the same horrific losses it suffered in OTL August-September remains to be seen, but the comparatively lower losses enable more efficient resistance. That, and being able to avoid micromanaging from above - because Guderian, who believes the Eastern Front gets full priority, is happy to let Rundstedt on "autopilot" - certainly helps with flexibility.
Having said all that, and as we will see in the future, all these advantages don't mean there aren't new problems as well. To cite just one, if morale was already low in OTL...
John Fredrick Parker
Donor
What I was specifically hinting at -- to the extent that Americans are considering the possibility of someone other than Franklin Roosevelt takes the oath of office on January 20, 1945, I'm guessing they're wise to the high probability, at this point, that the War in Europe is going to be won by then; in which case, the relevant questions they want answered are "How do FDR and Dewey differ on the War with Japan (if at all)?" and "What are the visions of the candidates on the peace / "New World Order" to come?".
Great update to read.
One thing though, Pétain is referred as Field Marshal through the chapter, but France has no such equivalent rank. He would simply be Marshal, which is the highest dignity in the Army.
And that of 1940 was a single law.
As far as I know, Lebrun largely abided by this established practice of the presidency. He seemed to lean onto the hardliners in 1940, in favor of pursuing the fight from North Africa, but appointed Pétain once it became clear there was no political alternative available, noone willing to take up the role. His refusal to resign and let Pétain have free reins of the government made Pétain and Laval's move to bypass him by having the National Assembly voting him full constituent powers was logical in this perspective.
Now, I admit, this is more the result of recollections and extrapolations from different readings on the political history of the 3rd republic and the Vichy regime, but I think it's coherent enough.
As for what Lebrun would do next, my opinion is that he would appoint de Gaulle as President of the Council of Ministers.
With Laval out and Pétain exiting the scene, there is no chance Lebrun will appoint any collaborationist figure, and at this point, noone in the reconvened National Assembly has enough legitimacy to bring back a semblance of peace and stability. On the other side, de Gaulle has at this point become the embodied idea of French resistance and fighting spirit, its honor and salvation from the humiliations of 1940, both at home and abroad, no matter how far spreading the Communists are.
Appointing de Gaulle has several key advantages.
The first is legal legitimacy. Lebrun would in the straw of a pen do away with all hurdles de Gaulle and the CNR would have been facing when dealing with the Allies, especially with the Americans; if de Gaulle becomes legally, per Lebrun's prerogative, the head of the French government, neither Roosevelt nor Churchill, nor even Eisenhower, can dismiss his input as easily as they did. And I assume that if de Gaulle would have wanted none of Pétain's blessing, he would be longing for the legitimacy Lebrun can at last provide him with.
The second is political. De Gaulle is the only unifying figure across the French resistance, and the only one that can potentially rein in the Communists in Paris and elsewhere, which none of the other figures at Versailles can do without the risk of a civil war.
If that happens, I expect Abetz and the Germans to be not only confused and baffled, but also apoplectic. All that is needed for this to happen is for Lebrun to make the annoucement over the radio.
One thing though, Pétain is referred as Field Marshal through the chapter, but France has no such equivalent rank. He would simply be Marshal, which is the highest dignity in the Army.
Though that's only a detail, there was not a formal "constitution" under the Third Republic, but rather "Constitutional Laws" (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_Constitutional_Laws_of_1875) that codified the organization of the republican regime.
And that of 1940 was a single law.
Powers which were largely ceremonial under the third republic. The only one of note at his disposal, the right to dissolve the chamber of deputies, has not been exercised by any president since MacMahon in 1877.
As far as I know, Lebrun largely abided by this established practice of the presidency. He seemed to lean onto the hardliners in 1940, in favor of pursuing the fight from North Africa, but appointed Pétain once it became clear there was no political alternative available, noone willing to take up the role. His refusal to resign and let Pétain have free reins of the government made Pétain and Laval's move to bypass him by having the National Assembly voting him full constituent powers was logical in this perspective.
Now, I admit, this is more the result of recollections and extrapolations from different readings on the political history of the 3rd republic and the Vichy regime, but I think it's coherent enough.
As for what Lebrun would do next, my opinion is that he would appoint de Gaulle as President of the Council of Ministers.
With Laval out and Pétain exiting the scene, there is no chance Lebrun will appoint any collaborationist figure, and at this point, noone in the reconvened National Assembly has enough legitimacy to bring back a semblance of peace and stability. On the other side, de Gaulle has at this point become the embodied idea of French resistance and fighting spirit, its honor and salvation from the humiliations of 1940, both at home and abroad, no matter how far spreading the Communists are.
Appointing de Gaulle has several key advantages.
The first is legal legitimacy. Lebrun would in the straw of a pen do away with all hurdles de Gaulle and the CNR would have been facing when dealing with the Allies, especially with the Americans; if de Gaulle becomes legally, per Lebrun's prerogative, the head of the French government, neither Roosevelt nor Churchill, nor even Eisenhower, can dismiss his input as easily as they did. And I assume that if de Gaulle would have wanted none of Pétain's blessing, he would be longing for the legitimacy Lebrun can at last provide him with.
The second is political. De Gaulle is the only unifying figure across the French resistance, and the only one that can potentially rein in the Communists in Paris and elsewhere, which none of the other figures at Versailles can do without the risk of a civil war.
If that happens, I expect Abetz and the Germans to be not only confused and baffled, but also apoplectic. All that is needed for this to happen is for Lebrun to make the annoucement over the radio.
Thanks for the detailed comment! I've altered previous updates to correct Pétain's rank, as well as the references to 1875 and 1940.
(can't comment on the speculation yet, but would love to)
XVII. Late August to Early September, 1944 (I)
XVII.
August 1944:
After taking the fight to Thomas Dewey,
Vice President Henry Wallace battles a major scandal
July 1st to August 20th,
New York City, United States of America:
August 1944:
After taking the fight to Thomas Dewey,
Vice President Henry Wallace battles a major scandal
July 1st to August 20th,
New York City, United States of America:
Following a competitive primary season that marked their thirteenth year out of power, the Grand Old Party had finally settled on a presidential ticket a the end of June, 1944. Coming out of the convention with all guns blazing – and desperately trying to hide irreconcilable divisions in the realm of foreign policy – the Republicans shouted: “Let’s win the war quicker with Dewey and Bricker”. Their presidential nominee, New York Governor Thomas Dewey, had hardly served eighteen months as governor, and at age 42 he was the opposite picture of a tired, exhausted FDR. Still, even with encouraging signs in the horizon, it was acknowledged by most that getting the Republican Party to victory in 1944 was still an uphill battle. Dewey started his general campaign with a bang, spending two days alongside the entire slate of GOP governors at a private conference in St. Louis, an effort judged mostly successful in allowing him to marshal the resources of said fellow state executives and take advantage of their own political machines [226]. Stunned and gratified by the sudden announcement of Hitler’s death in July 20th, Dewey and his team were even more pleased by Henry Wallace’s successful defeat of an attempt to remove him from the ticket.
Said confidence was not mere arrogance. As Dewey’s campaign manager and RNC chair Herbert Brownell argued, Wallace could be popular with the Democratic base, but not so much with other voter blocs. And furthermore, his victory as something of an underdog appeared to showcase the growing factionalism within the Democratic Party, which could help mask the GOP’s own divisions. But more important than that – and the reason Dewey jokingly suggested to Brownell they ought to send Wallace a fruit basket, they were confident Wallace was a liability and a ticking bomb for FDR. Installed from their suits at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York City, Brownell and his hatchet men were preparing to release what they felt was a political bombshell, a surefire way of sinking the Democratic ticket and making their attacks stick. As far as they could ascertain, Henry Wallace had been in contact for over two years in the early 1930’s with the eccentric Russian emigre and pseudo-philosopher Nicholas Roerich. Wallace had written several letters, all starting with “Dear Guru”, in which they had discussed a number of subjects and in which Wallace himself – signing as “G”, for “Galahad” – had espoused unorthodox views on religion.
The letters, acquired by a prominent GOP media baron in the 1940 Election, had almost come out then. But the RNC’s hesitance that they would cause actual damage, combined with an unspoken fear that then nominee Wendell Wilkie’s extramarital affairs would be leaked in retribution, forced them to keep the power dry [227]. But Brownell and Dewey knew the White House had nothing on the Governor. Still, they might have delayed publication, were it not for the fact that vice presidential candidate Bricker embarrassed himself by equivocating on whether the campaign would accept support from far-right politicians Gerald Smith, something Henry Wallace was all too glad to pounce on. Indeed, the Vice President effectively mocked the GOP ticket before the press while President Roosevelt way away in the Pacific, infuriating his opposition [228]. Whilst a chastised Bricker is sent into a barnstorming tour to redeem himself, Dewey and Brownell hand over the “incriminating” material to Westbrook Pegler, a fiercely anti-FDR columnist for the Chicago Tribune. As soon as Pegler publishes his articles, the GOP’s attack machine comes out of the gate storming, attacking the Vice President as a crackpot. By making Wallace look like a security risk as a future president, they hope, they will be able to exploit the issue of FDR’s health as well.
Said confidence was not mere arrogance. As Dewey’s campaign manager and RNC chair Herbert Brownell argued, Wallace could be popular with the Democratic base, but not so much with other voter blocs. And furthermore, his victory as something of an underdog appeared to showcase the growing factionalism within the Democratic Party, which could help mask the GOP’s own divisions. But more important than that – and the reason Dewey jokingly suggested to Brownell they ought to send Wallace a fruit basket, they were confident Wallace was a liability and a ticking bomb for FDR. Installed from their suits at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York City, Brownell and his hatchet men were preparing to release what they felt was a political bombshell, a surefire way of sinking the Democratic ticket and making their attacks stick. As far as they could ascertain, Henry Wallace had been in contact for over two years in the early 1930’s with the eccentric Russian emigre and pseudo-philosopher Nicholas Roerich. Wallace had written several letters, all starting with “Dear Guru”, in which they had discussed a number of subjects and in which Wallace himself – signing as “G”, for “Galahad” – had espoused unorthodox views on religion.
The letters, acquired by a prominent GOP media baron in the 1940 Election, had almost come out then. But the RNC’s hesitance that they would cause actual damage, combined with an unspoken fear that then nominee Wendell Wilkie’s extramarital affairs would be leaked in retribution, forced them to keep the power dry [227]. But Brownell and Dewey knew the White House had nothing on the Governor. Still, they might have delayed publication, were it not for the fact that vice presidential candidate Bricker embarrassed himself by equivocating on whether the campaign would accept support from far-right politicians Gerald Smith, something Henry Wallace was all too glad to pounce on. Indeed, the Vice President effectively mocked the GOP ticket before the press while President Roosevelt way away in the Pacific, infuriating his opposition [228]. Whilst a chastised Bricker is sent into a barnstorming tour to redeem himself, Dewey and Brownell hand over the “incriminating” material to Westbrook Pegler, a fiercely anti-FDR columnist for the Chicago Tribune. As soon as Pegler publishes his articles, the GOP’s attack machine comes out of the gate storming, attacking the Vice President as a crackpot. By making Wallace look like a security risk as a future president, they hope, they will be able to exploit the issue of FDR’s health as well.
August 28th to September 2nd, 1944
Across the Seine River:
Across the Seine River:
Frustrated by two failed assaults on von Rundstedt’s defensive setup, and not convinced a third attempt will be enough to break the German lines, General Eisenhower is also keenly aware that the battle for the Seine must be brought to an early conclusion, particularly given the pressing state of Paris. Although, logistically, the liberation of the city would pose immense strain on already limited resources – with the port of Rennes still being repaired -, political pressure is on the rise, as General de Gaulle’s forced insubordination later showcases. Having previously suspended airborne operations planned to support the Normandy breakout due to events overtaking planning, it is decided to utilize the newly formed 1st Allied Airborne Army – led by Lt. General Lewis Brereton – to force the crossing of the Seine and clear the route to Paris. For that purpose, the previously planned Operations Axehead (Seine) and Transfigure (Paris) are given the greenlight, with the airborne divisions split in order to fulfill both objectives [229]. After internal debate and several considerations, both operations are initially scheduled for August 31st.
Due to a threatened mutiny within the Polish 1st Parachute Brigade, which had been recently denied permission to be flown to Warsaw to relieve the Home Army, the operation is pushed back to September 1st, and only after extensive efforts to get brigade commander Maj. General Sosabowski and his men back on board. It takes threats of disarmament from Churchill himself to get the elite Polish unit to agree to participate, and they are subsequently destined to Transfigure alongside Roy Urquhart’s 1st British Airborne Division. They are to land at Rambouillet, encircling the German position in order to allow for Bradley’s divisions – with the exception of the French 2nd Armored, “grounded” after the De Gaulle offensive – to seize it and push through to Paris. For their part, the US 101st Airborne is destined to Axehead, intending to secure local airfields near Rouen in order to land the British 52nd Infantry Division and firmly secure a bridgehead [230]. The night of September 1st, whilst Montgomery and Bradley’s respective Army Groups retake the offensive, Allied transport planes close in their targets. Having made a few corrections since the Normandy drops, the airborne units mostly land close to their targets.
Axehead finds immediate success, the 101st striking the German rear while it is mostly devoid of functional reinforcements. Scattered elements of a Kampfgruppe attempt to prevent the capture of the airfields before von Küchler can draw reinforcements from the 7th Army, but the already experienced paratroopers are able to push them back. Despite significant damage to some of the runways intended for landing more units, enough are captured to allow for the returning transport aircraft to start airlifting the 52nd Infantry Division. Several parachute companies – particularly “E” and “F” Companies of the 506th Infantry Regiments – distinguish themselves in the fighting. Hausser and von Küchler instantly recognize the danger and report to von Rundstedt, opening the question on whether the Seine line will remain tenable. Even though it has always been a temporary stop gap in Rundstedt’s mind, it was hoped it could last a bit longer, in order to allow equally temporary defensive lines in subsequent rivers as well as the West Wall to be sufficiently beefed up. Despite the increasingly limited availability of armored forces – which might be crucial in future maneuver warfare after retreating -, the reinforcements are rushed through to try and contain the Allied drops.
Due to a threatened mutiny within the Polish 1st Parachute Brigade, which had been recently denied permission to be flown to Warsaw to relieve the Home Army, the operation is pushed back to September 1st, and only after extensive efforts to get brigade commander Maj. General Sosabowski and his men back on board. It takes threats of disarmament from Churchill himself to get the elite Polish unit to agree to participate, and they are subsequently destined to Transfigure alongside Roy Urquhart’s 1st British Airborne Division. They are to land at Rambouillet, encircling the German position in order to allow for Bradley’s divisions – with the exception of the French 2nd Armored, “grounded” after the De Gaulle offensive – to seize it and push through to Paris. For their part, the US 101st Airborne is destined to Axehead, intending to secure local airfields near Rouen in order to land the British 52nd Infantry Division and firmly secure a bridgehead [230]. The night of September 1st, whilst Montgomery and Bradley’s respective Army Groups retake the offensive, Allied transport planes close in their targets. Having made a few corrections since the Normandy drops, the airborne units mostly land close to their targets.
Axehead finds immediate success, the 101st striking the German rear while it is mostly devoid of functional reinforcements. Scattered elements of a Kampfgruppe attempt to prevent the capture of the airfields before von Küchler can draw reinforcements from the 7th Army, but the already experienced paratroopers are able to push them back. Despite significant damage to some of the runways intended for landing more units, enough are captured to allow for the returning transport aircraft to start airlifting the 52nd Infantry Division. Several parachute companies – particularly “E” and “F” Companies of the 506th Infantry Regiments – distinguish themselves in the fighting. Hausser and von Küchler instantly recognize the danger and report to von Rundstedt, opening the question on whether the Seine line will remain tenable. Even though it has always been a temporary stop gap in Rundstedt’s mind, it was hoped it could last a bit longer, in order to allow equally temporary defensive lines in subsequent rivers as well as the West Wall to be sufficiently beefed up. Despite the increasingly limited availability of armored forces – which might be crucial in future maneuver warfare after retreating -, the reinforcements are rushed through to try and contain the Allied drops.
August 20th to August 24th, 1944
Washington D.C., United States of America:
Washington D.C., United States of America:
At a White House Press Conference, President Roosevelt announces to the press that he’ll be meeting Prime Minister Winston Churchill and other allied leaders in Canada soon, in what is expected to be an early September conference in Québec. Retiring back to the Oval Office, Vice President Wallace is left to answer questions of his own, and goes into a passionate tirade disparaging the Dewey/Bricker team as clueless and dangerous. His confidence, however, is temporarily shattered when the first reporter asks about the “Dear Guru” letters. Wallace seeks to delay at first, arguing he hasn’t read the Pegler article. When additional reporters start citing details, including Pegler’s accusation that Wallace is the author of a few letters published in the article, the Vice President continues to deflect, and even prepares to take the offensive on his own. He stops at the last moment from lashing out at the reporters, maintaining his cool and ending the press conference without giving a clear answer [231]. At the Oval Office, the mood is positively poisonous. An irate Roosevelt, already exhausted from a difficult trip, not only has just seen the Québec announcement lose its media relevance, but has a crisis on his hands. In anger, a planned offer for a meeting between Secretary of State Cordell Hull and Dewey’s leading foreign policy advisor John Foster Dulles is canceled [232].
Over the next couple of days, a gleeful GOP heaps attack over attack on the Vice President, all while Prager continues to publish letters. A particular source of public laughter and derision appears to be the nicknames present in the letters regarding prominent Democrats, including calling the Vice President “Galahad”, Secretary of State Hull “The Sour One”, and FDR himself as “The Wandering/Wavering One”. Amidst this barrage, two different camps of Democrat politicians hold their own secret meetings. On one side, allies of Vice President Wallace – including Senator Claude Pepper – converse with Wallace and try to lift his spirits, discussing ways to face the scandal and to stop the Vice President from resigning from the ticket. On the other hand, DNC Chairman Robert Hannegan resumes his opposition to Wallace and lobbies powerful allies to convince Roosevelt that he must be dropped from the ticket, before it’s too late. Hannegan goes as far as preparing to push either Senator Truman or Justice Douglas as his ideal replacements, and, despite attempts by Admiral Leahy, FDR’s Chief of Staff, to keep the President from excessive stress, Hannegan goes as far as providing the White House with a letter of resignation they should “persuade” Wallace to sign.
As pro-Wallace politicians fiercely defend their man in editorials, speeches or radio broadcasts, a crucial meeting takes place at the Naval Observatory on August 23rd between Senator Pepper and Vice President Wallace. Rousing his friend into action, Pepper is able to talk Wallace out of resigning, and suggests going all out in a press conference to counter the GOP smear campaign. A successful performance, he suggests, could earn him FDR’s respect back and save him. Wallace agrees, and later that night meets the President at the Oval Office. Despite his anger, Roosevelt remains reluctant to seek a personal fight with Wallace, and after a spirited discussion agrees to his request [233]. The next morning, Vice President Wallace faces the press corps, having rehearsed and prepared his own defense alongside his allies. Defiant yet not defensive, Wallace argues many of the published letters are undated and unsigned, and even of dubious authorship. While acknowledging some degree of communication with Roerich, the Vice President makes an passionate case calling the attacks a “smear”, and makes a point of casting himself as a devout Christian before the press. After a series of questions, the Vice President notes that he will leave for the good of the party if the President asks him to, and steps off the podium [234].
Over the next couple of days, a gleeful GOP heaps attack over attack on the Vice President, all while Prager continues to publish letters. A particular source of public laughter and derision appears to be the nicknames present in the letters regarding prominent Democrats, including calling the Vice President “Galahad”, Secretary of State Hull “The Sour One”, and FDR himself as “The Wandering/Wavering One”. Amidst this barrage, two different camps of Democrat politicians hold their own secret meetings. On one side, allies of Vice President Wallace – including Senator Claude Pepper – converse with Wallace and try to lift his spirits, discussing ways to face the scandal and to stop the Vice President from resigning from the ticket. On the other hand, DNC Chairman Robert Hannegan resumes his opposition to Wallace and lobbies powerful allies to convince Roosevelt that he must be dropped from the ticket, before it’s too late. Hannegan goes as far as preparing to push either Senator Truman or Justice Douglas as his ideal replacements, and, despite attempts by Admiral Leahy, FDR’s Chief of Staff, to keep the President from excessive stress, Hannegan goes as far as providing the White House with a letter of resignation they should “persuade” Wallace to sign.
As pro-Wallace politicians fiercely defend their man in editorials, speeches or radio broadcasts, a crucial meeting takes place at the Naval Observatory on August 23rd between Senator Pepper and Vice President Wallace. Rousing his friend into action, Pepper is able to talk Wallace out of resigning, and suggests going all out in a press conference to counter the GOP smear campaign. A successful performance, he suggests, could earn him FDR’s respect back and save him. Wallace agrees, and later that night meets the President at the Oval Office. Despite his anger, Roosevelt remains reluctant to seek a personal fight with Wallace, and after a spirited discussion agrees to his request [233]. The next morning, Vice President Wallace faces the press corps, having rehearsed and prepared his own defense alongside his allies. Defiant yet not defensive, Wallace argues many of the published letters are undated and unsigned, and even of dubious authorship. While acknowledging some degree of communication with Roerich, the Vice President makes an passionate case calling the attacks a “smear”, and makes a point of casting himself as a devout Christian before the press. After a series of questions, the Vice President notes that he will leave for the good of the party if the President asks him to, and steps off the podium [234].
September 1st to September 10th, 1944
Across the Seine River:
Across the Seine River:
Starting on September 3rd, German reinforcements attempt to contain the 101st and the gathering elements of the 52nd Allied divisions, hoping to create a defensive ring that can protect Rouen and prevent the enemy from supporting Montgomery’s crossing attempts. Initially successful in protecting the outskirts of Rouen from the first enemy push, and after two days of intense, fierce fighting, the Germans are forced to stop their attacks due to increasing material and human fatigue. Seizing the opportunity, the 52nd Infantry Division leaves the paratroopers to defend the airfields, and marches west to link up with Montgomery’s advancing forces. On the evening of September 5th, Hausser’s 7th Army is finally pushed beyond its breaking point, enabling the 2nd Canadian Division to finally cross the Seine and link up with the 52nd. A makeshift bridge is constructed by the divisional engineers, protected from counterattacks through thick air cover. By September 7th, the Canadian 1st Army is rapidly pushing through the bridgehead, threatening to encircle Rouen and move into the German rear.
A critical decision must now be made, and upon consultation with his commanders von Rundstedt phones Field Marshal Guderian at Zossen and requests permission to withdraw from the Seine. Initially reluctant, Guderian finally relents upon the prospect of an encirclement. Due to the pressing need for reinforcing the eastern front – Guderian’s priority-, the Supreme Commander is willing to sacrifice ground if it means von Rundstedt can preserve strength. Hausser’s 7th Army is immediately withdrawn to prevent being encircled around Le Havre, the key port – already severely damaged by Allied naval and air bombing – being destroyed with demolition charges. Despite an initial plan to have a division-strength garrison remain and fight to the last man, von Küchler prefers to retain the men for future operations [235]. On September 8th, Rouen falls to the Allies, followed by the capture of Le Havre on September 10th by Montogmery’s British divisions. For all purposes, the Lower Seine has been secured as well, clearing yet another hurdle in the Allied advance in northern France.
Out east, after being forced to stop for a couple of days, General Patton and his 3rd Army resume their attacks against the 1st German Army. After initial assaults prove costly and only partly successful, subsequent attacks cause sufficient damage to force the German 15th Army to move units to bolster said flank, further diluting German strength in the vicinity of Paris. Exploiting the low quality of troops defending certain sectors, Patton is able to achieve his own breakthrough on September 1st, encircling Troyes and forcing its surrender the next day. Having covered enormous extensions of ground since the breakout from Normandy, Patton is nonetheless extremely close to the exhaustion of its fuel supplies, with no prospect of resupply given the prioritization of Montgomery’s assault on the Lower Seine. Still, Patton plunges forward, smashing through the already crippled 1st German Army and capturing thousands of prisoners. Shifting north, the 3rd Army reaches as far as Chalons – attempting to cut off the escape route for Army Group B – on September 5th before fuel stocks are finally and utterly exhausted [236]. To his immense frustration, the impetuous armored commander is forced to completely stop his advance.
A critical decision must now be made, and upon consultation with his commanders von Rundstedt phones Field Marshal Guderian at Zossen and requests permission to withdraw from the Seine. Initially reluctant, Guderian finally relents upon the prospect of an encirclement. Due to the pressing need for reinforcing the eastern front – Guderian’s priority-, the Supreme Commander is willing to sacrifice ground if it means von Rundstedt can preserve strength. Hausser’s 7th Army is immediately withdrawn to prevent being encircled around Le Havre, the key port – already severely damaged by Allied naval and air bombing – being destroyed with demolition charges. Despite an initial plan to have a division-strength garrison remain and fight to the last man, von Küchler prefers to retain the men for future operations [235]. On September 8th, Rouen falls to the Allies, followed by the capture of Le Havre on September 10th by Montogmery’s British divisions. For all purposes, the Lower Seine has been secured as well, clearing yet another hurdle in the Allied advance in northern France.
Out east, after being forced to stop for a couple of days, General Patton and his 3rd Army resume their attacks against the 1st German Army. After initial assaults prove costly and only partly successful, subsequent attacks cause sufficient damage to force the German 15th Army to move units to bolster said flank, further diluting German strength in the vicinity of Paris. Exploiting the low quality of troops defending certain sectors, Patton is able to achieve his own breakthrough on September 1st, encircling Troyes and forcing its surrender the next day. Having covered enormous extensions of ground since the breakout from Normandy, Patton is nonetheless extremely close to the exhaustion of its fuel supplies, with no prospect of resupply given the prioritization of Montgomery’s assault on the Lower Seine. Still, Patton plunges forward, smashing through the already crippled 1st German Army and capturing thousands of prisoners. Shifting north, the 3rd Army reaches as far as Chalons – attempting to cut off the escape route for Army Group B – on September 5th before fuel stocks are finally and utterly exhausted [236]. To his immense frustration, the impetuous armored commander is forced to completely stop his advance.
August 24th to September 1st, 1944
Washington D.C., United States of America:
Washington D.C., United States of America:
During the first week following the breaking of the Roerich story by the press, President Roosevelt faces a difficult decision. The question of whether to dump Wallace from the ticket was already raised back in 1940, only for the President and his advisors to consider that getting rid of Wallace after his nomination – even without the letters being public - would cause too much harm. And with him re-nominated again, it’s not entirely certain that his departure would fix the mess. Despite Hannegan’s insistent lobbying, several prominent newspapers – though not the Republican-aligned ones – speak favorable of Wallace’s press conference, and/or argue that he may deserve the benefit of the doubt. Pepper and other Wallace allies also make a point of having prominent figures, particularly labor leaders, re-state their support for Wallace, and mount a media campaign of their own accusing the GOP of trying to smear an innocent man. With the Vice President having thus seemingly acquitted himself for now, Roosevelt struggles to make a decision. Making matters worse is the issue of Warsaw, as the increasingly successful uprising is likely to have significant consequences regarding the Polish-American community, a key voting bloc in industrial states.
Roosevelt also ponders on the likely alternatives, and Truman’s prospects also suffer when some aides point out the Missouri Senator could just as well be smeared over his association with disgraced political boss Tom Pendergast. And Justice Douglas, though very well regarded, could easily put the South at risk given his views on segregation, failing to achieve the unity that would be paramount in trying to replace Wallace. In the end, Eleanor Roosevelt comes to the rescue of her friend Wallace, something she had already done back in 1940. Speaking in favor of Wallace’s zeal and honesty, she suggests Roosevelt might benefit more by standing up for his running mate and taking the fight to the Republicans rather than allow them a win. It takes a final meeting between the President and his Vice President to be convinced, but in the end, on the morning of August 27th, President Roosevelt informs the press that he stands by Wallace as his running mate. Despite his grim appearance, the President nonetheless makes an eloquent case for Wallace, and attempts to shame the GOP for “putting a man’s faith in question”. Although Hannegan and company fume, the ship has sailed for them [237].
Back at the Dewey HQ, the Governor chastises Brownell for “botching the release” of the letters, the issue now having become divisive rather than a strong, clear-cut condemnation of Wallace. Although the Vice President’s reputation appears to be damaged after the week-long scandal, further publications arguing in favor of inconsistencies in Prager’s published letters further muddy the waters, and the long desired kill shot turns into a purely partisan fight [238]. Brownell, keen to redeem himself, shifts his efforts back into a previous planned media blitz that has been launched since late July, trying to build up Dewey’s national pressure and focusing the Governor’s campaigning towards widespread use of radio broadcasts. Domestic policy is selected as the proper focus, foreign policy remaining a distinct weak spot for Dewey due to GOP infighting. Still, there are positive developments registered at the Dewey HQ by the end of the week. A cover story for Time Magazine, despite being even handed in its prose, portrays Roosevelt and Wallace together, with the President looking thin and pale. More importantly, Brownell bursts into Dewey’s office on September 1st in a state of joy, showing the Governor a series of private polls that place Dewey in the lead after the “Dear Guru” controversy.
Roosevelt also ponders on the likely alternatives, and Truman’s prospects also suffer when some aides point out the Missouri Senator could just as well be smeared over his association with disgraced political boss Tom Pendergast. And Justice Douglas, though very well regarded, could easily put the South at risk given his views on segregation, failing to achieve the unity that would be paramount in trying to replace Wallace. In the end, Eleanor Roosevelt comes to the rescue of her friend Wallace, something she had already done back in 1940. Speaking in favor of Wallace’s zeal and honesty, she suggests Roosevelt might benefit more by standing up for his running mate and taking the fight to the Republicans rather than allow them a win. It takes a final meeting between the President and his Vice President to be convinced, but in the end, on the morning of August 27th, President Roosevelt informs the press that he stands by Wallace as his running mate. Despite his grim appearance, the President nonetheless makes an eloquent case for Wallace, and attempts to shame the GOP for “putting a man’s faith in question”. Although Hannegan and company fume, the ship has sailed for them [237].
Back at the Dewey HQ, the Governor chastises Brownell for “botching the release” of the letters, the issue now having become divisive rather than a strong, clear-cut condemnation of Wallace. Although the Vice President’s reputation appears to be damaged after the week-long scandal, further publications arguing in favor of inconsistencies in Prager’s published letters further muddy the waters, and the long desired kill shot turns into a purely partisan fight [238]. Brownell, keen to redeem himself, shifts his efforts back into a previous planned media blitz that has been launched since late July, trying to build up Dewey’s national pressure and focusing the Governor’s campaigning towards widespread use of radio broadcasts. Domestic policy is selected as the proper focus, foreign policy remaining a distinct weak spot for Dewey due to GOP infighting. Still, there are positive developments registered at the Dewey HQ by the end of the week. A cover story for Time Magazine, despite being even handed in its prose, portrays Roosevelt and Wallace together, with the President looking thin and pale. More importantly, Brownell bursts into Dewey’s office on September 1st in a state of joy, showing the Governor a series of private polls that place Dewey in the lead after the “Dear Guru” controversy.
September 1st to September 6th, 1944
Paris and its vicinity, Occupied France:
Paris and its vicinity, Occupied France:
Following the forceful halt of Leclerc’s push on Rambouillet and the subsequent removal of the 2nd French Armored Division on Eisenhower’s orders – deepening a diplomatic crisis between De Gaulle and the Western Allies -, General Bradley prepares his forces for a renewed push ahead alongside Operation Transfigure, which is launched on the night of September 1st. Despite issues with the accuracy of the drop zones, Sosabowski’s Polish Brigade and Roy Urquhart’s 1st Airborne are able to secure the Rambouillet zone after a few hours of infighting, the previous damage inflicted by the French having weakened the German defenses. The paratroopers soon link with the advancing units of the US 12th Army Group, and by the night of September 2nd the march on Paris is on. By September 3rd, the Polish paratroopers storm the Versailles area and find a delegation of the National Assembly deputies gathered around Herriot, asking for a garrison to protect their now daily meetings. Uninterested in playing French politics, Sosabowski only makes sure the Germans have abandoned the area and then presses forward. Trying again, the deputies succeed this time in getting Maj. Gen. Urquhart to leave a company behind as a courtesy, and only as a guard for the palace itself.
Within Paris, von Zangen recognizes the battle for the city is soon to reach its climax, and reviews the outer defensive perimeter once again. Attrition and the battles for Rambouillet have drained the German garrison, and the constant ambushes of the FFI have made it difficult – if not outright impossible – to freely mobilize the garrison units to where they are needed. The Allied assault on Paris begins on September 4th, a fact reported with glee by RNF broadcasts that assert the city’s suffering is almost at an end. Forced to direct the battle from the city center, von Zangen relies on Lt. Colonel von Aulock to hold the outer lines, making extensive use of 88mm guns to try and stop Allied armored columns. Initially successful in forcing the Allies to pay a heavy price, it rapidly becomes clear the German infantry – most of them coming from security divisions – are far less suited to take on the enemy forces than the considerably less well trained FFI. Colonel Aulock himself is killed in battle, and the outer perimeter breached by the night of September 5th. In the meantime, the FFI have launched what they hope is a final offensive, hoping to keep the Germans pinned down on their strongholds until the reinforcements finally fight their way through.
Despite sending messengers to Bradley, to Eisenhower and even to De Gaulle offering to help negotiate a German withdrawal from Paris and a peaceful transition of power, Herriot and the Versailles deputies go unheard. Although von Zangen is willing to entertain some sort of arrangement, the apparent lack of attention paid to this new would-be French government quickly leads him to conclude it is a pointless endeavor. Thus, the German commander feels his moment of truth has arrived. With news of the Seine front collapsing on both wings, it appears the encirclement of Paris may be imminent. Should the garrison stay in place, they would have to fight to the bitter end, and supplies are low after almost three weeks of fighting over the city. Von Zangen subsequently asks for permission to withdraw his garrison, and von Rundstedt agrees. When asked about the demolition charges placed across the metropolis, Rundstedt passes the question over to Zossen. Although some officers counsel the destruction of Paris – including bombing runs by the Luftwaffe – partly out of spite, others publically question the military benefits of such a decision. The matter is eventually settled through the intervention of President Speer, who requests the city’s architectural landmarks be preserved. Speer’s motives are eventually used as a formal justification, though, in private, many officers feel the actual reason is to avoid the eventual retribution of such an act [239].
Within Paris, von Zangen recognizes the battle for the city is soon to reach its climax, and reviews the outer defensive perimeter once again. Attrition and the battles for Rambouillet have drained the German garrison, and the constant ambushes of the FFI have made it difficult – if not outright impossible – to freely mobilize the garrison units to where they are needed. The Allied assault on Paris begins on September 4th, a fact reported with glee by RNF broadcasts that assert the city’s suffering is almost at an end. Forced to direct the battle from the city center, von Zangen relies on Lt. Colonel von Aulock to hold the outer lines, making extensive use of 88mm guns to try and stop Allied armored columns. Initially successful in forcing the Allies to pay a heavy price, it rapidly becomes clear the German infantry – most of them coming from security divisions – are far less suited to take on the enemy forces than the considerably less well trained FFI. Colonel Aulock himself is killed in battle, and the outer perimeter breached by the night of September 5th. In the meantime, the FFI have launched what they hope is a final offensive, hoping to keep the Germans pinned down on their strongholds until the reinforcements finally fight their way through.
Despite sending messengers to Bradley, to Eisenhower and even to De Gaulle offering to help negotiate a German withdrawal from Paris and a peaceful transition of power, Herriot and the Versailles deputies go unheard. Although von Zangen is willing to entertain some sort of arrangement, the apparent lack of attention paid to this new would-be French government quickly leads him to conclude it is a pointless endeavor. Thus, the German commander feels his moment of truth has arrived. With news of the Seine front collapsing on both wings, it appears the encirclement of Paris may be imminent. Should the garrison stay in place, they would have to fight to the bitter end, and supplies are low after almost three weeks of fighting over the city. Von Zangen subsequently asks for permission to withdraw his garrison, and von Rundstedt agrees. When asked about the demolition charges placed across the metropolis, Rundstedt passes the question over to Zossen. Although some officers counsel the destruction of Paris – including bombing runs by the Luftwaffe – partly out of spite, others publically question the military benefits of such a decision. The matter is eventually settled through the intervention of President Speer, who requests the city’s architectural landmarks be preserved. Speer’s motives are eventually used as a formal justification, though, in private, many officers feel the actual reason is to avoid the eventual retribution of such an act [239].
September 7th to September 9th, 1944
Paris, Liberated France:
Paris, Liberated France:
General von Zangen acts decisively, ordering a stage withdrawal to the east by removing his troops from the remnants of the outer perimeter and then neighborhood by neighborhood until the city can be evacuated. As they retreat, and whenever the relentless Allied advance does not prevent it, bridges are blown up, and streets filled with rubble to block the enemy armored units. The garrison can only withdraw under ceaseless harassment by the FFI, resulting in heavy casualties and even in the isolation of units that find it impossible to fight their way through. Von Zangen and his staff evacuate the Hotel Meurice on September 8th, their armored convoy successfully leaving Paris alongside Ambassador Abetz, Gestapo personnel, and collaborationists that wish to flee. Some of the Milice units fight on to prevent what they fear is the capture of the city by the Communists, but such efforts of resistance are quickly put down – most violently – by the FFI. Indeed, the Resistance troops and/or militia have no qualms in executing Milice personnel, as well as those that have been previously marked for death. On the other side of affairs, it takes significant effort for Swedish Consul Nordling to prevent last minute executions by the Gestapo, which are only countermanded as von Zangen’s last official order as garrison commander.
In a final, and wildly successful act of theatrics, Colonel Rol outmaneuvers Delegate General Parodi and General Delmas, leading his FFI units to secure the main buildings and seats of power within the city center. By that afternoon, places such as the Palais Bourbon, the Invalides, the Hotels Meurice and Majestic, and even the Élysee Palace are under firm FFI control, the Cross of Lorraine flying from them as German flags are taken down and burnt. Due to this, RNF broadcasts waste little time in proclaiming that “Paris has liberated itself”, and hail Parodi, Delmas and particularly Rol as heroes of the city. As Allied units – British, Polish and Americans – march through the streets, the signs of the struggle during the Paris Uprising are clear. Although a number of key buildings have been relatively preserved, the damage is significant. Still, the crowds pay no attention to it, flooding the streets – whenever there isn’t active gunfire – to celebrate. The Allied tanks are swamped by civilians or FFI personnel jumping towards them due to sheer exhilaration. As nightfall comes and September 8th comes into an end, Parisians still gather in the streets as though it were noon.
Improvised fireworks start showing up as enthusiastic crowds chant the Marseillaise. At moments the chanting and cheering is interrupted by further gunfire from German soldiers trapped in their barricades or buildings, resulting in immediate counterattacks by enthusiastic FFI soldiers. Effigies of Hitler and Laval – though not of Pétain – made with whatever materials are available are also burnt in bonfires, alongside posters and other material favorable to collaboration. However, as September 9th starts, the joy of liberation as Paris celebrates its first free day in four years is also shared with the apprehension or desperation of hunger. With the breakdown of the supply system within the city, many have gone hungry for days, showing clear signs of malnutrition or even starvation. Allied troops are asked for supplies, and air drops or land convoys have to be organized to try to keep the city fed. Local government is also taking shape, though clear signs of dissent show up as Parodi and his pro-Gaullist officers see pro-Communist local administrators work on their own to set up their own local government. A dispatch is immediately sent to General de Gaulle, asking for his presence. In the meantime, Colonel Rol, presently touring the streets, appears to bask in the sincere adoration of the Parisian masses.
In a final, and wildly successful act of theatrics, Colonel Rol outmaneuvers Delegate General Parodi and General Delmas, leading his FFI units to secure the main buildings and seats of power within the city center. By that afternoon, places such as the Palais Bourbon, the Invalides, the Hotels Meurice and Majestic, and even the Élysee Palace are under firm FFI control, the Cross of Lorraine flying from them as German flags are taken down and burnt. Due to this, RNF broadcasts waste little time in proclaiming that “Paris has liberated itself”, and hail Parodi, Delmas and particularly Rol as heroes of the city. As Allied units – British, Polish and Americans – march through the streets, the signs of the struggle during the Paris Uprising are clear. Although a number of key buildings have been relatively preserved, the damage is significant. Still, the crowds pay no attention to it, flooding the streets – whenever there isn’t active gunfire – to celebrate. The Allied tanks are swamped by civilians or FFI personnel jumping towards them due to sheer exhilaration. As nightfall comes and September 8th comes into an end, Parisians still gather in the streets as though it were noon.
Improvised fireworks start showing up as enthusiastic crowds chant the Marseillaise. At moments the chanting and cheering is interrupted by further gunfire from German soldiers trapped in their barricades or buildings, resulting in immediate counterattacks by enthusiastic FFI soldiers. Effigies of Hitler and Laval – though not of Pétain – made with whatever materials are available are also burnt in bonfires, alongside posters and other material favorable to collaboration. However, as September 9th starts, the joy of liberation as Paris celebrates its first free day in four years is also shared with the apprehension or desperation of hunger. With the breakdown of the supply system within the city, many have gone hungry for days, showing clear signs of malnutrition or even starvation. Allied troops are asked for supplies, and air drops or land convoys have to be organized to try to keep the city fed. Local government is also taking shape, though clear signs of dissent show up as Parodi and his pro-Gaullist officers see pro-Communist local administrators work on their own to set up their own local government. A dispatch is immediately sent to General de Gaulle, asking for his presence. In the meantime, Colonel Rol, presently touring the streets, appears to bask in the sincere adoration of the Parisian masses.
September 1st to September 10th, 1944
Southern France, Western Front:
Southern France, Western Front:
After the subsequent liberation of Grenoble and Vienne by the last week of August, the corps that form the US 6th Army Group converge up the River Rhone to target Lyon, with the American 6th Corps approaching from the right and the Free French forces from the left. At Lyon, currently experiencing open infighting between the Vichy milice and rebelling Resistance and maquis units, Colonel General Blaskowitz is concentrating elements of the 19th German Army, intending to have the city form his first line of defense. Thus far, Blaskowitz has conducted a manic withdrawal across Southern France, saving the vast majority of his command despite Allied air attacks and repeated attacks by the maquis. The race, however, is not yet won, and a rapid defeat at Lyon could enable the Allied forces to attempt another encirclement of the 19th Army. The Allied offensive against Lyon begins on September 1st, as the US 6th Army Corps attacks the 11th Panzer Division, the key element of the 19th Army. Despite its higher quality as a formation, said division has been covering the retreat over the past few weeks, resulting in severe attrition to air raids as well as material fatigue due to moving over bombed roads.
Soon reinforcements are needed, forcing 19th Army commander Friedrich Wiese to have one of his withdrawing corps assist in the defense of Lyon. Despite the arrival of reinforcements, the lack of morale and the widespread desertions of Hiwi volunteers and auxiliaries undermines the German resistance, and the steady arrival of more Allied units soon threatens to turn the tide. Despite being able to stall the Allies for almost a week, Wiese is forced to give up the city on September 6th, withdrawing his units back to Blaskowitz’s second planned line of defense at Dijon. Lyon is liberated on the 7th as the Maquis led by commissar Yves Farge link up with Free French troops, the city having been severely damaged during the struggle between the Maquis and the Milice. Much like in Paris, executions of Milice personnel and suspected collaborators take place, and the resulting violence and strife is enough to worry officers in the liberating French divisions. One of them, pro-de Gaulle General Diego Brosset, attempts to strip Farge and the local Resistance of police powers on September 9th, and is rebuffed. Undeterred, Brosset persists and steps in with his men to restore order, forcefully getting Farge to stand down.
The Lyon incident is repeated elsewhere across southern France, as Blaskowitz’s fast withdrawal even in the absence of German forces leaves a vacuum of power to be filled. Unfortunately for the Free French government in Algiers, not all Resistance forces are fully aligned in their views regarding the liberation and administration of French territory. In Marseille, newly appointed commissar Aubrac struggles to maintain order due to a need to purge the Vichy-loyal police, forcing him to rely on the PCF and the strong trade union movement to maintain order. In Toulouse, FFI colonel Ravanel is firmly in control over the city after the successful Resistance uprising, and then assumes supremacy over the local Gaullist commissar. Also dissolving the local police over suspected collaboration, Ravanel has it replaced by a “patriotic militia”, the core of which is formed by Communist maquis and Spanish Republicans. At the end of August, General Gabriel Cochet – FFI commander for Southern France – issues an order to disarm unreliable FFI units, which he is forced to repeat a number of times. Despite incessant touring of the region, it is clear the lack of organized local government is enabling politically engaged elements to seize control, with Ravanel being the worst offender in Cochet’s eyes [240].
Soon reinforcements are needed, forcing 19th Army commander Friedrich Wiese to have one of his withdrawing corps assist in the defense of Lyon. Despite the arrival of reinforcements, the lack of morale and the widespread desertions of Hiwi volunteers and auxiliaries undermines the German resistance, and the steady arrival of more Allied units soon threatens to turn the tide. Despite being able to stall the Allies for almost a week, Wiese is forced to give up the city on September 6th, withdrawing his units back to Blaskowitz’s second planned line of defense at Dijon. Lyon is liberated on the 7th as the Maquis led by commissar Yves Farge link up with Free French troops, the city having been severely damaged during the struggle between the Maquis and the Milice. Much like in Paris, executions of Milice personnel and suspected collaborators take place, and the resulting violence and strife is enough to worry officers in the liberating French divisions. One of them, pro-de Gaulle General Diego Brosset, attempts to strip Farge and the local Resistance of police powers on September 9th, and is rebuffed. Undeterred, Brosset persists and steps in with his men to restore order, forcefully getting Farge to stand down.
The Lyon incident is repeated elsewhere across southern France, as Blaskowitz’s fast withdrawal even in the absence of German forces leaves a vacuum of power to be filled. Unfortunately for the Free French government in Algiers, not all Resistance forces are fully aligned in their views regarding the liberation and administration of French territory. In Marseille, newly appointed commissar Aubrac struggles to maintain order due to a need to purge the Vichy-loyal police, forcing him to rely on the PCF and the strong trade union movement to maintain order. In Toulouse, FFI colonel Ravanel is firmly in control over the city after the successful Resistance uprising, and then assumes supremacy over the local Gaullist commissar. Also dissolving the local police over suspected collaboration, Ravanel has it replaced by a “patriotic militia”, the core of which is formed by Communist maquis and Spanish Republicans. At the end of August, General Gabriel Cochet – FFI commander for Southern France – issues an order to disarm unreliable FFI units, which he is forced to repeat a number of times. Despite incessant touring of the region, it is clear the lack of organized local government is enabling politically engaged elements to seize control, with Ravanel being the worst offender in Cochet’s eyes [240].
August 1st to September 10th, 1944
Italian Front:
Italian Front:
Following a few days of rest and consolidation of the supply lines for Field Marshal Harold Alexander’s 15th Army Group, the Allied forces prepare to resume their advance against the Arno River, seeking to overrun the final German positions before the Gothic Line. For his part, Field Marshal Kesselring has been hard at work trying to foresee the destination of the enemy assault, hoping to gain as much time as possible in order for the Gothic – or Green – Line to be strengthened and turned into a credible position to survive until the winter. The key weakness in Kesselring’s defenses across the Arno is generally perceived to be the city of Florence, a city that, due to its significant cultural heritage, Kesselring is loath to turn into an active battlefield. By the second week of August Alexander’s command is on the advance, having been forced to shift their original targets due to the lack of mountain troops – recently removed from the front for participation in Dragoon -. Instead, Alexander relies on an attack by the British 8th Army in the east, towards the Adriatic Coast, in the hopes of then using the US 5th Army to provide the main blow towards the center of the German lines and, eventually, the city of Bologna.
As a preamble to the operation, the 8th Army secures Florence in August 7th, with only limited damage to its historic bridges as a result of last minute sabotage. Then moving east, the Adriatic offensive begins on the 15th, causing significant surprise within the German high command as the British divisions bypass the Apennines and start to close in towards San Marino and Rimini. Soon the German 10th Army is in dire need of reinforcements, which the Italian front no longer has in sufficient numbers due to the prioritization of other fronts. Although paratrooper units are able to stall the 8th Army for a number of days taking advantage of terrain – in what Allied servicemen soon start referring as a “Monte Cassino of the east” -, and the efficient use of firepower increases Allied casualties at a point in which British manpower is already running low, the German lines are finally broken by the end of the month. Following the capture of San Marino by September 5th, Rimini is seized after a vicious urban struggle and falls on September 8th, signaling the collapse of the Arno River positions and even the easternmost portion of the Gothic line.
In the west and center of the Allied lines, General Mark Clark’s US 5th Army faces heavy German resistance by the 14th Army, which, despite being mauled in previous operations, retains a measure of strength on its center. Out west, however, the numerical and firepower disparity begins to take its toll, and Clark’s divisions are able to break through the Arno and capture Pisa and Lucca in very rapid succession by the third week of August. Having thus turned the center of the 14th Army’s position into a dangerous salient, the Allies force Kesselring to order a general withdrawal to the Gothic Line positions, bringing the battle for the Arno to a clear end by the end of August. At his headquarters, Kesselring retains his trademark optimism, but his staff are increasingly convinced that, with no reinforcements and two mauled armies, holding on the Gothic Line until winter may well prove impossible. As the fighting continues, multiple talks are held, and Kesselring eventually comes to the view that, barring the arrival of new divisions, and due to the collapse of Southern France, a prolonged stand on the Gothic Line could well result in the destruction of its forces. On September 10th, Kesselring flies to Zossen for a meeting with Guderian, intending to settle the issue of the Italian front once and for all.
As a preamble to the operation, the 8th Army secures Florence in August 7th, with only limited damage to its historic bridges as a result of last minute sabotage. Then moving east, the Adriatic offensive begins on the 15th, causing significant surprise within the German high command as the British divisions bypass the Apennines and start to close in towards San Marino and Rimini. Soon the German 10th Army is in dire need of reinforcements, which the Italian front no longer has in sufficient numbers due to the prioritization of other fronts. Although paratrooper units are able to stall the 8th Army for a number of days taking advantage of terrain – in what Allied servicemen soon start referring as a “Monte Cassino of the east” -, and the efficient use of firepower increases Allied casualties at a point in which British manpower is already running low, the German lines are finally broken by the end of the month. Following the capture of San Marino by September 5th, Rimini is seized after a vicious urban struggle and falls on September 8th, signaling the collapse of the Arno River positions and even the easternmost portion of the Gothic line.
In the west and center of the Allied lines, General Mark Clark’s US 5th Army faces heavy German resistance by the 14th Army, which, despite being mauled in previous operations, retains a measure of strength on its center. Out west, however, the numerical and firepower disparity begins to take its toll, and Clark’s divisions are able to break through the Arno and capture Pisa and Lucca in very rapid succession by the third week of August. Having thus turned the center of the 14th Army’s position into a dangerous salient, the Allies force Kesselring to order a general withdrawal to the Gothic Line positions, bringing the battle for the Arno to a clear end by the end of August. At his headquarters, Kesselring retains his trademark optimism, but his staff are increasingly convinced that, with no reinforcements and two mauled armies, holding on the Gothic Line until winter may well prove impossible. As the fighting continues, multiple talks are held, and Kesselring eventually comes to the view that, barring the arrival of new divisions, and due to the collapse of Southern France, a prolonged stand on the Gothic Line could well result in the destruction of its forces. On September 10th, Kesselring flies to Zossen for a meeting with Guderian, intending to settle the issue of the Italian front once and for all.
August 1st to September 15th, 1944
Bern, Switzerland; Lyon, Liberated France:
Bern, Switzerland; Lyon, Liberated France:
The sudden collapse of the Beck government and the Valkyrie plot had been a profoundly disappointing experience for the American OSS, particularly for its director General Donovan and for Allen Dulles, its director in Switzerland. Despite last minute attempts to persuade President Roosevelt to provide support, only a handful of hastily printed leaflets had been dropped by the US Airforce by the time Guderian’s Panzers had stormed the streets of Berlin, and upon the arrest of Dulles’s highest ranking contact all communication had gone silent [241]. With the so-called “counter-coup” having clearly taken out the conspirators, Dulles had spent the bulk of August trying to piece together the eventual fate of his contacts and of the plotters themselves. Through the few surviving sources – which then went silent by trying to defect or cutting off contact – Dulles realized most were either dead or in Gestapo custody, most likely experiencing a personal hell in Gestapo Müller’s basement. The OSS agent could not help but feel the United States – and indeed the Allies – had missed on a golden opportunity to end the war right there and then, even if, from what communications he’d held with Hans Gisevius before his arrest, it seemed the Beck government did not have particularly realistic starting goals for negotiations.
General Donovan wasn’t pleased either, and was determined to get closer to the field. Recently promoted to Maj. General, and after a similar appearance in Normandy during D-Day, Donovan accompanies the landing force at St. Tropez for Operation Dragoon in August 15th, and he subsequently spends most of his time in Southern France establishing contact with Resistance and Maquis cells, and placing his own agents on the ground. Knowing he had already spent two years in Switzerland without a chance to get out, Donovan authorizes Dulles to cross the Franco-Swiss border alongside one of his most prominent officers, Lt. William Casey [242]. The trio meet at the recently liberated city of Lyon on September 15th, and Donovan and Dulles are soon deep into talks regarding the ongoing situation. Dulles confirms his earlier reports to Washington that, despite Guderian’s assumption of command, he believes the will of the German Army will crumble from the combination of Hitler’s death and the subsequent purge. More pressingly, both believe some degree of peace talks and/or an overture from Berlin will be inevitable, and worry about its outcome.
Describing the avowed policy of unconditional surrender as a “straitjacket”, Dulles believes the current Allied stance is likely to only prolong the war, which will likely benefit the Soviet Union greatly by providing them with the opportunity to occupy parts of Germany [243]. Both Donovan and Dulles are already thinking aloud of the eventual post-war situation, and their concern over Soviet advances to the West is palpable, but not shared by much of the present Administration. After Donovan makes an awkward joke about Dulles’ brother, who happens to be Thomas Dewey’s foreign policy advisor, both men move into other subjects. It has been decided Donovan will be operating out of London for the foreseeable time, with Dulles by his side. The OSS Director has ambitious plans for the future, including the prospect of rallying anti-Nazi elements within Germany, and pushing for drastic measure regarding the German high ranking officers and politicians who still live (or rule) after the war is over.
General Donovan wasn’t pleased either, and was determined to get closer to the field. Recently promoted to Maj. General, and after a similar appearance in Normandy during D-Day, Donovan accompanies the landing force at St. Tropez for Operation Dragoon in August 15th, and he subsequently spends most of his time in Southern France establishing contact with Resistance and Maquis cells, and placing his own agents on the ground. Knowing he had already spent two years in Switzerland without a chance to get out, Donovan authorizes Dulles to cross the Franco-Swiss border alongside one of his most prominent officers, Lt. William Casey [242]. The trio meet at the recently liberated city of Lyon on September 15th, and Donovan and Dulles are soon deep into talks regarding the ongoing situation. Dulles confirms his earlier reports to Washington that, despite Guderian’s assumption of command, he believes the will of the German Army will crumble from the combination of Hitler’s death and the subsequent purge. More pressingly, both believe some degree of peace talks and/or an overture from Berlin will be inevitable, and worry about its outcome.
Describing the avowed policy of unconditional surrender as a “straitjacket”, Dulles believes the current Allied stance is likely to only prolong the war, which will likely benefit the Soviet Union greatly by providing them with the opportunity to occupy parts of Germany [243]. Both Donovan and Dulles are already thinking aloud of the eventual post-war situation, and their concern over Soviet advances to the West is palpable, but not shared by much of the present Administration. After Donovan makes an awkward joke about Dulles’ brother, who happens to be Thomas Dewey’s foreign policy advisor, both men move into other subjects. It has been decided Donovan will be operating out of London for the foreseeable time, with Dulles by his side. The OSS Director has ambitious plans for the future, including the prospect of rallying anti-Nazi elements within Germany, and pushing for drastic measure regarding the German high ranking officers and politicians who still live (or rule) after the war is over.
August 1st to September 10th, 1944
Gargnano, Italian Social Republic:
Gargnano, Italian Social Republic:
Despite the significant blow to his self-confidence caused by the death of Hitler and the German political upheaval, Benito Mussolini appears to recover a measure of determination after a few days of reflection and discussions at Gargnano. Intending to take advantage of the new German government, Mussolini pushes for a number of measures previously denied by Berlin, which include the use of his Italian troops to fight the Allies instead of anti-partisan operations, an offensive to throw the Allies into disarray and recover terrain in Italy, and a demand for greater effective authority for the Salo Republic. To his immense disappointment, not only is Guderian completely opposed to an offensive, he reiterates previous demands by the Wehrmacht that Italian armed personnel should be conscripted for service in Germany, manning anti-aircraft units and building fortifications. Taking the refusals and pressures as a personal insult, Mussolini takes a symbolic revenge of his own by firing Interior Minister Guido Buffarini Guidi, who – aside from having been a close SS ally – is seen as corrupt, too pro-German, and now a personal rival of Mussolini [244]. Irate yet finding Kesselring unwilling to demand his reinstatement due to his ties to Himmler, Buffarini Guidi withdraws and starts seeking out rivals of Mussolini for a plot of his own.
As the Allies storm the Arno River and prepare for the battle of the Gothic Line, Mussolini spends several days at Gargnano holed up with his friend – and socialist revolutionary – Nicola Bombacci and with party secretary Alessandro Pavolini, discussing the future. In Mussolini’s view, the ideal solution is to end the war with the Western Allies, and having previously opened up contact with neutral diplomats, he takes a step further and sends a messenger to the Vatican, expressing his intention to offer the Allies an anti-Soviet Alliance – with or without Germany - involving his own Italian regime. Having to also consider the possibility of not being able to split the Allies apart, Mussolini keeps two options open: one, escape to Switzerland and/or Spain, which while not to his liking is strongly pushed by Bombacci. The other, to lead a “final stand” for Fascism in Milan or at the Valtellina valley near the Alps, which is Pavolini’s brainchild. In Pavolini’s own words, the Duce could go out like a hero in a “Fascist Thermopylae”. With the final stand concept appealing to his romanticism, Mussolini also orders Pavolini to start making arrangements [245].
As the Allies storm the Arno River and prepare for the battle of the Gothic Line, Mussolini spends several days at Gargnano holed up with his friend – and socialist revolutionary – Nicola Bombacci and with party secretary Alessandro Pavolini, discussing the future. In Mussolini’s view, the ideal solution is to end the war with the Western Allies, and having previously opened up contact with neutral diplomats, he takes a step further and sends a messenger to the Vatican, expressing his intention to offer the Allies an anti-Soviet Alliance – with or without Germany - involving his own Italian regime. Having to also consider the possibility of not being able to split the Allies apart, Mussolini keeps two options open: one, escape to Switzerland and/or Spain, which while not to his liking is strongly pushed by Bombacci. The other, to lead a “final stand” for Fascism in Milan or at the Valtellina valley near the Alps, which is Pavolini’s brainchild. In Pavolini’s own words, the Duce could go out like a hero in a “Fascist Thermopylae”. With the final stand concept appealing to his romanticism, Mussolini also orders Pavolini to start making arrangements [245].
_____________________________________________
Notes for Part XVII:
[226] All of this is OTL. Felt it was a good idea to provide context on Dewey, as we’ll be following the 1944 US Presidential Election closely.
[227] OTL too. The letters were almost published, but there was fear of mutual destruction between both tickets.
[228] Bricker did make this mistake. Truman only started speaking for the campaign on early September, but being the incumbent VP Wallace has every opportunity to comment (more so on FDR’s absence), and he delivers. Ironically, his blistering attacks make him a more tempting target for the GOP.
[229] Both operations were planned but never got implemented due to the fast Allied advance. Here they become viable. Axehead is essentially OTL Axehead II, Transfigure is somewhat modified (the original, it seems, was to cut off the withdrawal of German units towards Chartres and Paris during the post-Falaise withdrawal).
[230] An uneducated guess of how the units would be deployed. Perhaps it would have been decided in such a scenario to keep the Airborne divisions together. I figured the combined urgency of bypassing the Seine defenses AND liberating Paris justified two separate operations.
[231] When originally confronted in the 1948 Presidential Election campaign, Wallace refused to answer after journalists asked him again and again, and greatly hurt his public image in the process. Even worse, he snapped at the journalists and called them “stooges” of Prager. Here, confronted four years earlier, he manages to keep his cool, and lives to fight another day.
[232] OTL this meeting was judged to be an important success for the Dewey campaign, as it showed the potential for policy continuity in foreign policy. Here they lose that advantage, having sought gains through the release of the Dear Guru letters.
[233] This is all a guess. For all I know, Roosevelt could have told Wallace to resign outright. But he showed a remarkable aversion to confront Wallace before the 1944 DNC in OTL, and narratively I think it’s plausible he could have held off from making a rash decision.
[234] Had to borrow from history here, this is Wallace doing the “Checkers Speech” routine before Nixon came up with it. We’ll see how it works for him.
[235] Of course, leaving such garrisons behind to hold the ports, while suicidal in the long run for those men, also prevented the Allies from moving supplies fast enough. It’s a trade-off that’s worth pondering. I do think the notion of having these fortress cities should not be considered something only Hitler would push for, but after so long being told retreat is unacceptable, I think local commanders would prioritize saving troops.
[236] Due to a more effective German resistance, Patton is unable to get as far as in OTL before exhausting his fuel supply. Still an impressive achievement considering his starting point in Normandy.
[237] Again, not sure if Eleanor Roosevelt could or would have tried to save Wallace. But they were friends and she had saved him at the 1940 DNC, so it’s not impossible. In the end, there’s a bit of a “sunk cost fallacy” at play, in that Roosevelt is compelled to decide he has to stand by Wallace and avoid losing even more. Or because he may lose even more with the choices offered to him, none of which were perfect. Of course, we know Truman, though heavily attacked over the Pendergast connection, survived it without issues. FDR doesn’t know that.
[238] Another Checkers parallel, but based partly in truth. Wallace is generally believed to have clearly written the letters, but some of the stuff Prager showed had inconsistencies.
[239] Thus the cultural heritage of Paris is saved. Not of out of the kindness of hearts, but mostly out of cold pragmatism. I have to imagine Speer would actually oppose it due his background and profession. Of course, the Germans are also assuming the French won’t be angry in the first place after a three-week battle for the city.
[240] Much of what we see in Marseilles, Lyon and Toulouse is OTL, with somewhat altered details or context. Planting some seeds for the future.
[241] Catching up with had happened earlier regarding Dulles and “Wild Bill” Donovan.
[242] Thus far, mostly OTL events and reactions with some small changes. Casey may be more familiar to some readers as Reagan’s controversial Director of Central Intelligence during Iran-Contra. I have to say I love doing research and finding people who are to be famous later in the background of events.
[243] These views were held OTL, and will be even more rampant in a world where Hitler is gone. The war seems even more of an afterthought for Donovan and Dulles, and they do not want the Soviets to be the one who profit from all of this.
[244] Buffarini Guidi was fired much later in OTL. Here, Mussolini can assert greater political autonomy because SS overlord Wolff is arrested and not replaced.
[245] Mussolini did want to make this alliance offer, it seems. He also entertained the notion of a last stand, but never committed to it until it was too late. Here he was more time to come to terms with how he wants things to play out, with less hope in a miraculous German victory.
[227] OTL too. The letters were almost published, but there was fear of mutual destruction between both tickets.
[228] Bricker did make this mistake. Truman only started speaking for the campaign on early September, but being the incumbent VP Wallace has every opportunity to comment (more so on FDR’s absence), and he delivers. Ironically, his blistering attacks make him a more tempting target for the GOP.
[229] Both operations were planned but never got implemented due to the fast Allied advance. Here they become viable. Axehead is essentially OTL Axehead II, Transfigure is somewhat modified (the original, it seems, was to cut off the withdrawal of German units towards Chartres and Paris during the post-Falaise withdrawal).
[230] An uneducated guess of how the units would be deployed. Perhaps it would have been decided in such a scenario to keep the Airborne divisions together. I figured the combined urgency of bypassing the Seine defenses AND liberating Paris justified two separate operations.
[231] When originally confronted in the 1948 Presidential Election campaign, Wallace refused to answer after journalists asked him again and again, and greatly hurt his public image in the process. Even worse, he snapped at the journalists and called them “stooges” of Prager. Here, confronted four years earlier, he manages to keep his cool, and lives to fight another day.
[232] OTL this meeting was judged to be an important success for the Dewey campaign, as it showed the potential for policy continuity in foreign policy. Here they lose that advantage, having sought gains through the release of the Dear Guru letters.
[233] This is all a guess. For all I know, Roosevelt could have told Wallace to resign outright. But he showed a remarkable aversion to confront Wallace before the 1944 DNC in OTL, and narratively I think it’s plausible he could have held off from making a rash decision.
[234] Had to borrow from history here, this is Wallace doing the “Checkers Speech” routine before Nixon came up with it. We’ll see how it works for him.
[235] Of course, leaving such garrisons behind to hold the ports, while suicidal in the long run for those men, also prevented the Allies from moving supplies fast enough. It’s a trade-off that’s worth pondering. I do think the notion of having these fortress cities should not be considered something only Hitler would push for, but after so long being told retreat is unacceptable, I think local commanders would prioritize saving troops.
[236] Due to a more effective German resistance, Patton is unable to get as far as in OTL before exhausting his fuel supply. Still an impressive achievement considering his starting point in Normandy.
[237] Again, not sure if Eleanor Roosevelt could or would have tried to save Wallace. But they were friends and she had saved him at the 1940 DNC, so it’s not impossible. In the end, there’s a bit of a “sunk cost fallacy” at play, in that Roosevelt is compelled to decide he has to stand by Wallace and avoid losing even more. Or because he may lose even more with the choices offered to him, none of which were perfect. Of course, we know Truman, though heavily attacked over the Pendergast connection, survived it without issues. FDR doesn’t know that.
[238] Another Checkers parallel, but based partly in truth. Wallace is generally believed to have clearly written the letters, but some of the stuff Prager showed had inconsistencies.
[239] Thus the cultural heritage of Paris is saved. Not of out of the kindness of hearts, but mostly out of cold pragmatism. I have to imagine Speer would actually oppose it due his background and profession. Of course, the Germans are also assuming the French won’t be angry in the first place after a three-week battle for the city.
[240] Much of what we see in Marseilles, Lyon and Toulouse is OTL, with somewhat altered details or context. Planting some seeds for the future.
[241] Catching up with had happened earlier regarding Dulles and “Wild Bill” Donovan.
[242] Thus far, mostly OTL events and reactions with some small changes. Casey may be more familiar to some readers as Reagan’s controversial Director of Central Intelligence during Iran-Contra. I have to say I love doing research and finding people who are to be famous later in the background of events.
[243] These views were held OTL, and will be even more rampant in a world where Hitler is gone. The war seems even more of an afterthought for Donovan and Dulles, and they do not want the Soviets to be the one who profit from all of this.
[244] Buffarini Guidi was fired much later in OTL. Here, Mussolini can assert greater political autonomy because SS overlord Wolff is arrested and not replaced.
[245] Mussolini did want to make this alliance offer, it seems. He also entertained the notion of a last stand, but never committed to it until it was too late. Here he was more time to come to terms with how he wants things to play out, with less hope in a miraculous German victory.
XVIII. Late August to Early September, 1944 (II)
XVIII.
September 1944:
Now undisputed master of German intelligence,
Walter Schellenberg tries to find a way out of the war
August 1st to September 1st, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
September 1944:
Now undisputed master of German intelligence,
Walter Schellenberg tries to find a way out of the war
August 1st to September 1st, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
Despite devoting most of their collective efforts to taking office, consolidating power, and generally dealing both with the fallout from the brief German Civil War as well as the ongoing Allied offensives, the key members of the German government have not entirely neglected the prospect of an end to the war. As Supreme Commander, Guderian has devoted his efforts to the implementation of his Fall Silber plans during the entire month of August, managing to secure the first staged withdrawals as a prelude from more drastic action – including the likely withdrawal from Norway and even Italy – in the next few weeks. Chancellor von Papen has not wasted time to stage endless plots of deception, disruption and division to drive wedges between the Allied Powers, almost always unsuccessful from the short-term point of view. President Speer, having already promised the German people a “victorious peace” in his July 31st Inaugural Speech, has also been meddling with the war industry to attempt to deliver the miracle weapons that would facilitate such a peace. And Foreign Minister von Krosigk, though otherwise occupied with the steady collapse of the Axis allies and/or with their ceaseless complaints, has also begun the process of establishing formal channels of communication with the Western Allies and the Soviet Union via Switzerland and Sweden.
However, it is Intelligence Chief Walter Schellenberg who takes the most proactive steps, believing that the route to success – other than the long term schemes to bring the Allies to the table – can be found in the pursuit of as many avenues as possible. On August 8th, Schellenberg has a secret meeting in Berlin with designer and old acquaintance Coco Chanel, who had already been approached by the SD back in 1943 for what was known as Operation Modelhut [246]. Although her efforts to establish a direct line to Winston Churchill via Madrid had been clearly unsuccessful, Schellenberg explores a second and more forceful attempt. This time, he believes a more worthwhile angle may be the threat of embarrassment, with Chanel potentially disclosing some of the most unsavory aspects – including previous admiration for the Reich – of much of the British establishment. Talks with Chanel will continue as the designer returns to Paris and attempts to reach out to Churchill yet again, only for the Paris Uprising to disrupt her efforts. Desperate for a way out and fearing retribution by the Resistance over suspected collaboration with Germany, Chanel receives Schellenberg’s assistance to catch a flight to Switzerland. From there, she will continue to establish contact with Churchill until a rather curt reply is delivered by the end of August – with the appropriate plausible deniability - by a mutual acquaintance, telling Chanel to cease any collaboration activities lest she find herself standing before a tribunal.
With the French connection thus far unsuccessful, Schellenberg had also started work on Swiss and Swedish contacts, hoping to find at least one reliable partner to serve as an intermediary. Renewed discussions with Swedish banker Wallenberg prove fruitful in terms of helping mutual acquaintances – particularly aristocrats – potentially involved in the Beck Putsch and thus at risk, and the Swedish Ambassador to Germany crucially raises the name of Count Folke Bernadotte of the Swedish Red Cross, already involved in previous prisoner exchanges. Although unable to secure a meeting with Bernadotte right away, Schellenberg also deepens his Swiss contacts after a humanitarian visit to Berlin by former Swiss President Jean-Marie Musy. Musy, while ostensibly only interested in exchanges and/or releases of prisoners, proves a useful source of information and another long term contact for potential arrangements. Finally, Schellenberg prepares to establish yet another conduct for negotiations via the use of high profile POWs, in this case, of captured British generals with whom to establish a direct line to London. Summing up his frantic efforts, and keeping the “POW scheme” as a reserve, Schellenberg has his Swiss and Swedish contacts send confidential messages to Allied diplomats, expressing Germany’s interest in starting peace talks with the Western Allies [247].
However, it is Intelligence Chief Walter Schellenberg who takes the most proactive steps, believing that the route to success – other than the long term schemes to bring the Allies to the table – can be found in the pursuit of as many avenues as possible. On August 8th, Schellenberg has a secret meeting in Berlin with designer and old acquaintance Coco Chanel, who had already been approached by the SD back in 1943 for what was known as Operation Modelhut [246]. Although her efforts to establish a direct line to Winston Churchill via Madrid had been clearly unsuccessful, Schellenberg explores a second and more forceful attempt. This time, he believes a more worthwhile angle may be the threat of embarrassment, with Chanel potentially disclosing some of the most unsavory aspects – including previous admiration for the Reich – of much of the British establishment. Talks with Chanel will continue as the designer returns to Paris and attempts to reach out to Churchill yet again, only for the Paris Uprising to disrupt her efforts. Desperate for a way out and fearing retribution by the Resistance over suspected collaboration with Germany, Chanel receives Schellenberg’s assistance to catch a flight to Switzerland. From there, she will continue to establish contact with Churchill until a rather curt reply is delivered by the end of August – with the appropriate plausible deniability - by a mutual acquaintance, telling Chanel to cease any collaboration activities lest she find herself standing before a tribunal.
With the French connection thus far unsuccessful, Schellenberg had also started work on Swiss and Swedish contacts, hoping to find at least one reliable partner to serve as an intermediary. Renewed discussions with Swedish banker Wallenberg prove fruitful in terms of helping mutual acquaintances – particularly aristocrats – potentially involved in the Beck Putsch and thus at risk, and the Swedish Ambassador to Germany crucially raises the name of Count Folke Bernadotte of the Swedish Red Cross, already involved in previous prisoner exchanges. Although unable to secure a meeting with Bernadotte right away, Schellenberg also deepens his Swiss contacts after a humanitarian visit to Berlin by former Swiss President Jean-Marie Musy. Musy, while ostensibly only interested in exchanges and/or releases of prisoners, proves a useful source of information and another long term contact for potential arrangements. Finally, Schellenberg prepares to establish yet another conduct for negotiations via the use of high profile POWs, in this case, of captured British generals with whom to establish a direct line to London. Summing up his frantic efforts, and keeping the “POW scheme” as a reserve, Schellenberg has his Swiss and Swedish contacts send confidential messages to Allied diplomats, expressing Germany’s interest in starting peace talks with the Western Allies [247].
September 2nd, 1944
Salzburg, German Austria:
6:00 AM
Salzburg, German Austria:
6:00 AM
Right at dawn, what might otherwise be a relatively tranquil morning in the outskirts of Salzburg is interrupted by the seemingly sudden appearance of a dozen Gestapo officers backed by Reserve Army personnel. Led by the infamous – and newly promoted – Major Klaus Barbie, the armed personnel storm a number of houses, capturing their inhabitants and, for the most part, removing them from the area for interrogation at the Gestapo HQ in Vienna. All of them are known acquaintances of high ranking SS officer Ernst Kaltenbrunner, currently the highest profile fugitive in the entire Third Reich. Following Police Chief Müller’s decision to create a task force aimed at hunting down Kaltenbrunner and other Himmler loyalist fugitives, Gestapo officer Franz Josef Huber has been hard at work setting up the manhunt, facing the immediate difficult of gathering sufficient personnel from the drastically overextended and overworked Gestapo. Forced to be creative, Huber has sought out talent from whenever the Wehrmacht is withdrawing, and as a result Barbie – whose barbaric skill at torture has earned him the moniker of “Butcher of Lyon” – has become his key lieutenant in the investigation [248].
Hoping Kaltenbrunner would be identified early on due to his distinctive facial scars – suffered in a car accident long ago -, Huber and Barbie have been disappointed by his complete disappearance. Other than being able to confirm a desperate, last minute flight to Austria, capturing either Kaltenbrunner or Hans Kammler, second in the fugitive list, has proved impossible thus far. It has not, however, been a fruitless task. Other low or mid-ranking officers have been captured as a result of the relentless pursuit, dozens of arrests have been made, and Barbie has had many opportunities to demonstrate his skills at interrogation. From what Huber and Barbie can ascertain – and report back to Müller – escaping SS officers have been stunned and shocked by their sudden fall from grace, often relying on acquaintances to hide them only to be immediately surrendered to the Gestapo or the local armed forces. In the specific case of the Salzburg raid, it was hoped Kaltenbrunner may have been hiding out with friends or family, a supposition that, after intensive work by Barbie during the next couple of days, proves to be mistaken. Chasing their next lead into Bavaria, the hunt continues.
September 5th, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
13:00 PM
Berlin, Germany:
13:00 PM
Having spent the last five weeks furiously writing letters to be delivered to high-ranking officials in the new government, Lt. General Andrey Vlasov – the most high-profile Russian collaborator, and once a promising officer in the Red Army – is gratified to finally receive a positive reply. With the downfall of the SS destroying much of his previous contact network, Vlasov is then surprised and even more pleased by the news that the Chancellor himself, Franz von Papen, invites him over for lunch that afternoon. Picked up by an official government car, Vlasov is taken to a hotel and has a spirited conversation with Papen, who professes his interest regarding the General’s proposals for the formation of an anti-Communist Russian Army. Thus far, Russian volunteers and auxiliaries had been integrated into the Wehrmacht, and following questions about their reliability then removed from the Eastern Front and used to man the Atlantic Wall. According to reports from the front, their already low morale had collapsed, resulting in mass surrender. In Vlasov’s view – which he strongly urges Papen on – such units would only be motivated to fight Stalin, and by forming an actual, separate army, they could be most useful in the task of “defending Europe from Marxism”.
Uninterested in Vlasov’s ideological theories yet impressed by Vlasov’s newfound vitality and determination, von Papen sees in him yet another ploy to undermine the Soviets, and to earn credibility with Guderian and the General Staff following recent missteps in his “disruptive strategy” [249]. Promising formal support, both men agree to work together, and Papen even allows himself to be photographed with Vlasov to raise morale with the General’s staff. In the following days, Papen signs Schellenberg up for yet another enterprise, and subsequently lobbies Speer and Guderian on the merits of Vlasov’s proposals. Guderian relents first, having such a low opinion of the Russian volunteers, and a need for manpower to man the defenses in the Eastern Front, that it convinces him Vlasov could actually help. Speer is far more unwilling, thinking the Soviet POV’s are more useful as forced labor for the economy than as “cannon fodder” in the East. Still, on military matters the Wehrmacht can easily override the President, and Papen obtains approval for yet another scheme. By the middle of the month, Vlasov proudly announces the formation of his “Russian Liberation Army”, which is to try and field 10 divisions by the end of year from POV’s and Hiwis returning from the west.
Uninterested in Vlasov’s ideological theories yet impressed by Vlasov’s newfound vitality and determination, von Papen sees in him yet another ploy to undermine the Soviets, and to earn credibility with Guderian and the General Staff following recent missteps in his “disruptive strategy” [249]. Promising formal support, both men agree to work together, and Papen even allows himself to be photographed with Vlasov to raise morale with the General’s staff. In the following days, Papen signs Schellenberg up for yet another enterprise, and subsequently lobbies Speer and Guderian on the merits of Vlasov’s proposals. Guderian relents first, having such a low opinion of the Russian volunteers, and a need for manpower to man the defenses in the Eastern Front, that it convinces him Vlasov could actually help. Speer is far more unwilling, thinking the Soviet POV’s are more useful as forced labor for the economy than as “cannon fodder” in the East. Still, on military matters the Wehrmacht can easily override the President, and Papen obtains approval for yet another scheme. By the middle of the month, Vlasov proudly announces the formation of his “Russian Liberation Army”, which is to try and field 10 divisions by the end of year from POV’s and Hiwis returning from the west.
September 1st to September 9th, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
Berlin, Germany:
Whilst Schellenberg attempts to establish contact with the Allies in private, the Reich’s de jure authorities attempt more public overtures of their own. After receiving Japanese ambassador Oshima on a series of private audiences, in which the diplomat makes the case for a separate peace with the Soviet Union – a vital necessity for Japan -, Foreign Minister von Krosigk asks him for assistance in sending peace feelers out to Stalin. With much of German planning focusing on pitting the Soviets against the West, it is reasoned by Berlin that such an effort might not be entirely wasted, even if it’s just to determine the current Soviet position. For his own part, President Speer receives an intelligence report from Switzerland which speaks of the apparent high regard that the Allies hold for his person, with unconfirmed rumors going as far as to suggest that Speer and the retired Field Marshal von Brauchitsch would be the only men in the Reich with whom the Allies might be willing to talk peace [250]. Encouraged by this, Speer takes advantage of one of the propaganda speeches he’s been urged to do on September 1st – right as Warsaw and Paris burn – to formally outline Germany’s willingness to come to terms in a “negotiated end to the war”, provided a number of conditions – including the respect of Germany prestige, dignity and territorial inviolability – are met.
In the immediate aftermath of these collective but mostly unrelated attempts at establishing contact with the Allies, the leading participants are left with a sense of unease after a lack of response from their opponents. Convinced – in most cases – that the Führer himself was more of an obstacle and that his (fortunate or not) disappearance would allow the Allies to easily deal with more “reasonable men”, it was hoped – particularly by Speer – that such an offer would be at least seriously entertained and welcomed by the enemy. After several days of tense waiting, right as Warsaw is – at least temporarily – liberated by the Polish Home Army and the battle for Paris and the Seine reaches its end, an Allied reply only reaches Berlin on the morning of September 9th via neutral diplomats, and is later confirmed in subsequent official radio broadcasts. Any diplomatic overtures from Germany must, with no exception or modifiable circumstances, come from the German government and high command. They must be directed and addressed to the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, without exclusion. They must also come with the format of duly authorized emissaries with full powers. Finally, and most decisively, Germany will be required to accept and sign an unconditional surrender, following the principles outlined at the Casablanca Conference in 1943.
The same Allied reply also informs the Reich that the Allied powers – hard at work since January 1944 on their joint European Advisory Commission – have agreed on an Instrument of Surrender, which Germany will be expected to sign and comply with at the point in which the unconditional surrender is decided and agreed upon. Closing off the response, it is outlined that such an Instrument must necessarily be signed not only by political representatives, but by the “German High Command” itself [251].
In the immediate aftermath of these collective but mostly unrelated attempts at establishing contact with the Allies, the leading participants are left with a sense of unease after a lack of response from their opponents. Convinced – in most cases – that the Führer himself was more of an obstacle and that his (fortunate or not) disappearance would allow the Allies to easily deal with more “reasonable men”, it was hoped – particularly by Speer – that such an offer would be at least seriously entertained and welcomed by the enemy. After several days of tense waiting, right as Warsaw is – at least temporarily – liberated by the Polish Home Army and the battle for Paris and the Seine reaches its end, an Allied reply only reaches Berlin on the morning of September 9th via neutral diplomats, and is later confirmed in subsequent official radio broadcasts. Any diplomatic overtures from Germany must, with no exception or modifiable circumstances, come from the German government and high command. They must be directed and addressed to the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, without exclusion. They must also come with the format of duly authorized emissaries with full powers. Finally, and most decisively, Germany will be required to accept and sign an unconditional surrender, following the principles outlined at the Casablanca Conference in 1943.
The same Allied reply also informs the Reich that the Allied powers – hard at work since January 1944 on their joint European Advisory Commission – have agreed on an Instrument of Surrender, which Germany will be expected to sign and comply with at the point in which the unconditional surrender is decided and agreed upon. Closing off the response, it is outlined that such an Instrument must necessarily be signed not only by political representatives, but by the “German High Command” itself [251].
September 10th, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
08:00 AM to 17:00 PM
Berlin, Germany:
08:00 AM to 17:00 PM
The next day, the Cabinet meets at the Chancellery in Berlin to discuss the Allied reply to the peace overtures, a meeting in which several of those present are reported to be “ashen-faced” and/or “livid”. The only optimistic response is delivered by von Papen, who attempts to portray the Allied efforts as an “opening offer” to be softened with time. Supreme Commander Guderian and other ministers who have grown tired of Papen and his schemes quickly – and forcefully – tell him to shut up, expressing the belief that Papen’s “disruptive strategy” has been an utter failure in light of events in France, the Baltics and even Poland. A lengthy discussion on “Germany’s pride and honor” having been wounded follows, in which a group of self-identified “hardliners” emerge. Among others, Police Chief Müller, Vice-Chancellor Schirach, and Ministers Hanke and Seyss-Inquart pronounce an unconditional surrender as “an utter act of betrayal”, asserting that the National Socialist state must not allow itself to be humiliated with a repeat of November 1918 and Versailles. Although there are those present at the meeting who have accepted the war and even the peace are lost, and that an unconditional surrender may well be inevitable, self-preservation compels them not to defend said position [252].
The hardliners are not united on whether it is possible to win the war at such a late, disadvantageous state – and those who are, like Müller, believe Speer’s “miracle weapons” are the solution and look to him for reassurance -, resulting in a prolonged, sterile discussion on the subject. This, in turn, follows a debate on whether it is indeed possible to secure softer terms, and/or divide the Allies so as to continue the war in a more advantageous strategic situation. Strictly speaking, both Guderian and Speer are aware of the relative weaknesses of the battered Wehrmacht and the chronically undersupplied German industry, but remain unwilling to accept defeat after only five weeks in power. And on a personal note, the fact that their signatures will be required for the Instrument of Surrender does not appeal to either man, inevitably tying both men to Germany’s defeat and precluding the opportunity for a post-war career. Persuaded it is the best road to self-preservation as opposed to roleplaying Ebert, Groener and Erzberger in 1919, Speer and Guderian collectively agree that an unconditional surrender at the present state is unthinkable, and although Foreign Minister von Krosigk entertains resigning, the leading duo carry the room [253].
As resistance is to be continued, under the propaganda banner of the miracle weapons to take revenge on the Allies, it is concluded by Guderian that the only course of action is to further commit to the principles of Fall Silber. As a result, the Supreme Commander resolves to deepen the withdrawal from pointless fronts and regarding the Western Allies, judging the Soviets – unless, by some miracle, separate peace feelers were seriously entertained - the biggest threat to be contained. Thus, it is essentially agreed that Germany must fight to obtain an “acceptable peace”, a concept not formalized and given depth during that meeting. In the long term, what is decided upon is the mobilization of remaining resources at the Reich’s disposal as leverage to obtain the best possible terms from the Allies, thwarting the Soviet advances as much as possible while turning the war in the West into a purely defensive matter. Although most see von Papen as discredited, even as a potential peacemaker, the Chancellor obtains authorization to continue efforts at disruption, at least until a better alternative to split the Allies emerges. It is nonetheless clear to observers that the Chancellor is looking like the most vulnerable member of the government.
The hardliners are not united on whether it is possible to win the war at such a late, disadvantageous state – and those who are, like Müller, believe Speer’s “miracle weapons” are the solution and look to him for reassurance -, resulting in a prolonged, sterile discussion on the subject. This, in turn, follows a debate on whether it is indeed possible to secure softer terms, and/or divide the Allies so as to continue the war in a more advantageous strategic situation. Strictly speaking, both Guderian and Speer are aware of the relative weaknesses of the battered Wehrmacht and the chronically undersupplied German industry, but remain unwilling to accept defeat after only five weeks in power. And on a personal note, the fact that their signatures will be required for the Instrument of Surrender does not appeal to either man, inevitably tying both men to Germany’s defeat and precluding the opportunity for a post-war career. Persuaded it is the best road to self-preservation as opposed to roleplaying Ebert, Groener and Erzberger in 1919, Speer and Guderian collectively agree that an unconditional surrender at the present state is unthinkable, and although Foreign Minister von Krosigk entertains resigning, the leading duo carry the room [253].
As resistance is to be continued, under the propaganda banner of the miracle weapons to take revenge on the Allies, it is concluded by Guderian that the only course of action is to further commit to the principles of Fall Silber. As a result, the Supreme Commander resolves to deepen the withdrawal from pointless fronts and regarding the Western Allies, judging the Soviets – unless, by some miracle, separate peace feelers were seriously entertained - the biggest threat to be contained. Thus, it is essentially agreed that Germany must fight to obtain an “acceptable peace”, a concept not formalized and given depth during that meeting. In the long term, what is decided upon is the mobilization of remaining resources at the Reich’s disposal as leverage to obtain the best possible terms from the Allies, thwarting the Soviet advances as much as possible while turning the war in the West into a purely defensive matter. Although most see von Papen as discredited, even as a potential peacemaker, the Chancellor obtains authorization to continue efforts at disruption, at least until a better alternative to split the Allies emerges. It is nonetheless clear to observers that the Chancellor is looking like the most vulnerable member of the government.
September 1st to September 30th, 1944
Germany and Occupied Poland:
Germany and Occupied Poland:
The aftermath of the decision to halt the executions by gas chamber within the context of the “Final Solution” in August 1944 has led to both bureaucratic nightmares and new Holocaust-related horrors within the Reich. During much of August, the remaining extermination camps of Auschwitz and Chelmno experienced relative “quiet” after the arrest of much of the SS personnel handling the camps and their replacement by available Reserve Army units. Although living conditions – with minor, isolated exceptions - did not improve as a result, the somewhat less sadistic demeanor of the new “guards” was an unexpected boon to the traumatized, half-dead survivors. This new development proves particularly stunning for the handful of Hungarian Jews recently deported from their country, the bulk of which had already been murdered with unsettling efficiency before the Beck Putsch. With only a few dozen thousand alive out of almost half a million – most of them having been spared due to being chosen for hard labor -, the relief at their apparent sparing is coupled with the constant fear that the gas chambers will reopen at any moment.
As September follows August, implementation of the so-called “Industry Plan” begins, a design that calls for the relocation of thousands of surviving camp inmates away from Poland – threatened by the Red Army – and closer into the Reich, for their use as slave labour for the German war industry. With previously leading SS figures involved in the Final Solution such as Adolf Eichmann and Oswald Pohl currently imprisoned, the leading trio of ministers Seyss-Inquart (tasked with evacuating the camps), Ganzenmüller (responsible for the transport of prisoners) and Hanke (tasked with expanding the use of slave labor), had been constantly delayed over the lack of personnel, the extreme damage to the transport network due to air raids, and the general bureaucratic chaos. Often SS personnel imprisoned after Himmler’s downfall are released and put to work again, if only because there’s no one else with the necessary knowledge to keep the system from falling apart. Once such matters have been resolved, though not to Seyss-Inquart’s satisfaction, the trains start working again, taking whomever is left at Auschwitz, Chelmno, and other relevant locations into Germany or Bohemia-Moravia. Astonished, the thus far survivors of both extermination camps comply with the orders to evacuate, in the hope that leaving the camps will drastically increase their chances of survival.
Unfortunately for them, the thousands of survivors – many of them at death’s door due to malnutrition and starvation – are cramped into trains and forced to endure long, difficult journeys back into Germany proper. Where trains are not available, camp survivors are forced to start marches to the West, often without the bare minimum of support from understaffed German overseers. By the end of September thousands and thousands of inmates will arrive in already overcrowded concentration camps all across Germany – including Mittelbau-Dora, Bergen-Belsen, Buchenwald and Dachau -, and will start work in factories of all kinds. Others will be deployed closer to the front to help build fortifications, and more still will be put at work in the deadly work of building tunnels, all in an effort to help expand the German war industry and protect it from Allied air raids. Those who arrive are forced to leave behind several thousand dead on the road, killed by starvation, the cold, overcrowding and/or neglect. As an initiative to keep them more productive and/or to postpone being worked to death too early, living conditions – and particularly the availability of food will marginally improve. Many, however, will nonetheless perish during the first few weeks of hard, forced labor [254].
As September follows August, implementation of the so-called “Industry Plan” begins, a design that calls for the relocation of thousands of surviving camp inmates away from Poland – threatened by the Red Army – and closer into the Reich, for their use as slave labour for the German war industry. With previously leading SS figures involved in the Final Solution such as Adolf Eichmann and Oswald Pohl currently imprisoned, the leading trio of ministers Seyss-Inquart (tasked with evacuating the camps), Ganzenmüller (responsible for the transport of prisoners) and Hanke (tasked with expanding the use of slave labor), had been constantly delayed over the lack of personnel, the extreme damage to the transport network due to air raids, and the general bureaucratic chaos. Often SS personnel imprisoned after Himmler’s downfall are released and put to work again, if only because there’s no one else with the necessary knowledge to keep the system from falling apart. Once such matters have been resolved, though not to Seyss-Inquart’s satisfaction, the trains start working again, taking whomever is left at Auschwitz, Chelmno, and other relevant locations into Germany or Bohemia-Moravia. Astonished, the thus far survivors of both extermination camps comply with the orders to evacuate, in the hope that leaving the camps will drastically increase their chances of survival.
Unfortunately for them, the thousands of survivors – many of them at death’s door due to malnutrition and starvation – are cramped into trains and forced to endure long, difficult journeys back into Germany proper. Where trains are not available, camp survivors are forced to start marches to the West, often without the bare minimum of support from understaffed German overseers. By the end of September thousands and thousands of inmates will arrive in already overcrowded concentration camps all across Germany – including Mittelbau-Dora, Bergen-Belsen, Buchenwald and Dachau -, and will start work in factories of all kinds. Others will be deployed closer to the front to help build fortifications, and more still will be put at work in the deadly work of building tunnels, all in an effort to help expand the German war industry and protect it from Allied air raids. Those who arrive are forced to leave behind several thousand dead on the road, killed by starvation, the cold, overcrowding and/or neglect. As an initiative to keep them more productive and/or to postpone being worked to death too early, living conditions – and particularly the availability of food will marginally improve. Many, however, will nonetheless perish during the first few weeks of hard, forced labor [254].
September 1st-15th, 1944
Krakow and Lodz, Occupied Poland:
Krakow and Lodz, Occupied Poland:
Contrasting with the short lived hope at Auschwitz and Chelmo, matters are made more difficult for the “Industry Plan” at the Lodz Ghetto, where almost 70,000 Jews have remained alive thus far partly due to the tyrannical efforts of Judenrat Chairman Chaim Rumkowski. Over the past few years, Rumkowski has implemented the harshest possible measures to ensure that the Ghetto – which has become a war production hub – remains profitable and productive, and thus avoids liquidation. Having already handed over their children to the SS years ago, the survivors fear the evacuation of the Ghetto – for they are told they will be sent to Bohemia-Moravia to work – is only a euphemism for its liquidation, and a plot to send them to the gas chambers. A riot ensues in early September, which Rumkowski puts down with brutal use of force from his own Jewish Ghetto Police, and is only calmed down after the new Reserve Army guards are forced to intervene. Reluctantly, the Ghetto inhabitants – the last large group of surviving Polish Jews – board the trains at gunpoint. The Reserve Army and SS personnel storm the seemingly empty Ghetto hours after, capturing hundreds of hidden Jews and sending – those who haven’t been shot in sight – them into the last train to Bohemia [255].
In Krakow, forced labor camps are also being evacuated by the Reserve Army. Although their function is at least consistent with the Industry Plan, the proximity of the city to the Red Army makes their continued operations impractical. After a brief respite from terror following the arrest of Hauptsturmführer Amon Goeth by the Reserve Army, the inhabitants of the Krakow-Plaszow concentration camp experience similar fears to the Lodz Ghetto survivors, fearing relocation is a synonym of certain death. Ultimately, they too will be forced to depart via train to Bohemia-Moravia to newly formed labor camps. Sensing an opportunity, businessman Oskar Schindler – who, at great personal risk, has been sheltering his Jewish workers from extermination – bribes his way into escaping arrest due to his close ties to the SS (including the arrested commander Goeth), and then further bribes Reserve Army officers to expand his workforce for the relocation of his factory into Brünnlitz, Bohemia. His workforce of over a thousand expands significantly as a result of Schindler’s investment on the new management officers and his promises of unprecedented productivity, and thousands of Jewish inmates will accompany him on the train to Brünnlitz [256].
As these and thousands others are transported away from Poland, Reichsminister Seyss-Inquart’s demolition squadrons move into the Lodz Ghetto, the concentration camps, and both Auschwitz and Chelmno. Methodically, they start to slowly but surely destroy all standing structures and anything that can be used to suggest said places ever existed. Whenever necessary, documentation is burned, mass graves opened to burn corpses, rubble removed to be reused if possible, and the handful of survivors that were not in a condition to be evacuated west are executed. Embarrassed by the capture of Majdanek almost intact by the Red Army, Seyss-Inquart applies himself to the task of ensuring no trace is left behind for the enemy to profit from.
In Krakow, forced labor camps are also being evacuated by the Reserve Army. Although their function is at least consistent with the Industry Plan, the proximity of the city to the Red Army makes their continued operations impractical. After a brief respite from terror following the arrest of Hauptsturmführer Amon Goeth by the Reserve Army, the inhabitants of the Krakow-Plaszow concentration camp experience similar fears to the Lodz Ghetto survivors, fearing relocation is a synonym of certain death. Ultimately, they too will be forced to depart via train to Bohemia-Moravia to newly formed labor camps. Sensing an opportunity, businessman Oskar Schindler – who, at great personal risk, has been sheltering his Jewish workers from extermination – bribes his way into escaping arrest due to his close ties to the SS (including the arrested commander Goeth), and then further bribes Reserve Army officers to expand his workforce for the relocation of his factory into Brünnlitz, Bohemia. His workforce of over a thousand expands significantly as a result of Schindler’s investment on the new management officers and his promises of unprecedented productivity, and thousands of Jewish inmates will accompany him on the train to Brünnlitz [256].
As these and thousands others are transported away from Poland, Reichsminister Seyss-Inquart’s demolition squadrons move into the Lodz Ghetto, the concentration camps, and both Auschwitz and Chelmno. Methodically, they start to slowly but surely destroy all standing structures and anything that can be used to suggest said places ever existed. Whenever necessary, documentation is burned, mass graves opened to burn corpses, rubble removed to be reused if possible, and the handful of survivors that were not in a condition to be evacuated west are executed. Embarrassed by the capture of Majdanek almost intact by the Red Army, Seyss-Inquart applies himself to the task of ensuring no trace is left behind for the enemy to profit from.
August 15th to September 15th, 1944
Zossen, Wehrmacht HQ:
Zossen, Wehrmacht HQ:
Although generally occupied with his frantic efforts to restore a continuous frontline across the east and to stop the Soviet drive to the Vistula River, Supreme Commander Guderian invests significant time in preparing for the next, long term battle. Aware that, while the Soviet offensive is starting to run out of steam after the stellar success of Bagration, the Red Army will gather its strength from beyond the Vistula for a renewed offensive sooner rather than later, Guderian and Chief of the General Staff Wenck conclude that the time for a war of maneuver is mostly over. Having left the steppe, they reason, and with only limited ground to cede before Upper Silesia, the Oder River and even Berlin are directly threatened, the Wehrmacht requires a strong, large-scale defensive line if it is to absorb the next major Soviet offensive and avoid another encirclement disaster. Having decided that keeping the Red Army at bay is the major strategic objective – in order to create the political situation for negotiations -, Guderian declares his ambitious intent to create what he dubs the Ostwall, which is intended to stop the enemy before it can reach the Oder.
No longer constrained by bureaucratic obstacles or by the now deceased Keitel and Jodl, Guderian assembles a new Fortifications Department and assigns Colonel General Adolf Strauss the new Inspector General of Fortifications, directly responsible for the Ostwall and, in a secondary capacity, for the restoration of the Westwall as well. Working closely with Strauss, Guderian pushes Milch and Hanke hard over the need to provide labor for building fortifications of all kinds, resulting in the mobilization of civilians – often women -, the entire Hitler Youth (with assistance from Vice-Chancellor Schirach), prisoners of war and/or concentration camp inmates as forced labor, and available men from the Reich Labor Service and the Organization Todt. Lacking manpower to man his Ostwall, Guderian plans to utilize troops withdrawn from Italy, the Balkans, and Norway, and speeds up the timetable to abandon said fronts. Despite Speer’s fierce opposition, Guderian also forces through the creation of a Landsturm, a defense force of men currently employed in critical occupations to be deployed to the front should the Russians breakthrough. Despite suggestions from the party and the Gauleiters that a larger militia – involving even the elderly – should be assembled, it is decided to preserve its potential strength by limiting its membership. Making full use of old acquaintances, Guderian assigns SA General Wilhelm Schepmann as its leader [257].
Still, significant roadblocks remain for Guderian’s task. For one, the stripping of the Westwall to strengthen the now useless Atlantic fortifications leaves the entire Western Front dangerously undefended, particularly as the Allies threaten again and again to destroy Rundstedt’s OB West at the Seine. And though the Westwall is very much not Guderian’s priority, it is still necessary to send at least a fraction of the resources, labor, and even some of the new fortress units there. Wanting to utilize as many weapons as possible, Guderian then attempts to seize control over the stores of captured weapons within the Reich. Although a significant number of these – carefully maintained over the years – are recovered, particularly vital artillery pieces for the defensive lines, the Supreme Commander is enraged when it becomes evident that Papen and Schellenberg have been withdrawing multiple caches of small weapons for their disruptive efforts, presumably to arm local forces that can be a nuisance to the advancing Allies. Despite this, Guderian remains confident and optimistic on his endless trips to the would-be Ostwall alongside Strauss, proclaiming that “the Red Hordes shall not breach our sacred soil.”
No longer constrained by bureaucratic obstacles or by the now deceased Keitel and Jodl, Guderian assembles a new Fortifications Department and assigns Colonel General Adolf Strauss the new Inspector General of Fortifications, directly responsible for the Ostwall and, in a secondary capacity, for the restoration of the Westwall as well. Working closely with Strauss, Guderian pushes Milch and Hanke hard over the need to provide labor for building fortifications of all kinds, resulting in the mobilization of civilians – often women -, the entire Hitler Youth (with assistance from Vice-Chancellor Schirach), prisoners of war and/or concentration camp inmates as forced labor, and available men from the Reich Labor Service and the Organization Todt. Lacking manpower to man his Ostwall, Guderian plans to utilize troops withdrawn from Italy, the Balkans, and Norway, and speeds up the timetable to abandon said fronts. Despite Speer’s fierce opposition, Guderian also forces through the creation of a Landsturm, a defense force of men currently employed in critical occupations to be deployed to the front should the Russians breakthrough. Despite suggestions from the party and the Gauleiters that a larger militia – involving even the elderly – should be assembled, it is decided to preserve its potential strength by limiting its membership. Making full use of old acquaintances, Guderian assigns SA General Wilhelm Schepmann as its leader [257].
Still, significant roadblocks remain for Guderian’s task. For one, the stripping of the Westwall to strengthen the now useless Atlantic fortifications leaves the entire Western Front dangerously undefended, particularly as the Allies threaten again and again to destroy Rundstedt’s OB West at the Seine. And though the Westwall is very much not Guderian’s priority, it is still necessary to send at least a fraction of the resources, labor, and even some of the new fortress units there. Wanting to utilize as many weapons as possible, Guderian then attempts to seize control over the stores of captured weapons within the Reich. Although a significant number of these – carefully maintained over the years – are recovered, particularly vital artillery pieces for the defensive lines, the Supreme Commander is enraged when it becomes evident that Papen and Schellenberg have been withdrawing multiple caches of small weapons for their disruptive efforts, presumably to arm local forces that can be a nuisance to the advancing Allies. Despite this, Guderian remains confident and optimistic on his endless trips to the would-be Ostwall alongside Strauss, proclaiming that “the Red Hordes shall not breach our sacred soil.”
August 1st to September 15th, 1944
Berlin, Germany:
Berlin, Germany:
Now elevated at the very top of political power within the Reich, an exhilarated President Speer is nonetheless quick to realize the position does not entail much effective power, particularly when Guderian’s authority over military matters can be considered almost absolute [258]. Nonetheless, the new and comparatively young President decides to assert his bureaucratic authority from the start, dismissing the ever present Otto Meissner – who, somehow, has served Ebert, Hindenburg and Hitler on a continuous basis - as Chief of the Presidential Chancellery. Replacing much of Hitler’s entourage, Speer transfers his closest friends and advisers from the Armaments Ministry into the Presidential Office, promoting his close friend Rudolf “Rudi” Wolters as Meissner’s replacement and key aide. Speer’s loyal and efficient secretary, Annemarie Kempf; and his liaison officer Manfred von Poser, retain their original roles, but now as secretary and adjutant (respectively) to the President. Heinrich Lübke, a promising politician and subordinate of Speer, becomes his political aide. And, while Speer’s wife Margarete is notoriously low profile, she and her children move to Speer’s new residence, and she starts to take a role as hostess of receptions within the Presidential Chancellery.
Another area in which Speer becomes vital is in propaganda, left in utter disarray following Goebbels’ suicide back in July. Despite the strong emotions – often negative – that the deceased Minister inspired on many colleagues, Speer and others agree that Goebbels’ talents are solely needed. Without him, Speer has to work with new Minister Dietrich to issue propaganda broadcasts, always championing the supposedly rising output of German industry, the competence of the new government, and the threat of the miracle weapons as the key to securing the victorious peace. These actions, however, are more of a necessity than a real interest to Speer, and the President soon starts meddling into economic and industrial affairs in order to reassert his newfound influence, as well as to counterbalance Guderian’s authority and Papen’s ploys. Having placed men of his confidence to lead the Reich’s economic apparatus, Speer soon makes a habit of holding constant meetings with Milch, the new Plenipotentiary for Total War, and with Ministers Fromm, Kehrl, Funk, and Hanke. All six form a sort of unofficial committee, trying to guide and expand a war industry under constant siege and assault by the Allies and the growing lack of goods, energy and fuel.
It is self-evident to the committee that the Reich’s economy must collapse sooner rather than later, with the most optimistic accounts suggesting January of 1946 – a year and a half away – as the longest the Reich could endure. Therefore, they only have a limited time – made worse by the steady abandonment of economically rich areas, and the permanent danger of the loss of Romania and the Reich’s main remaining source of oil –, and conclude streamlining and speeding up production for short term advantages is more or less the best course of action. The bureaucratic consequences of this are immediate, as Speer and Milch waste no time in pushing the Gauleiters out of the decision process, eliminating redundant departments and offices, purging allies of the late Bormann and Himmler, and bringing the industrialists on board for their new, centralized design of German industry. Among other measures, “miracle weapons” such as the ME 262 fighter are given focus, with Speer and von Richtofen, the new head of the Luftwaffe, planning to refocus air efforts on the defense of the Reich proper. Working alongside General Thomale, Guderian’s loyalist Inspector of Armored Troops, armored production is also streamlined, with new tank models receiving full priority. With war production having seemingly peaked during June and July, the committee anxiously awaits new reports to see the impact of their long awaited measures.
Another area in which Speer becomes vital is in propaganda, left in utter disarray following Goebbels’ suicide back in July. Despite the strong emotions – often negative – that the deceased Minister inspired on many colleagues, Speer and others agree that Goebbels’ talents are solely needed. Without him, Speer has to work with new Minister Dietrich to issue propaganda broadcasts, always championing the supposedly rising output of German industry, the competence of the new government, and the threat of the miracle weapons as the key to securing the victorious peace. These actions, however, are more of a necessity than a real interest to Speer, and the President soon starts meddling into economic and industrial affairs in order to reassert his newfound influence, as well as to counterbalance Guderian’s authority and Papen’s ploys. Having placed men of his confidence to lead the Reich’s economic apparatus, Speer soon makes a habit of holding constant meetings with Milch, the new Plenipotentiary for Total War, and with Ministers Fromm, Kehrl, Funk, and Hanke. All six form a sort of unofficial committee, trying to guide and expand a war industry under constant siege and assault by the Allies and the growing lack of goods, energy and fuel.
It is self-evident to the committee that the Reich’s economy must collapse sooner rather than later, with the most optimistic accounts suggesting January of 1946 – a year and a half away – as the longest the Reich could endure. Therefore, they only have a limited time – made worse by the steady abandonment of economically rich areas, and the permanent danger of the loss of Romania and the Reich’s main remaining source of oil –, and conclude streamlining and speeding up production for short term advantages is more or less the best course of action. The bureaucratic consequences of this are immediate, as Speer and Milch waste no time in pushing the Gauleiters out of the decision process, eliminating redundant departments and offices, purging allies of the late Bormann and Himmler, and bringing the industrialists on board for their new, centralized design of German industry. Among other measures, “miracle weapons” such as the ME 262 fighter are given focus, with Speer and von Richtofen, the new head of the Luftwaffe, planning to refocus air efforts on the defense of the Reich proper. Working alongside General Thomale, Guderian’s loyalist Inspector of Armored Troops, armored production is also streamlined, with new tank models receiving full priority. With war production having seemingly peaked during June and July, the committee anxiously awaits new reports to see the impact of their long awaited measures.
September 15th, 1944
The Hague, Occupied Netherlands; London, United Kingdom:
09:00 AM
The Hague, Occupied Netherlands; London, United Kingdom:
09:00 AM
Perhaps the most crucial part of the planned arsenal of “miracle weapons” that the Reich has been preparing to unleash against the Allies is the V2, part of the revolutionary rocket weaponry assembled at Peenemünde. Despite enormous technical issues with the rocket and delays caused by the internal strife, recent developments achieved during August have seemingly removed current obstacles, leading Major General Walter Dornberger to inform both Guderian and Milch that the rocket was finally ready for deployment and use. Having declined to approve it to wait until the results of their diplomatic overtures to the Allies, the firm Allied response and the demand for unconditional surrender lead the hardliners within the Cabinet to demand the V-2 be deployed, a request that is rapidly authorized by the two Field Marshals with President Speer’s support. Having planned to fire the weapon against Paris, the target is then shifted to London, and Dornberger himself accompanies the launch battalions at The Hague. On the morning of September 15th, three V-2 are launched to cheers from the rocket artillery unit.
The first of them crashes in a field and explodes, harming no one. The next two are more successful, one of them hitting a store and the other a neighborhood, both within London. Neither place is particularly crowded, but more than a dozen civilians perish, and twice as many are left wounded. The entire city is puzzled and concerned after the sudden and mysterious explosions, which are initially portrayed by the British government as gas leaks and not the result of enemy action [259]. Still, many have either noticed the sound or recognized it, acknowledging Germany has seemingly crossed a milestone – however small – in the history of warfare. Back in The Hague, Dornberger is congratulated over the launch, but remains somewhat unsatisfied with the results. Once Field Marshal Milch and other ministers meet to discuss the results, they are left distinctly concerned over the resources needed to mass produce the V-2. On the other hand, its morale effect may well overcome its economic demands. A decision is eventually made to ramp up production as much as possible, whilst recognizing the resources may not be there for the optimistic dream of thousands of V-2 detonating against the Allies.
The first of them crashes in a field and explodes, harming no one. The next two are more successful, one of them hitting a store and the other a neighborhood, both within London. Neither place is particularly crowded, but more than a dozen civilians perish, and twice as many are left wounded. The entire city is puzzled and concerned after the sudden and mysterious explosions, which are initially portrayed by the British government as gas leaks and not the result of enemy action [259]. Still, many have either noticed the sound or recognized it, acknowledging Germany has seemingly crossed a milestone – however small – in the history of warfare. Back in The Hague, Dornberger is congratulated over the launch, but remains somewhat unsatisfied with the results. Once Field Marshal Milch and other ministers meet to discuss the results, they are left distinctly concerned over the resources needed to mass produce the V-2. On the other hand, its morale effect may well overcome its economic demands. A decision is eventually made to ramp up production as much as possible, whilst recognizing the resources may not be there for the optimistic dream of thousands of V-2 detonating against the Allies.
_____________________________________________
Notes for Part XVIII:
[246] The story of Modelhut is… quite something. Too bizarre for fiction, that’s for sure. And while Schellenberg appears to have been a reasonably competent individual up to a degree, his involvement in stuff like this – alongside many other failed plots – is not exactly encouraging.
[247] Schellenberg’s contacts with Musy and Wallenberg are OTL stuff, as is the idea of British POW’s as intermediaries, though it was never tried. Of course, his contacts with foreign diplomats and businessmen will be sped up due to no longer having to act so much in the shadows.
[248] Or, in other words, a monster hunts another monster. I’ll be honest, I chose Barbie due to his notoriety, I felt it made more narrative sense than using a nameless Gestapo officer. Plus, accounting for the faster German withdrawal from Southern France, he’d be available for such a task.
[249] Because Papen obviously couldn’t care less about Vlasov and his countrymen, much like all the previous allies and associates he’s left behind to rot. He would, I think, embrace a scheme like this, regardless of its actual merits at a time as late as 1944. Thus Vlasov gets his army a few weeks ahead of schedule, and with a far stronger German commitment to making it work. Whether that makes a meaningful difference or not… we’ll see later.
[250] This rumor pops up in some of Speer’s biographies (including Kitchen and Sereny’s). I have no idea how it came to be and why would Speer even buy into it (Brauchitsch? really?), but the fact that he did eloquently showcases that Speer can be just as naïve and vain as the rest of his colleagues. He’s in for a rude awakening.
[251] Of course, the EAC had already agreed on the basic principles of the Instrument of Surrender, including the principle of three occupation zones of Germany for Britain, the US, and the Soviets. I’m not exactly sure how the Allies would respond to a German peace overture, so this is an attempt at an educated guess. Research does show they were insistent in the idea that the German military also had to sign an unconditional surrender, to avoid a repeat of Ludendorff and Hindenburg dodging their political responsibility after WW1.
[252] Lest we forget, these are still hardcore Nazis. More pragmatic, and often seeing themselves as technocrats rather than party men, but still firmly behind Hitler and his project, and not as squeamish about its consequences as they would later portray themselves as. We might see unconditional surrender as the only way out, but I don’t think it was likely they would accept this outcome even with Hitler out of the picture.
[253] Of course, we may think the idea of having a post-war career is absurd, but Speer thought all the way to Nuremberg that he’d be called upon by the Allies to help rebuild Germany under the image of the apolitical technocrat.
[254] Thus far, this means a significant number of OTL Holocaust victims is now surviving longer than they did. But halting the gas chambers – which, sadly, had done most of their work by July 1944 - and replacing them for slave labor still means some very grim times for the victims. I considered not going into detail, but the more time passes and the more I reflect on it, the less proper it seems to shy away from the subject.
[255] Horrible as all of this is, there are glimmers of hope. The Lodz Ghetto survivors thus avoid the gas chambers at the last possible moment. What will become of them – and of the highly controversial Rumkowski - will be handled later.
[256] Another fortunate butterfly. Since moving the prisoners into the Reich for forced labor is now the official goal to be met and not something Schindler has to persuade Goeth and the SS on, this means Schindler does not have to bankrupt himself to buy the lives of his workers. Thus, with more resources available from the start, he can pay for more workers to be sent to his new Bohemian factory. If the Schindlerjuden can stay alive – can’t tell whether this will be the case – there would be many more of them in this world.
[257] Much of this comes from Panzer Leader. Probably not fully reliable since Guderian writes with the benefit of hindsight, for the sake of argument, I’ve chosen to believe most of his suggestions were intended but not implemented due to internal opposition from Hitler or Keitel.
[258] To put it another way, Speer may be starting to realize his alliance of convenience with Guderian benefits the Field Marshal far more than it benefits him.
[259] The initial launch of the V-2 is therefore more successful, if only out of blind luck.
[247] Schellenberg’s contacts with Musy and Wallenberg are OTL stuff, as is the idea of British POW’s as intermediaries, though it was never tried. Of course, his contacts with foreign diplomats and businessmen will be sped up due to no longer having to act so much in the shadows.
[248] Or, in other words, a monster hunts another monster. I’ll be honest, I chose Barbie due to his notoriety, I felt it made more narrative sense than using a nameless Gestapo officer. Plus, accounting for the faster German withdrawal from Southern France, he’d be available for such a task.
[249] Because Papen obviously couldn’t care less about Vlasov and his countrymen, much like all the previous allies and associates he’s left behind to rot. He would, I think, embrace a scheme like this, regardless of its actual merits at a time as late as 1944. Thus Vlasov gets his army a few weeks ahead of schedule, and with a far stronger German commitment to making it work. Whether that makes a meaningful difference or not… we’ll see later.
[250] This rumor pops up in some of Speer’s biographies (including Kitchen and Sereny’s). I have no idea how it came to be and why would Speer even buy into it (Brauchitsch? really?), but the fact that he did eloquently showcases that Speer can be just as naïve and vain as the rest of his colleagues. He’s in for a rude awakening.
[251] Of course, the EAC had already agreed on the basic principles of the Instrument of Surrender, including the principle of three occupation zones of Germany for Britain, the US, and the Soviets. I’m not exactly sure how the Allies would respond to a German peace overture, so this is an attempt at an educated guess. Research does show they were insistent in the idea that the German military also had to sign an unconditional surrender, to avoid a repeat of Ludendorff and Hindenburg dodging their political responsibility after WW1.
[252] Lest we forget, these are still hardcore Nazis. More pragmatic, and often seeing themselves as technocrats rather than party men, but still firmly behind Hitler and his project, and not as squeamish about its consequences as they would later portray themselves as. We might see unconditional surrender as the only way out, but I don’t think it was likely they would accept this outcome even with Hitler out of the picture.
[253] Of course, we may think the idea of having a post-war career is absurd, but Speer thought all the way to Nuremberg that he’d be called upon by the Allies to help rebuild Germany under the image of the apolitical technocrat.
[254] Thus far, this means a significant number of OTL Holocaust victims is now surviving longer than they did. But halting the gas chambers – which, sadly, had done most of their work by July 1944 - and replacing them for slave labor still means some very grim times for the victims. I considered not going into detail, but the more time passes and the more I reflect on it, the less proper it seems to shy away from the subject.
[255] Horrible as all of this is, there are glimmers of hope. The Lodz Ghetto survivors thus avoid the gas chambers at the last possible moment. What will become of them – and of the highly controversial Rumkowski - will be handled later.
[256] Another fortunate butterfly. Since moving the prisoners into the Reich for forced labor is now the official goal to be met and not something Schindler has to persuade Goeth and the SS on, this means Schindler does not have to bankrupt himself to buy the lives of his workers. Thus, with more resources available from the start, he can pay for more workers to be sent to his new Bohemian factory. If the Schindlerjuden can stay alive – can’t tell whether this will be the case – there would be many more of them in this world.
[257] Much of this comes from Panzer Leader. Probably not fully reliable since Guderian writes with the benefit of hindsight, for the sake of argument, I’ve chosen to believe most of his suggestions were intended but not implemented due to internal opposition from Hitler or Keitel.
[258] To put it another way, Speer may be starting to realize his alliance of convenience with Guderian benefits the Field Marshal far more than it benefits him.
[259] The initial launch of the V-2 is therefore more successful, if only out of blind luck.
Good work by Schindler. Also while revolutionary the German's might be better canning the V-2 and focusing everything on the V-1 and Me262. Granted the doodlebug isn't effective but its cheap, and a real pain in the neck that would at least force the allies to keep the London defences strong and draft in fighters better used over France and Germany proper. Meanwhile the 262 is a death sentence for B-17's and Lancaster's if they can just get enough into service. With regards tanks, sod the "new designs" just get the panther line ramped up and build them as fast as possible. Sure its not perfect but its slightly cheaper than Tiger (and lacks the latters glass jaw) and won't require more precious time to get into service as King Tiger does. Learn from the allies, the Sherman and T-34 aren't that good but when you can put 10,000 in service vs 500 the outcome isn't in doubt.
Finally I assume the "early '46" estimate is based on Germany's remaining industry not being incinerated once bomber command and the 8th ramp the bomber offensive back up fully?
Oh well they'll learn, hopefully soon enough to end the war much earlier this time...
Finally I assume the "early '46" estimate is based on Germany's remaining industry not being incinerated once bomber command and the 8th ramp the bomber offensive back up fully?
Oh well they'll learn, hopefully soon enough to end the war much earlier this time...
I think said group would actually have official status since it's basically just a more powerful version of the Zentrale Planung (Central Planning). Formed in April 1942, the Zentrale Planung served as the central planning authority for the German armaments economy and was responsible for ensuring the supply of raw materials. It met regularly until the end of the war in OTL.
Tooze describes it as the most significant organisational innovation following Speer's appointment as armaments minister (and as essentially jointly run by Speer and Milch). It consisted of Speer, Milch, Paul Körner and, I think, eventually Funk. The meetings were frequently attended by Hans Kehrl, Herbert Backe, Pleiger and Sauckel. It nominally met with Göring's blessing since at the time he was theoretically in charge of the economy.
I figure Backe would attend these committee meetings, too. He was a very important figure in Nazi food policy, and seems to have gotten on with most Nazi principals.
I think Speer would be quite active here. There's also Werner Naumann, who was Goebbels' number two in the ministry at this stage. As Tooze and Magnus Brechtken (deputy director of the Institute for Contemporary History in Germany, recently wrote a new Speer bio) write, Speer was the one who put armaments production on the newsreels and introduced bombastic award ceremonies for model armaments workers. He didn't just produce weapons, he made them tell a story of 'German genius' and 'limitless output brought about by a triumph of the will and engineering'. Brechtken actually goes into detail about how systematic his propaganda efforts were, as he tried to style himself as a natural successor to Hitler and a representative of the German youth.
Still not quite a replacement for Goebbels (or Hitler back when he still gave speeches and hadn't turned into a physical wreck or Göring before he'd lost his prestige and withdrawn into hedony), since Speer is not exactly charismatic (often came across as aloof and haughty per Kitchen). More the guy with an eye for using imagery, media and other people to sell a narrative than someone who'd excel at giving speeches at rallies. But then even someone who was great at that would find it very difficult to foster much faith in victory at this stage, to put it mildly. Even the impressive looking statistics he loved to dazzle an audience with would lose their effect.
Came across a new Schellenberg biography some time ago. Katrin Paehler's book is a good read on the man and how Amt VI worked. Even has a special chapter about Amt VI operations (and manifold failures) in Italy.
Great update. I like how you don't shy away from the fact that for all their pragmatism, the men running Germany are still bloody Nazis who are knees deep in blood and doing evil shit...and entertaining similar delusions as the men they replaced. So it's very good that the suffering the regime continues to inflict on its victims is described rather than glossed over.
I didn't know about the Brauchitsch thing. That's hilarious!
In March 1945 Speer apparently suggested to Hitler to deploy every single German soldier to the Rhine and the Oder for 'one last stand', claiming that a 'dogged defence of the current front line' for a few weeks 'may yet demand respect from the enemy, and may yet be able to influence the end of the war in a positive direction'. A truly delusional scheme.
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The V1 was rather short-range and relied on launching sites in northern France to hit England, and those bases are either already gone in the TL or are very close to the frontlines. The doodlebug also could, by 1944, be shot down by anti-aircraft guns (albeit with difficulty), whereas the V2 cannot be intercepted.
The real question is whether it's worth putting resources into V2 at this late stage seeing as you'd need to rain a huge number of them down to give even the faintest pause to the Allies. They sure didn't manage that IOTL and in this TL I suspect they'll be an even lower priority for resources - hence they'll likely just wind up being an expensive distraction.
Then again, at this point sure doesn't seem like Nazi Germany has anything left other than expensive distractions. They're on the same trajectory as OTL's Nazi Germany, albeit they just might be likely to throw in the towel a little sooner with fewer lives pointlessly lost.